Response to interpellation 2024/25:562 on Sweden's trade relations with Israel

Statsrådet Benjamin Dousa (M)

Mr. Speaker! Lorena Delgado Varas has asked me if I intend to take measures to terminate or freeze Sweden's trade agreement with Israel until the country ceases its actions. Delgado Varas has further asked me how I view the result of the EU's association council with Israel and what measures I believe should be taken to sharpen the EU's stance towards Israel. Delgado Varas has also asked me in what way I believe Sweden's trade relations with Israel align with our foreign policy stance of promoting human rights and respect for international law, and whether I see any risk in Swedish companies acting and cooperating with a state that is under scrutiny for violations of international law.

In line with the EU, the government does not support a boycott of or sanctions against Israel as a state. We believe in dialogue and consider that a good bilateral relationship where we can both speak about deepened cooperation and express criticism in difficult issues is the way forward. The Association Agreement, including its trade components, with Israel constitutes a central platform for just this dialogue. The government wants this to be used, not to be paused. For the same reason, we believe that different forms of boycott of Israel or the introduction of trade sanctions would be the wrong way to go.

The rules for Sweden's trade with Israel are the same as those followed by other EU countries. The starting point is partly the WTO's basic rules and agreements, and partly the association agreement between the EU and Israel, where the EU has clarified that the agreements apply to the state of Israel within the 1967 borders. The Government attaches great importance to the differentiation between Israel and the occupied territories that the EU's association agreement with Israel establishes. Settlement products are not entitled to duty-free status or other customs benefits. According to EU legislation, it is required that goods from settlements must be origin-marked, so that it is clear to the consumer whether a product comes from Israel or from a settlement.

The demands for respect for international law, including international humanitarian law, have been and continue to be one of the government's key messages. We convey this in our own contacts with Israel and together with other EU countries and like-minded ones. We have a close dialogue, not least within the EU and with other like-minded countries, on how we can best and most effectively ensure respect for international humanitarian law. It was also part of the EU's message at the Association Council on February 24.

The EU's Association Council with Israel constituted an important opportunity for dialogue and messages regarding issues of principle that are important to us, such as Israel's international law responsibilities. In addition to the EU's common position before the meeting, the Foreign Minister underscored at the meeting the importance of the implementation of the ceasefire in Gaza, the importance of unimpeded access for humanitarian aid, and that all hostages, who are being held in appalling conditions by Hamas, must be released immediately and unconditionally. Sweden also highlighted the serious situation in the West Bank and expressed concern over the settler violence and the expansion of settlements, as well as the threat these pose to a negotiated two-state solution, which remains the only sustainable solution to the conflict.

Since the interpellator reported that she was prevented from attending the meeting, the first deputy speaker granted that Håkan Svenneling (V) instead was allowed to participate in the interpellation debate.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! The situation in Palestine is worse than ever. Death and destruction are total in Gaza. Previously, there was a small light in some weeks of ceasefire when the killing subsided, hunger decreased, and Palestinians and Israelis could be released and return home to worried relatives. But then Israel broke the ceasefire with Hamas. We are back in the cycle of violence with death, hunger, and total destruction. It is a cycle that we have seen time and again in the Middle East and that only leads to human suffering and diminished opportunities to build long-term peace. The violence and killing in the occupied West Bank have reached new heights. But here in Sweden, we have a government that is happy to talk about the serious humanitarian situation in Palestine but at the same time pursues a policy that goes in the direct opposite direction.

Last summer, the International Court of Justice, ICJ, issued a ruling demanding accountability from Israel but also from all other states in the world. The court's position led to a UN resolution in the General Assembly which, among other things, demanded that Israel's occupation of Palestine be ended within one year. Despite this, Sweden has continued cooperation and trade with Israel, and no noticeable measures have been taken to comply with the International Court's interim decision. Nor has any investigation into the consequences of the decision been conducted by the government.

A concrete Swedish example that likely violates the International Court of Justice's position is the government's plans to purchase Israeli military drones; it is currently being tested whether they suit the Swedish defense. At the same time, the EU has held meetings within the framework of the association agreement with Israel for the purpose of discussing human rights and respect for international law – the so-called Association Council. The result of the meeting showed that no concrete pressure was exerted on Israel for the country to change its policy or its actions. This brings to the fore the question of whether the trade agreements between the EU, Sweden, and Israel actually contribute to legitimizing and economically maintaining a state that is currently under scrutiny for violations of international law and long-established war crimes and human rights violations.

What we in Vänsterpartiet – yes, actually the entire opposition here in Sweden – demand is that the EU now suspends, that is, freezes, the association agreement with Israel so that WTO rules would apply to all trade with Israel. Today, the EU gives Israel an advantage while the country is allowed to carry out a genocide.

Sweden has for a long time emphasized the importance of respect for international law. Maintaining a trade agreement with a state suspected of genocide risks undermining this position. Many other countries have already taken measures to review their economic relations with Israel. From Sweden, we should follow their example to ensure that we do not, directly or indirectly, support crimes against humanity. Furthermore, this contradicts the International Court of Justice's decision.

Vänsterpartiet has therefore posed four questions to the Minister for Development Cooperation and Foreign Trade in today's interpellation debate.

Does the Government intend to take measures to terminate or freeze the trade agreement that the EU has with Israel?

How does the government view the association council meeting that the EU has had with Israel?

Does the Minister of State consider that some kind of measure should be taken for that?

What does the Minister think generally about the trade relations between Sweden and Israel?

These questions need the Swedish government to answer, and I hope that we get answers in today's debate.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! I would like to take the opportunity to thank both Lorena and Håkan for initiating this debate. I also thank Minister Dousa, who is here to answer and debate with us.

There are a couple of things that the government constantly returns to when we raise this issue. One is that the government does not believe in boycotts and sanctions, but rather wants a dialogue. The EU has on fifty occasions paused various agreements with other countries or stopped them entirely without anyone ever saying that it is about sanctions or boycotts.

It is not that we are asking for here today. It is not about a boycott or a sanction, but it is just about whether Israel shall continue to have the right to the duty-free trade with the EU. Israel may continue to trade as much as they want.

The Minister also raised the issue of goods from settlements, even though it was not part of the discussion. I will return to that.

It is clear in Article 2 of the Association Agreement that both parties shall uphold human rights. And what is it that we see then? What is that article actually worth when we see war crime after war crime committed in Gaza? When we say the words war crime or genocide, the government reflexively says that we must wait for the courts and see what they say about it. We do not want to call it a war crime, says the government.

But to systematically bomb hospitals, as Israel has done, is definitely a war crime. To kill aid workers is a war crime, and to kill journalists is a war crime. To forcibly displace a population is not only a war crime, but it can also constitute part of a genocide. To use starvation as a weapon or a method in a war is definitely a war crime.

Over the weekend, we also saw on Israeli TV how an Israeli minister proudly says that this is deliberate. We stand by the fact that we use starvation as a weapon, the minister says. And what happens then? How does the Swedish government react? Not at all. They would rather wait for the courts to comment on whether this is a war crime or not.

We can compare this with the war crimes that have been committed in occupied areas in Ukraine. It took less than a month after the full-scale invasion in February 2022 before the EU put its foot down and said: We will not trade with goods from the occupied areas in eastern Ukraine. It didn't even take a month! The occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, and eastern Jerusalem has been ongoing since 1967, and we continue to give Israel privileged trade.

Not even in the cases where the court has already ruled has the Swedish government acted; we saw that in the International Court of Justice's opinion from last summer. Sweden still allows trade with goods from settlements. How is that possible? Why can't one even put one's foot down regarding them? It is definitely an economic support of these settlements, completely in conflict with the International Court of Justice's opinion.

I believe that the judgment of history will be harsh. I wonder what this government will answer the day one of the international judges says: It was a genocide. Israel's government committed a genocide against the Palestinians. Will the government then pretend that they knew nothing? Or will you stand tall and defend yourselves? Perhaps the government will say: We were economically involved in this genocide, and we take responsibility for that.

I think we should see some action from the Swedish government. It is time to put our foot down. It is time to stop the duty-free trade. It is time to stop the economic support to both the war in Gaza and the settlements.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Benjamin Dousa (M)

Mr. Speaker! Member of Parliament Svenneling does not need to convince me of the horrific things that are currently happening both in Gaza and on the West Bank. I have seen it with my own eyes. I have personally conveyed Sweden's very clear criticism to Israel's ambassador to Sweden and to Israel's deputy foreign minister, whom I met when I was visiting Palestine and Israel.

Sweden has been very clear from the very beginning that Israel has a very extensive responsibility to follow international humanitarian law, either by arranging aid shipments into Gaza themselves or by allowing others, such as Sweden, who want to be involved and help, to be let in.

Just this past week we have received absolutely appalling news, not least from the World Food Programme, that food stocks appear to be completely exhausted in Gaza. This is something we are pushing for tirelessly. But it is not Sweden that stands at the border, it is Israel that must take its international law responsibility and help, either by helping itself or by letting aid in.

Sweden is also carrying out very extensive work within the framework of the EU to expand the EU sanctions that already exist so that they shall apply to more violent settlers. But as you surely know, the support from a few EU countries is unfortunately not sufficient for us to be able to proceed with that type of sanctions package. It is required that enough EU countries stand behind this for us to actually get it through.

The EU's trade relations with countries outside the EU are regulated by and through trade agreements. The agreements are designed to provide better trade opportunities and remove trade barriers. This is a principle that Sweden supports. Through trade policy, the EU can also promote European principles and values such as democracy and human rights.

The EU's and thus Sweden's agreements with Israel in the trade area are in the association agreement from 1995. The agreement is not only a trade agreement; it also constitutes the legal basis for the EU's cooperation with Israel and also covers areas such as political dialogue and economic, social and legal issues. The agreement states that it is based on respect for human rights and democratic principles.

In the agreement, the EU has clarified that the agreement applies to the state of Israel within the 1967 borders. In other words, the agreement establishes a clear differentiation between Israel and the occupied territories. According to EU rules, goods with requirements for origin labeling manufactured in an occupied territory may not be labeled as goods from Israel when they are imported into the EU. This means, for example, that the goods do not enjoy the same customs benefits as goods from Israel and that the consumer sees where the product comes from.

We use the Council to be able to emphasize for ourselves important questions of principle, such as Israel's responsibility in relation to the catastrophic humanitarian situation in Gaza as well as Israel's responsibility under international law. It is deeply regrettable and extremely serious that the ceasefire in Gaza has been broken and that the resumed fighting has resulted in a large number of civilian casualties.

Our and the EU's position is clear. Resumed negotiations and a ceasefire are needed that lead to the release of hostages, relief regarding the enormous humanitarian needs, a lasting end to the hostilities and opportunities to begin reconstruction – and Sweden would like to be part of that as long as Hamas is not part of the picture.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! Many of us were pleasantly surprised that the Minister for Development Cooperation and Foreign Trade, Dousa, after his visit to Israel, was so clear about what is happening in Gaza. But the joy did not last long, for the government then announced that it would completely withdraw support to the UN agency UNRWA. We stand at a point of shame when it comes to humanitarian aid to Palestinian refugees by not providing any such support.

When the Foreign Minister then made the same trip as the Minister for Development Cooperation and Trade, it led to the Israeli government using the Swedish government as a good example, which it was hoped other countries would follow. Even today, the Swedish government stands completely alone in making this type of decision.

We have heard the UN shouting itself hoarse to get Sweden and the USA – yes, the whole world – to act. But the response from Israel's government has been to brand and ban its Secretary-General António Guterres. At the same time, UN workers and UN soldiers are being attacked and killed, and the Israeli parliament has introduced a law to prevent the UN from providing humanitarian aid to Palestinians. It is an unacceptable and cynical policy aimed at starving an occupied people.

Then there is a kind of blind trust in dialogue from the Swedish government's side and from the EU's side. There is an exaggerated image held by the government regarding what the Association Council is supposed to provide and what results one is to obtain from it. Only a single meeting has de facto been held since October 7, and it was a meeting that Israel delayed for over eleven months.

The Minister repeatedly returns to the point that it is desired that the council be used. But what will be the result? In practice, we see that the EU, including Sweden, puts pressure on Israel for only one day, when the meeting is held. On all other days of the year, there is no pressure on Israel. That was not how the apartheid regime in South Africa fell.

The government's and the EU's path will never lead to any result. Instead, it will lead to maintaining the status quo, what we see now, while Gaza dies.

On very loose grounds, you froze and cut the Swedish aid to the primary aid organization for Palestinians. At the same time, the UN agency UNRWA tried to help when the need was greatest – it is still as great.

You have failed to conduct a solidary and just foreign policy. You have lowered Sweden's reputation in the rest of the world, especially in Muslim countries. You have broken with the Swedish tradition – to stand up for international law – and instead introduced double standards.

Mr. Speaker! In this situation, Sweden must stand behind the only peaceful party that exists, the State of Palestine. Sweden has recognized Palestine as a state. We should therefore wholeheartedly support the building of a Palestinian state so that we get equal parties and a two-state solution and, in the long run, an end to the occupation – in order to achieve a sustainable peace for Palestine and for Israel.

The Norwegian government has acted differently in many ways than the Swedish government. One thing that the Norwegian government has done is related to what was addressed in the last question in the interpellation. It concerns the role of companies.

Here, the Norwegian government has been clear, first in recommendations and then in sharpened recommendations to Norwegian companies. One should avoid trade that contributes to maintaining Israel's occupation of Palestine, based on the International Court of Justice's position. Something similar has hardly been heard from the Swedish government.

Here the Swedish government now needs to be much, much clearer. We do not need to hear words about limitations in what the government wants to do. Instead, we want clear decisiveness from the government's side.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, Minister, for the answer! It was not very much of an answer to the specific questions that have been asked in the interpellation. It was more a description of the situation – that it is required that more support measures come in and that the support measures are not doing so at the moment.

We heard about the talks that the Swedish government has had with individuals both in the Israeli government and at the Israeli embassy. The State Council also pointed out that the EU has succeeded in establishing sanctions against certain violent settlers. It is something that we, of course, stand behind.

After that, we received a lesson in how trade agreements work. I believe we are aware of that. Then State Secretary Dousa again raised that the duty-free status that the association agreement provides regarding Israel does not apply to goods from occupied territory and from settlements.

But we both know that this system leaks. Industrial goods and composite goods that are partially manufactured in occupied territory will be classified as Israeli. Already there we see that the system does not function as it should. It is one thing with fruit and vegetables – that is relatively simple. But when it comes to industrial goods and other types of composite products, the system leaks.

This is something that one could go to the bottom of: How can we tighten this up at all? This means that we are still supporting the settlements financially. It is in conflict with the International Court of Justice.

There are two questions that I would very much like to have answers to from Minister Dousa:

Is the government prepared to work for a total ban on the import of goods from settlements, in the same way as we do not allow goods from occupied parts of Ukraine?

Is Minister Dousa prepared to push for a suspension of the association agreement, based on the lack of respect for human rights? What else is required for violations of human rights? What is Article 2 actually worth?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Benjamin Dousa (M)

Mr. Speaker! International law, including the UN Charter, constitutes a cornerstone of Swedish foreign and security policy. With it comes respect for the international courts. Sweden supports the International Court of Justice, which is the UN's principal judicial organ, and the International Criminal Court, with its unique role and with a mandate to judge the most serious international crimes.

We expect Israel to comply with the binding provisional measures decided by the International Court of Justice. The International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion on July 19, 2024, which the government fully supports. The advisory opinion coincides in crucial parts with the EU's policy.

Neither Sweden nor the EU has recognized the occupation as legal or recognized the annexation of East Jerusalem. The EU and its member states also do not recognize any changes to the 1967 borders that the parties have not agreed upon. The EU has expressed support for the Palestinian people's unconditional right to self-determination.

Even in other parts, the statement coincides with this, for example when it concerns the fact that settlements violate international law.

We have discussed the government's decision to reduce the support to UNRWA in the chamber several times before. It is about us not wanting Swedish tax money to be stuck in a bank account, but rather we want as much as possible to get out into the field. Therefore, the previous decision of 400 million kronor has been doubled to 800 million kronor. But it is channeled via other support organizations – World Food Programme, Unicef, ICRC and several others.

The Swedish government's support for Palestinian civilians both in the West Bank and in Gaza therefore remains very extensive.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! I shall now consider whether we have received answers to the questions we have asked.

It is clear that the Swedish government does not intend to cancel or freeze the trade agreement that the EU has with Israel. It is a clear no there.

The government wants to focus on the association council, but so far we have not received any clear results at all from the council's only meeting.

When it concerns the fact that the government considers that the trade relations with Israel are in accordance with our foreign policy position, we get a lesson that one stands behind the International Court of Justice. I think that, fundamentally, is good. The problem is that from the government's side, one does not analyze what the court has come to and take measures based on that.

When it comes to the recommendation to Swedish companies, we do not hear that any such are planned. Instead, there is concern that UNRWA's money will become stuck in a bank account. In that case, I just want to inform the Minister that it will not be the case. Otherwise, other countries would not have supported it. It is also not solely about money for Gaza, but also Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, in Syria, and in other places in Palestine are to receive UNRWA's support. What we see is, therefore, very clearly a political measure from the government.

For those of you listening to this debate, it is also clear what is needed: Sweden needs a red-green government, a red-green government that in the UN General Assembly would vote for a ceasefire, so that international law shall apply, so that the International Court of Justice's decisions shall be followed, and for the state of Palestine's right to make its voice heard.

A red-green government is needed that increases and strengthens aid to Palestine while we provide political support to the UN and to the UN agency UNRWA specifically, a red-green government that increases the pressure on the state of Israel and demands accountability by suspending the association agreement between the EU and Israel.

We need a government that, together with other countries, shapes a plan for peace in the Middle East and for an end to Israel's occupation of Palestine.

(Applause)

In this speech, Jacob Risberg (MP) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Benjamin Dousa (M)

Mr. Speaker! Most of what Member Svenneling listed is exactly what the government is doing: We are increasing the pressure on Israel to follow international law, we want a ceasefire, and we have very extensive support for civilian Palestinians both in the West Bank, in Gaza, and in the surrounding region.

The Government is convinced that a sustainable peace between Israel and Palestine must be built on a two-state solution. The Government therefore supports both the EU's and the UN's work to establish a credible process for a negotiated two-state solution and is in close contact with like-minded parties and representatives from the region.

At the latest association council with Israel, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, together with among others the EU's High Representative Kaja Kallas, conveyed a clear message to the Israeli Minister for Foreign Affairs regarding the importance of not undermining the conditions for a peace in the form of a negotiated two-state solution and that the settlement policy must come to an end.

It was also the Foreign Minister's clear message during her visit to Israel.

The interpellations debate was hereby concluded.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)