Response to interpellation 2022/23:161 on measures against Iran

Utrikesministern Tobias Billström (M)

Madam Speaker! Alexandra Völker has asked me on what circumstances and facts I based my position on the terror listing of the Revolutionary Guard in Iran. Furthermore, she asks if I intend to reassess my position on the issue in light of the position of the President of the European Commission, von der Leyen. Völker asks if the government will work to gather support to terror-list the Revolutionary Guard. Finally, she also asks what assurances I have given in my conversations with representatives for Iran.

As I have repeatedly stated here in the chamber and in other contexts, the government views the situation for human rights in Iran and the violent repression, including death sentences and executions, that has been carried out against the peaceful protests in the country with the utmost seriousness. Sweden has been proactive within the EU to increase the political pressure on Iran and provide international support for the Iranian population's legitimate demands for human rights.

Since the protests broke out in the autumn, the situation in Iran has been discussed at every occasion that the EU's foreign ministers convened in the Council for Foreign Affairs. At every meeting, the Council has also adopted tougher sanctions against Iran. The sanctions consist, among other things, of entry bans into the EU and freezing of assets in the EU. The EU has also, under a separate sanctions regime, introduced listings of Iranian actors on the grounds of Iran's sale of drones that have been used by Russia in Ukraine.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in Iran, IRGC, was already sanctioned in 2010 under the sanctions regime against Iran's proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Other key individuals and entities belonging to the IRGC are also sanctioned under relevant sanctions regimes for the IRGC's actions in the region, its role in human rights violations in Iran, and the material support to Russia.

When it comes to countering the violence against the protests in Iran, the EU has so far judged it to be most expedient to use the sanctions framework that is specifically aimed at serious human rights violations in Iran and direct the sanctions towards individuals and entities that have been directly responsible. Many commanders and units within the IRGC have therefore been listed under the human rights regime, most recently at yesterday's meeting of the foreign ministers where a fifth sanctions package was adopted.

Listings under EU's terrorism sanctions aim to prevent terrorism and the financing of terrorism. They are legally complex and require that specific criteria are met. As previously stated, IRGC cannot be listed under terrorism sanctions solely for the human rights violations ongoing in Iran.

For this purpose, we have the specific sanctions regime for MR violations. In order for a listing under the EU's terrorism sanctions to be possible, it is required, among other things, that the individual or entity has been involved in a terrorist act and that this has been confirmed by a judicial or equivalent national competent authority, such as a court or prosecutor. The political and legal prerequisites for further measures against IRGC, including under the sanctions regime against terrorism, and which measures would be most effective are currently being discussed within the EU.

The government's direction has been at all times that Sweden, in particular during our presidency, shall work for a common EU, strong and strategic Iran policy. We shall contribute to the greatest possible pressure against Iran and the IRGC, through the tools that are legally applicable and which have the greatest potential to influence Iran's actions. This can involve further tightened sanction listings, including against the IRGC.

I noted the comment from Commission President Ursula von der Leyen that Alexandra Völker refers to. As I have recounted, this issue and other possible measures are discussed between the EU's member states and the EU's external service within the Council for Foreign Affairs, where Sweden continues to work for a coherent and powerful EU-common Iran policy.

Finally, regarding the question of my conversations with Iranian representatives, I have, in my conversations with my Iranian counterpart, naturally not given any assurances, neither regarding the EU's upcoming actions, such as sanctions listings, or anything else. I have clearly conveyed how seriously Sweden and other EU countries view the developments and Iran's actions, which have prompted the measures taken so far, and that we continue to follow the developments closely and are considering further measures.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Alexandra Völker (S)

Madam Speaker! When the Minister for Foreign Affairs yesterday had a meeting with the other EU foreign ministers to discuss the common foreign policy, the streets in Brussels were filled with demonstrators showing their support for the fight for freedom, for life and for democracy, demonstrators who demanded that the EU act more forcefully and demonstrators who demanded that the EU should blacklist the Revolutionary Guard.

In Iran, women have over the last months bravely protested against the oppressive regime. Despite the violence and the terrible brutality they have been met with, they continue with their protests and making their voices heard. In pictures from Iran, we see today a changed cityscape. We see pictures of how women bravely walk on the streets without the mandatory veil.

The Iranian regime has lost all form of legitimacy. The only thing that actually remains today is an apparatus of violence and a regime that places all its legitimacy in its capital of violence. It is a capital of violence that extends far beyond the country's own borders. That Iran supports Russia with drones in the war against Ukraine shows that the Iranian regime is not only a threat to its own citizens but also to our immediate neighborhood.

How we and other countries act is crucial, and as the presiding country in the EU, Sweden's position is even more important. As the presiding country, we must show courage and work to unite the EU's member states to blacklist the Revolutionary Guard. We must meet the struggle from Iran's brave women. But instead of pushing forward as the presiding country, the government rather seems to see itself as some kind of class coordinator with the task of holding the class together. And instead of driving a clear political agenda to support the Iranian people's will for freedom, the government considers itself to have a coordinating role where it tries to find the lowest common denominator, checks where the others stand, and adapts accordingly.

During our previous interpellation debate, the Minister for Foreign Affairs stated that a terror listing of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard would not have any practical significance since they are already on the sanctions list. This is a rather remarkable statement that raises many questions. I mean that terror listing has great significance. One such is that it opens up for other legal measures, legal possibilities such as applying Swedish counter-terrorism legislation to persons who have associations with or in various ways support the Revolutionary Guard. It is a harsher scale of penalties. It is broader, and it makes the concept of association with a terrorist organization according to the Terrorist Crime Act much broader than the type of support that is prohibited according to the Sanctions Crime Act.

It is clear that terror listing is significant. In today's debate, we instead hear legal objections as to why it is not relevant – that it cannot simply be done due to human rights violations against the own population.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard is a violent Islamist organization under the Iranian regime. In their indoctrination material, they use the same verses to justify jihad as al-Qaeda and ISIS do. They act, and they justify jihadism. And they act far beyond Iran's borders to achieve their goals.

The USA's previous administration took the decision to blacklist the Revolutionary Guard. The current one has maintained it. When will Sweden's government act to do the same?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! The Riksdag is following the Foreign Minister's work with Iran very closely. We have seen this in the previous interpellation debates that have been held on the issue. There has been a great interest in debating Iran. And I am very pleased that the Social Democrats are presenting a strong female cavalry here in the debate today. There have, in fact, been a bit too many men in this debate. And the hallmark for this is actually the slogan woman, life, freedom.

Yesterday, the Foreign Minister was in Brussels at the Foreign Affairs Council, which is the meeting of the foreign ministers. At the same time, large demonstrations were taking place outside the building to have the revolutionary guard listed as terrorists.

I think there is a very large discrepancy between the public opinion for listing the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization and the politicians' agenda, when Iran was not even on the agenda for the FAC meeting as a point of discussion with conclusions. It was something that we from the opposition side in the Foreign Affairs Committee criticized last week.

It is welcome that the Minister for Foreign Affairs has pushed for new sanctions against, among others, the IRGC. We see that the Minister for Foreign Affairs is heading in the right direction, so to speak, in many of these issues. But more is required.

One thing that has happened anyway, and which was very good, was the European Parliament's decision on January 19 when they voted by a large majority to designate the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization. It shows that there is broad European support that the parliaments hear. Now it just needs to reach the governments in Europe as well.

Last week we had a foreign policy debate here in the Riksdag. The Sweden Democrats and the Liberals then suggested that they had a new position, that they signaled that they saw a shift in that they actually wanted to brand the revolutionary guard as terrorists. They still had some objections but nevertheless saw this as a possibility. That means, in that case, that we have a majority in this Riksdag to brand the revolutionary guard as terrorists.

For this reason, I am presenting a committee initiative today to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, where we propose that it should simply be announced to the government that the revolutionary guard should be declared a terrorist organization. This would mean an even clearer directive to the Swedish government from a majority in the Swedish Riksdag if such a committee initiative is passed. The committee's consideration begins on Thursday, and it will be exciting weeks as we see how the parties respond to this type of proposal that is now to be processed.

The Foreign Minister is hiding a little bit behind the fact that the IRGC, the revolutionary guard, is not supposed to be a terrorist organization. I would then like to remind that it is this organization that was responsible for a civilian aircraft with 176 people – a number of whom were Swedish citizens – being shot down. Despite the fact that we from the outside world put great pressure on the regime, they have not taken full and complete responsibility for what has happened. They have not given the crime victims and the relatives the support that they should have given. It is terrorism.

But this is far from the only time that the Revolutionary Guard is involved in terrorism. We know that they are a factor in the entire Middle East region that contributes to armed violence and oppression against people in many countries. We know that they support armed groups in Lebanon, Yemen, and Iraq. And that contributes to the Revolutionary Guard being a destabilizer for a more peaceful world. It is terrorism that they are engaged in. But it is within a state's enclosure, so to speak, that this terrorism takes place.

I hope that the legal process within the EU will be completed. It is welcome if it can be accelerated from the Swedish government's side, so that we can actually reach the point where we label the revolution guard as terrorists.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Linnéa Wickman (S)

Madam Speaker! Karwan Shahi Parvaneh is 23 years old. He is one of the tens of thousands of Iranians who are now imprisoned under appalling conditions solely because he has exercised his human rights and protested against the Iranian regime's harsh and unjust oppression of its own freedom-loving population. Karwan is one of the political prisoners who is also threatened with being sentenced to death, as the fundamentalist Iranian regime both sentences and has begun to execute political prisoners in order to intimidate and subdue the movement for freedom and democracy into submission.

It was not long before the Moderate-led government, with the support of the Sweden Democrats, took office that the protests following the murder of Mahsa Jina Amini broke out. But they also coincide, as my party colleague Alexandra Völker has described and raised important questions about, with the fact that Sweden as a country has a special role and a special responsibility as the chair of the EU during this first half of 2023.

Both here in the chamber of the Riksdag and in the EU Committee, we are several members, not least from the Social Democrats, who time and again highlight the issue that Sweden should push in the EU for a terror listing of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard, IRGC. The government, with the Foreign Minister at the helm, has admittedly expressed support for the peaceful protests' demands for human rights in Iran. But it is, after all, a hygiene factor for a Swedish Foreign Minister to do so.

The question that we, however, do not seem to agree on is how central the listing of the Revolutionary Guard is to support the Iranian people's women-led freedom struggle.

Time and again, the significance of a terror classification is downplayed by the Foreign Minister. During the months that the brave protests have been ongoing and met with unprovoked violence, it has not, despite countless questions in interpellation debates, in written questions, or in the EU Committee, been possible to obtain a statement on what the Swedish government's opinion is, regardless of what is possible to achieve jointly in the EU, and whether the government considers the Revolutionary Guard to be a terrorist organization that should be listed as such. Nor in the response to Alexandra Völker's questions does any statement regarding this appear.

I also note that the Foreign Minister, in his response, refers to the fact that listings under the EU's terrorism sanctions to prevent terrorism and the financing of terrorism are legally complicated. But finding examples of how the Revolutionary Guard threatens and commits acts of terrorism both inside and outside Iran is not difficult, for example, when we see how the IRGC threatens to carry out attacks in and outside Iran against journalists, protesters, and others who oppose the Islamist Iranian regime.

In January, an overwhelming majority in the EU Parliament stood behind that the EU's member states should pursue the issue of a terror listing. As Alexandra Völker described, this has also been expressed by the President of the European Commission. This is thus occurring at the same time as Sweden is the chair in the EU and therefore has an unusually large responsibility, power, and opportunity to pursue this issue to its conclusion.

After again taking part of the Foreign Minister's answer regarding the revolution guard, I must ask the question: Are the legal possibilities missing, or is the political will missing? Unfortunately, the answer seems to be the latter.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Azadeh Rojhan (S)

Madam Speaker! In the Minister for Foreign Affairs' response to Alexandra Völker, something is asserted that the Minister has also expressed on a number of other occasions, namely that it is legally complex to list the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization. But it is enough to look at existing, available EU documents to realize that there are actually no structural obstacles to classifying the Revolutionary Guard as terrorist activity.

The EU's legal basis for listing something as a terrorist group is the document Common Position 931, or CP 931, which was adopted in 2001 as a means to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1373. According to Resolution 1373, states are urged to criminalize terrorist financing and without delay freeze funds or other assets for those who commit or facilitate acts of terrorism, as well as to prevent those involved in such activities from using a state's territory to finance, plan, facilitate, or commit acts of terrorism against other states or their citizens.

In document CP 931, it is further established that a terror designation can be based on a condemnation of such acts even without a conviction. A decision on terror listing can therefore, according to CP 931, be made based solely on serious and credible evidence or leads.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs has mentioned on several occasions that the Revolutionary Guard cannot be listed under terrorism sanctions solely for the human rights violations occurring in Iran, but according to document CP 931, it is possible to make a terrorist listing based on information and grounds from a third party. It does not have to come from EU member states either, as it specifically states in the document that groups of persons and entities can be added to the list based on proposals submitted by the member states on the basis of a decision by a competent authority in a member state or a third country.

The Foreign Minister has therefore said that this does not apply to the Revolutionary Guard. If we therefore focus on which activities the Revolutionary Guard has engaged in outside Iran, we can once again go back to document CP 931. There, terrorist acts are defined with the following examples: attacks on a person's life that can cause death, kidnapping or hostage-taking, manufacture, possession, acquisition, transport, support or use of weapons or explosives, and participation in terrorist groups' activities. A terrorist act can even be something that aims to seriously destabilize or destroy the basic political, constitutional, economic or social structures in a country or an international organization.

Here, Säpo's documents become very interesting. Säpo writes as follows: "Russia, as well as China and Iran, are acting increasingly offensively to promote their interests, create spheres of influence and force other states and actors to act in accordance with their will, which in Russia's case became clear even before the invasion of Ukraine."

In addition to this, Iran has instigated at least 33 hostile acts in Europe and in the USA over the last five years - several of which we have heard about here before. These events have led to the USA labeling the Revolutionary Guard as terrorists and to the UK having a very active discussion and process underway for the same reason.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs often himself emphasizes how important cooperation with the USA is in foreign and security policy matters. I truly agree, and therefore we should strive to go the same way. It is also for that reason I would like to ask Minister for Foreign Affairs Tobias Billström if he can account for what else is required to assess whether the Revolutionary Guard is a terrorist organization that poses a threat to Sweden and the EU.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Fredrik Malm (L)

Madam Speaker! The Iranian population has now suffered under this tyrannical system for over 40 years, and we see how the protests are growing and growing. Now they have gained momentum again; throughout the autumn, people were out in practically all cities in the country after Jina Mahsa Amini's death.

There is something very clear in this, Madam Speaker: The Iranian regime has already fallen. It has fallen as an ideological Islamist project. There is no legitimacy for the Iranian regime and this system, and there is no contract between the regime and its citizens.

In this situation, offering the Iranian population a new so-called reformist president in the form of a new Khatami or a new Rohani is something that no one wants. There is no legitimacy to maintain this system at all. People are tired of seeing their fellow citizens being hanged in gallows. People are tired of seeing trade union activists having their tongues cut off. They are tired of seeing people receive electric shocks under their feet or be beaten and put back together in different ways in Evin Prison in Tehran or elsewhere.

Just as one of the previous speakers mentioned – I believe it was Alexandra Völker – it is the repressive organs that maintain the regime, Madam Speaker. It is the security apparatus alone that maintains the Iranian regime today – only that. And what are these organs then? Yes, it is Sepah-e Pasdaran and Sepah-e Quds, which are thus the IRGC, the Revolutionary Guard. Then you have the regular army, Artesh, which is something else. But it is Sepah-e Pasdaran and the Basij militia, which is also part of this complex, as well as an additional number of militia groups.

What should now be the world's policy towards the Iranian regime - and it is what I want to convey to the Minister for Foreign Affairs - is the work to reduce these violent groups' capacity. It is about primarily protecting the Iranian population but also about protecting people in other countries who are also subjected to these violences, not least in Syria but also in Iraq, Yemen and so on. To designate the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization is one part of this.

It is by no means the case that it would mean the situation on the streets and squares in Iranian cities would improve immediately, but it provides better tools to go after the money. One is easily misled into thinking that this is just an armed group, but the Iranian Revolutionary Guard has taken an ever larger place within the Iranian economy in a much broader sense, especially over the last 10-15 years. They have large business complexes and so on. It means that one can, in a completely different way, hinder the Iranian regime's import of such products, which it then uses to, for example, persecute the population.

When one sees the concrete actions that Sweden and the EU countries have taken, one sees that steps forward have been taken, and that is very positive. It is also positive that there is a broad consensus in the Riksdag regarding a tougher Iran policy; it is very important that it exists. But it is also important that Sweden, within the framework of the Swedish presidency, uses the role of chair to increasingly push to achieve a tougher Iran policy. It is also about seeing the essential differences between, on one hand, a terror listing and, on the other hand, the other sanction regimes that exist, which are significantly weaker and which are used today.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lawen Redar (S)

Madam Speaker! It is not with a great hope for action from the Minister for Foreign Affairs that I participate in this interpellation debate today. In the interpellation debates and question periods conducted so far, as well as in the answers to the written questions submitted to the Minister for Foreign Affairs from us members, we have been met with a remarkable restraint.

I also think that one could react after a ten-page foreign policy declaration where Iran was mentioned in three sentences, but where it was at least stated that from the EU's side we shall exert strong political pressure so that the violent repression shall cease. Now, the Foreign Minister is therefore saying that Sweden actively contributes with the strong political pressure so that the violent repression in Iran shall cease, Madam Speaker. I do not entirely share that view.

In previous debates, we members have questioned the Minister for Foreign Affairs regarding which measures Sweden is undertaking on its own initiative. We have asked whether the Iranian ambassador has been summoned to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs as more and more people are sentenced to execution and more and more executions are carried out by the Iranian regime and its legal infrastructure. We have asked whether Sweden, together with other EU countries, can work to designate the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization, which would have a tangible – if not completely decisive – impact on the Iranian regime at the current time.

None of this has been done. In the previous debate, it also turned out that the Foreign Minister's telephone call with the Iranian ambassador took place at the Iranian ambassador's initiative. My initial question is whether that was the case.

Madam Speaker! We are members from all parties in the Swedish Riksdag who are currently engaging for the new, freedom-seeking generation in Iran, who want to stop the Iranian regime's terrorist activities in countless other countries and who want to weaken Russia's capability in the war against Ukraine. The Iranian regime is a key player and supplier of mass-murdering drones in the devastation we are currently witnessing in Ukraine.

Some of us have additionally committed ourselves to stopping sentenced death penalties for young people in Iran. We are in talks with Amnesty. We are developing inter-parliamentary networks. We follow individual people's legal cases and send letters of protest to the Iranian embassy in the respective country.

A few months ago, I received a response to my plea to stop the sentenced death penalty for an individual named Saman Yasin. He is a Kurdish rapper and well-known artist who has shown support for the popular protests in Iran. Iran's ambassador responded to my protest letter and wrote to me, as a Swedish Member of Parliament, that I am ignorant and ignorant, that I have a Eurocentric perspective on the world, that I have nothing to do with the domestic legal order prevailing in Iran, and that I should familiarize myself with international law.

Madam Speaker! It does not need to be said in this chamber that the principles of international law and the conventions on human rights were established precisely to limit what a state and a regime may do within its territory against its population. The conventions provide political and legal tools to act in the face of abuses, and in accordance with these, we members of the Swedish Riksdag act against a regime that uses violence and the death penalty to silence an entire generation's pursuit of freedom.

My question to the Minister for Foreign Affairs is how he views the Iranian ambassador's response to us members who have sent these letters of protest, and whether Sweden will now take the initiative for a different Iran policy and expand the possibilities to designate the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Stefan Olsson (M)

Madam Speaker! I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs for having accounted for the status of the process to potentially designate the Revolutionary Guard in Iran as a terrorist organization.

I am a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, together with, among others, the interpellor Völker. We receive a great deal of information from the government on how this process is progressing. Surely not a single meeting has been held in the committee without these issues being discussed. I am also a substitute in the EU Committee, and I do not believe that a meeting has passed there either without the committee having discussed these issues when foreign affairs have been discussed.

The information from the government on how this process is proceeding is therefore good, but why is it delayed? We naturally want a unified EU line - I have understood that this is also the Social Democrats' wish, as it has been expressed in the Committee on Foreign Affairs and in the EU Committee. When a country is chair of the EU, this country cannot be the most activist but must, as a chair often does, listen and gather the common position. This is not at all unusual.

What primarily concerns the whole matter is legal certainty. I think Member Rojhan described the legal situation very well. The basis for terrorist listing is, as said, the common position - 931 I believe is the correct number. However, it does not speak of violations of human rights in general or about generally bad behavior by a state. For example, the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine is not covered by this legal space. One might want to terror-label Russia, but it is not possible due to this legal space - at least not in this legal space.

Why is legal certainty then important even when one is going to terror-brand and when one feels that one should squeeze the revolutionary guard in Iran so that it shakes? Yes, because legal certainty always protects individual individuals.

As Member Malm explained in his speech, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard is not only a guard but also an economic enterprise. This in itself is a reason to brand the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization. However, there may be individuals who, without us really knowing why, have some form of connection to the guard and who could be caught in the crossfire if this is not done in a legally secure manner.

The legislation states that there must be a competent authority that initiates, for example, a preliminary investigation against the Iranian Revolutionary Guard. Unfortunately, the Foreign Minister cannot initiate preliminary investigations. The Government may not decide that the Swedish Prosecution Authority, or in any other country, shall initiate a preliminary investigation against the Iranian Revolutionary Guard even if one would like to do so. One is prevented from doing this.

Therefore, Madam Speaker, I believe we should let this process within the EU take its course. An answer to this question will come in good time.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Utrikesministern Tobias Billström (M)

Madam Speaker! I thank the members for the contributions so far in the debate.

As I have reported, there are ongoing discussions in Brussels regarding further measures against Iran, including possible additional sanctions listings. I think it is important that we here in the debate in the chamber ensure that the sanctions regimes which are judged to be legally most applicable and politically most effective are considered.

The EU's sanctions regime is, as several of the speakers have pointed out, specifically designed to counter serious violations of human rights in Iran. It has so far been used to impose sanctions – including sanctions against parts of the IRGC – as a reaction to the brutal repression of the protests in the country. These extensive sanction packages have constituted powerful political statements. They have been directly targeted at those responsible in Iran, including commanders and units within the IRGC. In addition, the IRGC in its entirety has already been previously sanctioned under the regime against Iran regarding the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

Listings under EU's terrorism sanctions, which have been raised in today's debate, aim to prevent terrorism and the financing of terrorism. For an individual or organization to be listed in EU's terrorism legislation, it requires, among other things, just as Stefan Olsson just explained, a national decision from a competent authority, for example a court, establishing that the individual or entity has been involved in a terrorist act.

Regarding Swedish criminal terrorist legislation, it can be stated that there are penal provisions in, for example, the Terrorist Crime Act that prohibit various acts linked to terrorist organizations. That an association appears on the EU's or the UN's list of organizations subject to international sanctions is a circumstance that strongly suggests that it is a terrorist organization in the sense of the law, but it is neither necessary nor sufficient under all circumstances for that to be the case.

If the IRGC as an organization were also listed under the EU's terrorism sanctions, it would not automatically mean that individual members would be affected by the freezing of assets that these sanctions entail; they would need to be listed separately. The Revolutionary Guard in Iran is, as Stefan Olsson has just explained, not a clearly defined organization but permeates large parts of the government and society in Iran and is estimated to include hundreds of thousands of members.

Furthermore, as I have previously explained, Madam Speaker, it is central that the EU acts with full unity in all these measures towards Iran.

Here Sweden has an important task during the presidency, for it is only when the EU speaks with one voice and all 27 member states stand behind it that we are powerful and have the opportunity to make our opinions prevail.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Alexandra Völker (S)

Madam Speaker! Just as in previous debates, the commitment to Iran is great in this chamber. It is truly clear.

We always have high expectations for the government to push forward in the EU's common foreign policy. But now it is so much greater, because it is Sweden and no other that holds the presidency. The Foreign Minister may not lead the meetings of the foreign ministers, but we have a unique role. As the presiding country, we have a unique influence and an entirely special role - and with it also an entirely special responsibility. Our frustration here today is about precisely this, because it is Sweden and no other country that has this mandate.

I agree with Member Olsson that we want unity and a united support. The difference is that the Social Democrats want the government to work actively to achieve this support. The Social Democrats do not just want unity but want to act to create unity.

I also agree with the member that we receive a considerable amount of information in the committee - primarily at our and other opposition's initiative. It is also why we have concluded that the government is not actively working to try to gather support. There is truly a difference between wanting to have and working for.

We still expect the government to act more forcefully going forward and to take advantage of Sweden's role as chair country. To argue that this means one cannot act feels incredibly alien within politics.

Let me also follow up on my colleague Lawen Redar's question. During the autumn, we were told that it was not considered necessary to summon Iran's ambassador because the Foreign Minister had condemned the actions directly to Iran's Foreign Minister. We have received confirmation from the Cabinet Secretary that this call took place at Iran's initiative because Iran's Foreign Minister reached out to offer congratulations on the appointment.

It was good that the Foreign Minister took the opportunity to condemn the regime's actions. But expressing one's position when one is being called can hardly be sufficient reason not to act further.

Therefore, the question arises once again: Where are the initiatives?

The situation is serious and the issues are urgent. Sweden has the lead, and we want Sweden to seize the opportunity, take its responsibility and act, and not hide behind the presidency but rather step forward.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! I actually think that we parties have moved closer to each other today. I hear a tendency that we are making a similar analysis and that we therefore might be able to find a way forward.

I held back a smile when the Moderates Stefan Olsson and Foreign Minister Billström highlighted legal certainty, because I myself have many times spoken about legal certainty in sanction listings, about the importance of being able to be exonerated and more. I think you make an important point in that it needs to be legally certain when introducing listings. We should not paint with broad brushstrokes and point people out wildly, but there must be a legal certainty in this.

It is good that we have listed commanders and entities, that is to say organs, in Iran through the listings in the fifth packages. But as we hear in the debate, it is clear that more extensive sanctions were needed. We still do not reach the economic interests, as the Liberal Fredrik Malm is pointing out, i.e., the basis for the financing of the repressive organization that the regime constitutes. We do not reach that many children and grandchildren are living luxurious lives in the EU through the money the IRGC brings in.

The government needs to unite the EU, complete the legal analysis, and put Iran back on the agenda, not just as a sanctions package and information point but as a point of discussion with conclusions, because the EU needs to come to the conclusion of branding Iran as a terrorist state.

Now we move on. Today I am submitting a committee initiative in the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and we will continue the discussion. If the government does not move forward in Brussels, I believe that the pressure from the Swedish Riksdag will increase even further.

I thank Alexandra Völker for the interpellation and the other members and the Minister for Foreign Affairs for participating in the debate and conclude by saying: Zan, zendegi, azadi! Jin, jiyan, azadi!

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Linnéa Wickman (S)

Madam Speaker! I regret that we have still not received any statement from the Minister for Foreign Affairs regarding what the government's opinion is on whether the Revolutionary Guard is a terrorist organization that should be classified as such.

As late as in last week's foreign policy debate, both the Liberals and the Sweden Democrats expressed support for a terror listing of the IRGC, and it is an important message whether it is their words or the Moderates' words that prevail in this matter, since the government base here is neither speaking nor acting with a common voice.

Given the critical situation in Iran, where the popular protests have been ongoing since September and the violence is becoming increasingly severe, the persistence of the international community's support is crucial so that the pressure on the fundamentalist regime is not only maintained but strengthened. This means that different forms of economic sanctions are not enough but must be complemented.

That Sweden shows leadership and drives the issue of a terror listing to a decision is important because the EU's member states could then take legal actions through their terror legislation and punish all persons who associate with, finance, or recruit for the Revolutionary Guard.

Hiding behind the fact that it is legally complicated is not sufficient. Everyone must at some point choose between what is easy to do and what is right to do. Here, the Foreign Minister and the government have a choice to make: to support the Iranian people's longing for freedom.

Take the responsibility and leadership that the EU Presidency provides! Take a stand for woman, life, freedom!

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Azadeh Rojhan (S)

Madam Speaker! We have several times heard from the rostrum that the Revolutionary Guard's activities and violations of human rights in Iran and against Iranians are not sufficient grounds for terrorist listing. Let me emphasize that that is not what we mean either. We mean that it is possible to list the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization because of its activities outside Iran.

As I mentioned in my first speech, Iran has instigated at least 33 hostile acts in Europe and the USA over the last five years. In the recent term, the attack against a synagogue in Germany, the downing of the Ukrainian aircraft, where Swedish citizens were also on board, the threat against the independent Iranian media house Iran International in London, where several journalists have been death-threatened, and the attempted kidnapping and instigation of murder against the New York-based journalist and women's rights activist Masih Alinejad are mentioned. These are just a few examples of how the Revolutionary Guard has acted abroad.

Let us also not forget Iran's involvement in the war against Ukraine. Iran has today an active role in that war, and we must decide for how much longer we shall allow it to continue.

Once again, I want to address Foreign Minister Tobias Billström and ask: What more is needed? What more is required to understand that the revolutionary guard is a threat even to us, to our freedoms and to our democracy, and that it is not only the rights of the Iranian people that we need to protect but actually also our own?

(Applause)

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Fredrik Malm (L)

Madam Speaker! I would like to thank the member who has written this very important interpellation and also the Minister for Foreign Affairs for the answers and the reasoning.

It is very important that we move forward now, and it is fundamentally not about the Swedish Riksdag. It is, of course, about what can be done at the EU level. But Sweden plays an important role as the current presiding country and is an important country in many other processes in various international associations, through our diplomacy and in many other ways.

I think, Madam Speaker, however, that it is important to emphasize that what we are talking about here is a structure or actually a quite important and central part of the backbone of the entire repressive system in Iran. It is not quite the same thing as listing a single individual on a list and imposing, for example, entry restrictions to the European Union or whatever it may be. It is not just about individuals who in some way would go outside the regulations and commit abuses or acts of violence or other crimes, but it is about an entire structure, an entire organization, which is created to exercise violence against dissenters and other very serious crimes against human rights.

Iran has, so to speak, a regular army or military. Sepah-e Pasdaran is something else. It is an ideological, Islamist organization that was created to protect the revolution in 1979. Even though it has taken on a broader role in Iranian society - or taken a broader dominance, one could say - it still means that there is a clear decision-making structure and very close links to other terrorist groups, not least Hezbollah in Lebanon.

I hope that progress can be made in this matter.

(Applause)

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Lawen Redar (S)

Madam Speaker! Member Stefan Olsson expressed in his contribution that Sweden should not act activist in its role as chair country. I share that analysis.

Sweden holds the chairmanship in an exceptionally important time. This is the worst security policy situation we have experienced in decades. We are challenged security-politically, economically, infrastructurally, democratically and culturally.

To cooperate to counter and combat Russia's war capability is perhaps the most important role that has been entrusted to Sweden. It is what we bear a responsibility for now – to cooperate with all democratic countries within the EU to combat this war regime.

Measures against the Iranian regime cannot be excluded in that work. Russia's war capability is not based solely on the country's own capability. It is based on the authoritarian regimes that Russia cooperates with militarily and economically, and we know that Iran constitutes such a party.

My hope regarding the Foreign Minister's work and actions in cooperation with the other EU countries is that one should be proactive - not activist but proactive. Proactive in order to bring the EU countries together to analyze what measures can be taken to weaken both Iran and Russia. One is a clear military power. The other is a regime acting for terrorist purposes in many other countries. They act together to challenge and fight democracies. My hope is that Sweden takes measures in cooperation with other EU countries to address both.

(Applause)

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Stefan Olsson (M)

Madam Speaker! Thank you to Member Alexandra Völker for the interpellation and thank you to the Minister for Foreign Affairs for the answers!

In my final point, I just want to repeat what I said about the fact that a so-called competent authority is required for a terrorist listing to be able to take place.

I think Member Rojhan cited an example of a terrorist act that could lead to a terrorist listing, namely the attack on a synagogue in Germany. It is a reasonable case. It is just that the Swedish government cannot decide on a preliminary investigation in Germany in this case. The Swedish government is not the competent authority here, but it is a prosecutorial authority in Germany that must do this. If that does not happen, there is no legal case according to the legislation as it stands right now.

This is what is legally complicated. That is why it is not a simple process, and I am not at all surprised that it takes time for the EU to sort out what actually should apply so that we can eventually reach an agreement in the EU, even if how the law should look when we finally blacklist the revolutionary guard.

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Utrikesministern Tobias Billström (M)

Madam Speaker! I want to begin by once again expressing my appreciation for the commitment that exists in Sweden regarding the serious situation in Iran, which is evident here in the Riksdag as well as in the general debate.

Sweden continues to act on a broad front to maintain pressure on the Iranian regime and provide support to the Iranian people, support which also goes beyond our actions in the EU.

We continue to highlight the situation in direct contacts with Iran. I have personally spoken with Iran's Foreign Minister on two occasions. It was not the ambassador but the Foreign Minister I spoke with, regarding Lawen Redar's views. I then clearly expressed Sweden's and the EU's sharp criticism of Iran's actions and explained that we continue to review possible further measures.

In coordination with other EU states, we have also summoned Iran's ambassador to in this way signal when Iran has escalated the repression. We also do this through our embassy in Tehran, both in a national capacity and as a local coordinator of the EU's membership in the capacity of presidency country.

Sweden has also given strong support to the UN mechanism that has now been established, a so-called fact-finding mission, to investigate the violence against the protests. This will be an important tool to internationally support accountability. Sweden and other EU countries were proactive in the special session of the HR Council in November where the mechanism was decided. We will follow and support the mission's work and discuss its first report back to the UN's HR Council later this year.

Regarding this matter of terrorism sanctions, it is the case that a listing under the EU's terrorism sanctions needs to fulfill the rule of law criteria and be supported by a decision from a judicial or equivalent competent authority regarding a preliminary investigation, indictment, or judgment for terrorist acts or attempts thereof. Such a decision must fulfill basic requirements for the right to defense and an effective legal protection. The Council must also verify that the events underlying the listing did not occur too long ago. No such basis has yet been presented by any member state, but the discussions on the legal and political conditions for the terrorist listing of IRGC continue within the EU.

The government continues to work through all appropriate platforms to maintain pressure on Iran bilaterally, in the UN, and through the EU. In that context, I welcome continued discussion among others on how we can most strategically and effectively support the Iranian people and contribute to a real change in the situation in the country.

Thank you very much for a good debate here today!

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Alexandra Völker (S)

Madam Speaker! I want to begin by thanking everyone who has participated in this debate and all of you who every day work to support the struggle for freedom and democracy.

We want to make some clear points here today. We expect Sweden to push forward to get the legal analysis completed. It cannot just continue without a deadline. We want Sweden's government to stop hiding behind the presidency and take the leadership that it has been given. We want it to move from coordinating to actively gathering. We want it to gather the member states to follow up on the challenge that the European Parliament has given and the terror list of the Revolutionary Guard.

I want to conclude by looking forward. When the fight for freedom has hopefully been won after Iran's women have bravely risen up against decades of oppression, we must also have the respect to meet them as part of the solution. This cannot and must not be solved by men, as it so often is in international politics. Here, Sweden, together with other countries, must actively work to highlight women as part of the solution. That is what we have used to call feminist foreign policy. Sweden must do everything we can to meet the Iranian people's will for freedom. In that regard, the presidency is an incredibly important part.

Woman, life, freedom!

(Applause)

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Utrikesministern Tobias Billström (M)

Madam Speaker! I would like to thank all participants in the debate once again for an excellent discussion regarding an issue that concerns many people and where it is evident that the last word has not been spoken.

I do not perceive that there is currently a consensus within the EU to push the issue of listing the IRGC under the EU's terrorism sanctions. No country has either presented any concrete proposal or legal basis for such a listing.

Together with the EU Member States, we continue to analyze the discussion and discuss possible further sanctions. Unity is of central importance for the EU's credibility, regardless of whether Sweden or any other country holds the presidency. It also means that the possibility of influencing the situation is dependent on this unity. Therefore, it must be safeguarded. Sweden will continue to support a clear and united Iran policy also during our presidency. We rule nothing out when it comes to the question of further sanctions.

The interpellation debate was hereby concluded.

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