The Swedish Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the first half of 2023

Statsrådet Jessika Roswall (M)

Madam Speaker! Thank you for giving me the opportunity to come here today to debate the motion regarding the Swedish EU Presidency! A lot is happening in our world. The Presidency may already feel distant, but just a year ago we were right in the middle of it.

On November 9, Madam Speaker, the government sent the communication Report on the Swedish Presidency of the Council of the European Union during the first half of 2023. I did not intend to go through the entire communication in detail but only to highlight certain parts. But before I do so, I would like to take the opportunity once again to thank for the good and constructive cooperation that the government had with the Riksdag during the Swedish presidency, which is also emphasized in the committee's report.

The direction of the Swedish presidency was to make the EU safer, greener, and freer in a time of war and crises in Europe. It was a presidency that took place against a backdrop of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, an economic crisis, and an energy crisis. Furthermore, the presidency took place at the end of the European mandate period. Therefore, many negotiations were in their final stages. At the beginning of the presidency, we had approximately 350 issues on the table.

The Presidency meant that Sweden's government led the negotiations between the member states and represented the Council towards other EU institutions. Our focus was support for Ukraine, the green transition, competitiveness, and the principles of the rule of law.

Let me mention five examples where the Swedish presidency really made an impact:

First and foremost, it concerns the support for Ukraine. The support for Ukraine was, and still is, Sweden's and the EU's major foreign and security policy task. Therefore, we maintained the unity regarding the support in a turbulent time. Therefore, we negotiated a tenth and an eleventh sanctions package. Therefore, we took the initiative for the work that laid the foundation for the EU to be able to use frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine. I see that as a great success.

As chair, we also succeeded, against all odds and after several years of negotiations, in getting the member states to agree on the foundations for the EU's future migration policy. Now only a few steps remain before the European Parliament and the Council can formally adopt the final agreement on the migration pact in April.

Sweden also brought the negotiations on the world's most ambitious climate package, Fit for 55, to a conclusion. It gives us the conditions to continue the journey to make Europe the world's first climate-neutral continent.

Furthermore, we placed the question of the EU's future competitiveness where it deserves to be, that is, at the top of the agenda. Thanks to the Swedish presidency, there is now a strategy to strengthen the EU's long-term competitiveness, growth, and productivity.

Last but not least, we held the question of the EU's fundamental values high, as they are the basis for the trust that our cooperation requires. Therefore, we conducted inquiries in the council with Poland and Hungary within the framework of Article 7 of the EU Treaty. And therefore, we arranged a rule of law symposium with representatives from the EU's institutions, experts, and civil society to jointly discuss how the work to protect and uphold democracy and the rule of law principle in the EU can be further strengthened.

Those of you who have read the communication know that the list of what the Swedish presidency achieved can be made significantly longer, but to save time, I did not intend to say much more about that here and now. I intended instead to say a few words about the intensive meeting activity that the presidency entailed.

In total, we arranged 144 informal meetings in Sweden, from Kiruna in the north to Lund in the south. 42 meetings were arranged outside the Stockholm area, in 16 different locations. Here, I would particularly like to mention the meeting between the commission and the government that took place in Kiruna and the Trade and Technology Council meeting that took place in Luleå, where we had the opportunity to showcase Swedish solutions for a greener and more competitive Europe.

The Swedish presidency also represented the Council of Ministers in 49 different debates during the European Parliament's plenary sessions. Most often, it was I myself who participated in these debates. They took place in the European Parliament during six regular plenary sessions in Strasbourg and three mini-plenary sessions in Brussels. Those debates covered at least a number of different topics, ranging from plastics to the political situation in Tunisia.

Madam Speaker! Briefly stated, it was a very intense half-year that turned out to be successful thanks to the careful preparations and the hard work from everyone involved. Once again, I would like to thank you for the good cooperation between the government and the Riksdag.

With joint efforts, we made this Swedish presidency as successful as the previous ones, with the aim of strengthening Swedish influence in the EU.

Now the presidency is behind us. Now it is about holding on to and utilizing our good experiences, our contacts, and our reputation. As the Prime Minister has said in both the government statement and the EU declaration, Sweden shall be an active, proactive, and committed EU member before, during, and after the presidency. I therefore intended to briefly turn our gaze forward and take the opportunity to say a few words about how the government views the next legislative period.

In June, there is an election to the European Parliament, and then a new commission is to be appointed. At the European Council meeting in June, the so-called strategic agenda is to be adopted to point out the EU's political priorities for the next five years. At the same time, Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine continues. Therefore, it is central that both the sitting and the incoming commission focus on strong and long-term support for Ukraine, Ukraine's security and defense, and how the EU prepares for a future expansion.

The economic, military and political support for Ukraine, continued sanctions against Russia and the work on accountability must also continue to be high on the EU's agenda. This is the major formative issue for our political cooperation. Ultimately, it is a question of defending democracy and that justice takes precedence over power.

To achieve the greatest possible impact for Swedish positions, we must choose what we shall focus on, and there are other issues besides Ukraine that must not be overshadowed. This applies in particular to competitiveness issues, energy and green transition, migration, cross-border crime and much more.

Madam Speaker! Now, as I look forward, I do so with a Swedish presidency of the Council of the European Union behind me. Leading the work meant a significant boost in competence for all of us politicians and for civil servants in the administration. We gained greater knowledge of, insight into, and understanding of the EU's decision-making processes and how effectively influence work can actually be conducted. We established contacts that we now nurture and develop.

This is invaluable when I and my fellow cabinet ministers represent Sweden in discussions and negotiations to shape the EU's direction during the upcoming mandate period.

The Government is participating actively, engagedly and drivingly in the processes that are currently underway and which will shape our future in both the short and long term. With the experience from the chairship, we now take this work forward with a strengthened position.

Madam Speaker! There are many pressing areas that the EU must continue to work on – I have, of course, not been exhaustive here today. Therefore, I look forward to continued good and close cooperation with the Riksdag. Together, we can strengthen the Swedish voice in Brussels.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Tomas Eneroth (S)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Minister Jessika Roswall, for a good speech! I shall praise it in my own speech in due course, but I still think it is in order to make a reply.

I know it is a strength for a government holding a presidency to feel the support from home, and we did what we could from the Social Democrats' side to manifest the importance of it becoming a successful presidency and that we, from the Swedish side, would actively ensure to be constructive and find solutions on both the migration package and Fit for 55.

During the chairmanship, the party leader of the Sweden Democrats, Jimmie Åkesson, stated that the EU is a straitjacket, and we heard statements from the Sweden Democrats' representatives during the chairmanship where they essentially spoke about svexit.

Now the Sweden Democrats are the government's closest cooperation partner, and they have officials working in the Government Offices. Against the background of the successful chairmanship that we nevertheless must say it has been: Does it not become concerning for the government to have a cooperation with a party that, during the ongoing chairmanship, actually tried to undermine a successful Swedish chairmanship?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Jessika Roswall (M)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Tomas Eneroth, for the kind opening words! I look forward to the next speech.

When it comes to feeling support from home, I spoke as recently as Monday in another room here in the Riksdag about the importance of feeling that the entire Riksdag, in any case usually, stands united on major issues. As Tomas Eneroth knows, it matters when you, as a minister, attend various ministerial councils and have a strong Swedish mandate. I guarded this not only during the chairmanship but also afterwards, and we had it as recently as in December when we made decisions on the long-term budget.

When it comes to the worrying, as I have said a few times in an interpellation debate with another member, I have no problem with us criticizing bad decisions that the EU makes or that we discuss how we should use the presidency so that it becomes to the greatest benefit for Sweden. It is these experiences and knowledge that I take with me now from the presidency into the next mandate period.

I perceive that the presidency was successful and that it is perceived as successful in Europe, largely thanks to strong support from the Riksdag.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Tomas Eneroth (S)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Jessika Roswall, for the answer!

I understand that, and I also emphasize the importance of having strong support. It then becomes extra concerning when the Sweden Democrats, during an ongoing chairmanship, so clearly criticize and undermine the government's position.

This is put into perspective when we face an EU election where parties such as Alternative für Deutschland, Front National and other political forces, whose sole purpose is to undermine the European Union, are currently gaining ground. Therefore, it is important that the government chooses to clearly manifest the importance of European cooperation but also mark those who do not see the Swedish benefit and the common European benefit of a cooperation. This was my starting point.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Jessika Roswall (M)

Madam Speaker! I believe that Tomas Eneroth and I are in complete agreement regarding the importance of EU membership and that it concerns the major issues that I highlighted in my speech: Ukraine's security, climate change, and competitiveness. These issues require common answers, and that is where Sweden must be strong. This is what I look forward to discussing ahead of the European Parliament election.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! I also want to praise and thank the EU Minister for her efforts during the Swedish presidency. I understood that it was a hard and intensive work. I hope that the Minister can take this with her into the new presidency of the Nordic Council, now that she has changed hats.

Our world is not entirely perfect, to put it mildly. We have 25 million people who are forced into forced labor, we have 60 million who are forced into child labor, and every minute we stand here, 2,400 trees are cut down.

A piece of legislation that did not move forward at the EU level during the Swedish presidency was the legislation on corporate responsibility for human rights and the environment. I am, fundamentally, an EU critic, but this is a prime example where the EU could do something good by setting a standard based on the UN framework globally and also support responsible business.

It is a historic law where companies can take responsibility for the environment and human rights, but it has now been shown that Sweden was, in the end, the only country that held back and flagged that it wanted to vote no after the trilogue negotiations were concluded in December. This has caused the vote to be postponed once again.

The law could become historic. It could prevent damage to the environment and climate and prevent violations of human rights, and serious companies could benefit over unserious companies. So why has the Swedish government first sidelined the proposal and then worked against it coming to a vote?

Will the Swedish government vote for the proposal in the new vote, so that we get it in place before the EU election on June 9? Then much is being turned upside down within the EU, and then it becomes difficult to move forward with new decisions.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Jessika Roswall (M)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Håkan Svenneling, for the kind words! We can discuss Nordic issues at another occasion, I believe the Speaker thinks.

I have to give the answer a bit twice, because there are two questions. This is somewhat outside my area of responsibility, but there is a proposal on the EU's table regarding so-called due diligence, which the government has been critical of, even with a mandate from the Swedish Riksdag, because we believe the administrative burden will become too great. This has been known for a long time. The question is being discussed right now, and it is true that no final vote has been held yet.

Then there is another act or file concerning forced labor, which Håkan Svenneling mentioned initially. He may correct me if I am wrong.

The image that Sweden has sent signals that we are going to vote no is not correct. The mandate that we have received and followed is to be for. I feel myself wavering a bit now, but I believe it is already decided and that we have received a decision. I saw on X the other day that a decision has been made regarding just that file, but due diligence is still being discussed.

I apologize for a rambling answer, but I am a bit outside my usual zone.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! Yes, I mean the legislative act that EU Minister Jessika Roswall spoke about in the first part, CSDDD, to speak EU-lingo. The Minister has previously stated that there are many abbreviations in the EU. If we were to say this in front of our dear school class located in the stands, I do not think they would really understand that it means that companies could take responsibility for the environment and human rights by us getting mandatory legislation at the EU level.

When one holds the presidency, one leads the trilogue negotiations. The trilogue negotiation on this was concluded during the Spanish presidency in December last year, and now we have reached the vote in what is called Coreper and thereafter at the ministerial level to approve the legislation. It is now Sweden that is throwing sand in the gears and not ensuring that it reaches the vote.

The legislation has been in motion for a long time. Different countries have resisted in different ways and manners, but now it is Sweden. This is where it is decided, and that is why the Swedish government has a responsibility to ensure that this is not delayed even further.

Make sure that such legislation is in place before the EU election on June 9! Make sure that Swedish companies also get legislation that they benefit from, because Swedish companies are serious and want to take responsibility for human rights and the environment. Then there must be legislation that forces both Swedish companies and European companies to do right, and they must also benefit from following the legislation.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Jessika Roswall (M)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Håkan Svenneling, for getting us an abbreviation as well! Then I know exactly, and we agree on which act we are talking about.

My view is still that Sweden's government, with a mandate anchored in the Riksdag, has considered that the legislative proposal has entailed too great an administrative burden. This is what we have thought all along. It is not about throwing sand in the gears, but that is how we have negotiated. It is also what we believe.

When it proceeds to a final decision, the government will, of course, inform the Riksdag of what final assessment we will have in Coreper. It is good that we get a small lesson in EU knowledge at this occasion.

What I think is important in Håkan Svennelling's reply is that he highlights the competitiveness issues which are so incredibly important for Sweden as a small, or medium-sized, export- and import-dependent country. I am very pleased that we, with joint efforts, were able to get these issues at the top of the agenda. I can also say that we still see the result, that is to say that before the next strategic agenda we see that the competitiveness issues remain.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna Lasses (C)

Madam Speaker! I too would like to begin by saying a big thank you for both the cooperation and a work well performed in many respects.

I wanted to talk a little bit about Fit for 55, which is the climate package. I say this to you who are sitting in the stands and to everyone who is listening. It was very good that Sweden got this across the finish line. But it is not enough that the EU has a sharp climate program, it is also a matter of the member countries having a sharp climate policy.

Many of us probably experience that the government perhaps does not quite take this responsibility at home. And I still cannot help but wonder how the Minister views the dilemma that we now have a sharp climate program at the EU level while Swedish climate policy is currently taking a few steps backward.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Jessika Roswall (M)

Madam Speaker! I thank Anna Lasses for the kind words.

I do not share the view that the government should take a step backward. I will start with what happened during the presidency, namely that we completed the negotiations on Fit for 55. It was a set goal for the government. But as some of you surely remember, I kept it a bit low-key at the beginning by not promising too much. We knew, after all, that it would not be so simple, because the member states stand quite far apart. It was not easy either. It was messy, and there were some ups and downs at the end before we managed to reach the harbor. And it was very important. It was important for Sweden, and it was important for the EU. Now it is about implementing this legislation. That is how we truly make a difference. That is also the government's ambitious climate policy, namely that we shall do our part. We are a pioneering country, and the EU is a pioneering continent. Together, we also make a difference with the climate aid that is included in this package.

I want to say therefore that if we now carry this out and implement it in the right way, the entire EU will reach our climate goals, and we will make a real difference in the whole world.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna Lasses (C)

Madam Speaker! I truly agree once again that it was very good that this was finalized. I know what efforts lay behind this, and I truly understand that. Just as the Minister has pointed out previously, I believe that the EU is truly one of the most important parties when it comes to driving climate policy so that we can manage this.

But we saw the budget in the autumn. It was stated there that we will increase emissions in Sweden, admittedly only at the beginning. At the same time, there is a great deal of urgency. Therefore, I wonder: Is it not a bit double? Sure, we are pushing at the EU level, but at the same time, perhaps we are not doing quite all we can at home.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Jessika Roswall (M)

Madam Speaker! The government's climate policy is that we shall reach all the way to the goal. That is the difference compared to the previous government's policy, namely that one reaches all the way and that one truly has a plan to reach net-zero emissions.

With this said, I hear implicitly in the question that it would be the case that other member states do not see that Sweden continues to be a pioneering country that is at the forefront. We are still, if not the best, then second best. When Romina Pourmokhtari, in particular, is at her council meetings, she is met with the confidence that we are still a pioneering country. I also want to push this in regarding the competitiveness issue, because these two issues go hand in hand.

I know that Sweden is still at the forefront and has a high level of trust in these issues, and we are working to reach our goals.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Tomas Eneroth (S)

Madam Speaker! Today we are considering the Committee on Foreign Affairs' report on the Swedish Presidency of the Council of the European Union during the first half of 2023. There are no motions, reservations, or special statements here. This is, in some sense, actually a joint evaluation of a very successful presidency.

I have personally participated in some of the preparations for this. But we also held the presidency in 2001 and 2009, and I must say that this was really good. But it was also the result of well-functioning teamwork where we in Sweden have learned how we manage the presidency with a relatively small government secretariat compared to other countries within the EU. We still manage to involve authorities, the entire Government Offices of course, but also the Riksdag and other organizations in the processes that the presidency actually entails. It is a successful teamwork.

This was the third time we conducted the presidency, and I believe it has been important to carry forward the experiences from previous years and not least the importance of taking positions early, developing relationships and doing what we can to still prepare for several different scenarios.

There is no doubt that even if it was a well-executed preparatory work, it is clear that Russia's dreadful invasion, the unprovoked, illegal and unjust war of aggression against Ukraine, changed some of the conditions for the presidency. In some sense, we who follow foreign policy and European policy can state that it has actually meant that the EU countries have come closer together. It has become a stronger EU. It is clear that when there is war nearby, when solidarity is tested and when it seriously becomes a security policy challenge for Europe's countries, it also becomes even clearer what is actually important with the joint work. I believe that it was also an important explanation for why some small squabbles that previously existed between the countries could now be put aside a little bit and that, with a pragmatic and constructive presidency, several very complicated legislative processes could still be brought to fruition.

Here I really want to praise the government. With strong support in the Riksdag, the entire discussion about the support packages to Ukraine, about the sanctions, and about joint efforts to begin the financing of the reconstruction of Ukraine became a very important part of Sweden's agenda. Not least the working group that the government appointed during the chairmanship, which was led by Anders Ahnlid, and which concerns how one can map out and freeze or immobilize the Russian central bank assets as a possible resource for the reconstruction, was a very important Swedish initiative and a clear signal to the rest of the world, which is now also looking at similar institutional possibilities.

I was pleased when we, on February 12, I believe, could see a decision and a consensus that the value increase from the Russian immobilized assets of 15 billion euros could be used for purposes that involve us strengthening and rebuilding Ukraine when the war is finally over. It was an important part.

From the Social Democratic side, we have highlighted that we would like to see that one moves forward, that is, also looking at the assets as such and not just the return. We might also be able to use some of these resources not only for the reconstruction but actually also for interventions that are needed here and now to secure Ukraine's independence and right to decide its own future and its fate as a democracy in Europe.

Madam Speaker! Since the Swedish presidency fell at the end of the EU's five-year legislative cycle, there were very many processes to be decided. I remember how, during the preparatory work, we thought it was both a blessing and a curse, pardon the expression. It is clear that it raises a lot of hopes regarding the migration package, regarding Fit for 55 and many other important products that needed to be completed.

But it is also incredibly tough to try to find solutions. I can perhaps appreciate that the Minister had a low profile on the issue of Fit for 55, because there were great contradictions. All the more important, not only for Sweden and the EU but also for the world, was that we could agree on a progressive climate package that the EU's countries now have to adhere to. I share the Center Party's criticism of the government's national climate policy and see very many flaws in it. All the more important then that we actually have a European framework that everyone must adhere to. It is incredibly important and a success for Sweden, just as the work with the migration pact and not least the work with prioritizing measures to strengthen Ukraine and have tough sanctions against Russia.

The big elephant in the room during the presidency has possibly been the fact that one of the parties chose to question the entire basis for the EU cooperation in the middle of the presidency, which I also mentioned in a reply. I believe that we who see the benefit and the need of having a united European Union ahead of the upcoming EU election campaign must take responsibility and seriously engage in the debate with the political forces in Sweden and the rest of Europe who want to weaken and undermine the European Union. Before us lies an election campaign where Alternative für Deutschland, Front National in France and other right-wing populist parties together with their peers in Europe want something else with the EU, while we who work with climate issues, with transition, with the EU's competitiveness or for that matter with the geopolitical situation see the incredibly strong importance of having a cohesive and strong EU that can handle the challenges the union faces.

Madam Speaker! The summary of the presidency must nevertheless be: Well done! It was a great team effort, not only by the government but also by parliamentary colleagues, civil servants, authorities, and the diplomatic corps. A fantastic job has been done in ensuring that we can continue to be proud of how Sweden acts and leads when we have the chance and opportunity to hold the presidency in the EU. Let us ensure that we already now begin to set our sights on the upcoming presidencies! I am perhaps a little envious but not malicious that it was not a Social Democratic government that was given the opportunity to lead the presidency. I could nevertheless watch with pleasure how several of my successors did a really good job during the presidency. We must stretch ourselves and do what we can to have a strong European Union even in the future.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Rasmus Giertz (SD)

Madam Speaker! We are now debating the Committee on Foreign Affairs' report number 6 The Swedish Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the first half of 2023. As chair, Sweden had the important task of acting in the interest of all member states and reaching agreements. In the government's communication to the Riksdag, the preparatory work, the implementation, and the concrete results of the Swedish EU presidency are described.

When the Swedish presidency concluded in the middle of last year, we could note several significant results. During the Swedish presidency, Sweden has preserved unity in Europe and brought all 27 member states together behind eleven sanction packages aimed at Russia. The EU has agreed to deliver 1 million artillery shells to Ukraine, taken the initiative to use frozen Russian assets to finance the reconstruction of Ukraine, and negotiated a tribunal to investigate and prosecute Russia's war crimes.

The Swedish presidency also completed the multi-year council negotiations on the EU's new asylum and migration pact.

Madam Speaker! It is important that the actual volume of migration to Europe decreases. Better border controls, combating illegal economic migration with fast-tracks, and better background checks of migrants are important steps forward. But at the same time, the real solution is not there, namely to place the entire asylum process outside the EU's borders. That is something we must ensure moving forward.

Madam Speaker! Progress has also been made in the fight against cross-border organized crime, the establishment of a strategy for the EU's long-term competitiveness and productivity, and the work to strengthen democracy and the principles of the rule of law.

I also want to highlight the various events that the Riksdag organized during the presidency within the framework of the interparliamentary cooperation within the EU. The Foreign Affairs Committee's contribution to the conference program primarily included the semi-annual conference on the common foreign, security, and defense policy, which was held together with the Defense Committee on March 2-3, 2023.

The conference was summarized with a joint statement by the two conference chairs from the Riksdag and the European Parliament. In the statement, at the initiative of the Riksdag's conference delegation, the importance of accountability for Russia's crimes of aggression against Ukraine was emphasized, as well as the need for the EU to intensify the work of using frozen and immobilized Russian assets to finance Ukraine's reconstruction.

Madam Speaker! I therefore move for approval of the committee's proposal that the Riksdag shall place the government's communication in the records.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Ann-Sofie Alm (M)

Madam Speaker! The Swedish presidency was focused on making the EU safer, greener, and freer. The work on the political orientation of the preparations began as early as 2021. That the implementation became so successful has several ingredients. The two most prominent are perhaps our EU ministers: the former, Hans Dahlgren, and the current, Jessika Roswall. Such good cooperation across a change of government on such large and important issues demonstrates the stability of our nation. Another large part was the good cooperation between the government and the Riksdag. This could be the basis for the understanding that the Riksdag had for the special role that the government must assume to exercise a cohesive presidency. A large part of all this we also find in the great competence that the officials at our offices here in the Riksdag and at the ministries possess.

Madam Speaker! The preparations for the presidency were radically changed when Russia launched its full-scale and unlawful invasion of Ukraine. I am grateful that our government saw it as its primary task to maintain and promote the unity in the support for Ukraine and in the management of the consequences of the war for both Ukraine and our member states in the EU. That unity has strengthened the EU and served Europe's security well. That unity is also a capital political failure for Putin.

The Swedish presidency established a working group to enable the use of frozen Russian assets for Ukraine's reconstruction. The financial support within the European Peace Facility was increased to strengthen Ukraine's defense capability, and an agreement to provide Ukraine with 1 million units of artillery ammunition by the spring of 2024 was reached.

Sweden's presidency of the EU was successful, and it has strengthened Sweden's role in the EU. All the knowledge, experience, and networks acquired during the presidency are now an asset in the continued work.

Madam Speaker! Another success for the presidency that should be highlighted is the historic agreement reached on a more restrictive migration policy with clearer distribution of responsibility between the EU's member states, a more uniform asylum process, and strengthened control of the external borders. Migration Minister Maria Malmer Stenergård's words in the late hour of negotiations - I've got all night - are perhaps already legendary.

I want to mention the progress made in the fight against cross-border organized crime. The Presidency also completed, as we heard from the EU Minister, the negotiations on the important climate package Fit for 55.

Sweden's presidency has put the EU's competitiveness into focus both through the long-term work with more free trade agreements and by strengthening the internal market.

Madam Speaker! In addition to the central question of unity for Ukraine, the relations between the EU and the United Kingdom and the relations between the EU and the USA, I would, without using neutral superlatives, particularly like to highlight an important issue for a more equal Europe, namely the EU's accession to the Istanbul Convention on the prevention and combating of violence against women and domestic violence. As we heard, 144 meetings have been held in Sweden alone, with a total of 17,000 participants. We send a warm and grateful greeting to all who worked day and night - even behind the scenes - and thereby made these meetings possible.

We now add the writ to the records, Madam Speaker.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! After two years of full-scale Russian war against Ukraine, there are signs that support for the attacked Ukraine is faltering. Russia's brutal war of aggression continues, and the human suffering is enormous. The responsibility lies entirely with the aggressor Putin. If Russia stops fighting, there will be peace. If Ukraine were to stop fighting, the country would be hit by occupation and mass flight.

Ukraine needs more support to defend itself. At the same time, Hungary's Orbán and Slovakia's Fico are doing their best to undermine the EU's support for Ukraine. When Trump wins the presidential election in the USA - I say "when" because of how poorly Biden is doing as president - American support for Ukraine could cease. In this uncertain situation, Sweden must be a country that clearly and persistently stands on Ukraine's side in alliance with other democracies. A Ukrainian defeat would be a catastrophe not only for the Ukrainians. It would lead to continued Russian aggression against neighboring countries such as Georgia and Moldova. It would affect security and democracy in Europe for a long time to come.

A Russian defeat in Ukraine would also be best for Russia. Putin and Russian imperialism really need to be defeated. It is now that we can contribute to this becoming a reality. Therefore, Sweden's and the EU's economic, political and military support to Ukraine should be further strengthened.

In Sweden, there is political unity regarding the support for Ukraine. We must guard that unity. Furthermore, the support for Ukraine has strong popular backing and exists regardless of which political party one sympathizes with.

The support for Ukraine is one of the areas where I would like to give the government approval, even during the Swedish presidency. However, it does not mean that we agree on exactly everything. Vänsterpartiet has several proposals on how the support for Ukraine can be strengthened.

The Ukrainian defense obviously needs more weapons and, not least, more ammunition. It would be reasonable for Sweden and other EU countries to prioritize Ukraine over other countries and stop the export of relevant weapons to other countries. When this was recently proposed in the European Parliament, it unfortunately only received support from Miljöpartiet and Centerpartiet among the Swedish members.

Even more incomprehensible is that the right-wing government continues to allow the import of Russian fossil gas in the form of LNG to Sweden. It is a direct support for the financing of the Russian war effort. Should we really have gas imports to companies in Sweden? Is this more important for SD and the government than the support for Ukraine?

Instead, Sweden must act to stop all Russian exports of uranium and fossil fuels to the EU. We must expand solar and wind power faster so that fossil fuels can be phased out in Sweden and the EU.

Vänsterpartiet also wants the Ukrainian state debt to be canceled. Ukraine faces enormous economic needs when it comes to supporting its population and its military and when it comes to the reconstruction of the country. Therefore, the foreign debts must be canceled.

The EU needs to prepare to receive Ukraine as a member. This requires that the union's agricultural policy be reformed and partially re-nationalized.

In large parts of the world, one unfortunately now sees the EU countries' governments as hypocrites because they do not condemn Israel's illegal occupation of Palestinian territories as clearly as they condemn the Russian occupation of Ukraine. The same applies to the brutal and unjustifiable Israeli excessive violence and the massacres directed against civilians in Gaza. These are troublesome arguments for the EU, because they are partly true. The Western world has introduced double standards.

The day before yesterday, EU's High Representative Josep Borrell was clearer than in a long time regarding Gaza. He stated in the UN Security Council that Israel is using starvation as a weapon against the Palestinian people in Gaza. In my book, he has moved from a rather weak action when it concerns Russia to an increasingly stronger and clearer action when it concerns Israel. Now the words must be followed by action - increased pressure on Israel is required immediately from the EU's side.

A credible foreign policy requires a consistent defense of international law and human rights. We want the Swedish government to work more forcefully for a ceasefire in Gaza, so that the humanitarian crisis can be lifted and the hostages released. But instead, the government and the Swedish right have in practice given the green light to the military violence in Gaza. More than 30,000 people have been killed in Gaza, and the majority of them are civilians, children and women.

Israel has the right to exist behind secure and recognized borders, but the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories must end - it is the root cause of the conflict.

Sweden's and many other countries' weak actions regarding Gaza risk weakening the international support for Ukraine. Standing up for international law in Palestine also strengthens our case when we support Ukraine's struggle for the country's independence, freedom, and democracy.

I vote in favor of the proposal in the report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna Lasses (C)

Madam Speaker! I would like to begin by extending a big thank you to the government and to all my colleagues in the Riksdag for an incredibly good cooperation during the Swedish presidency in the EU.

It is always beneficial to reflect for a moment on what has been, how one experienced the situation then and what the consequences have been. There is not much to say about the description in the report on Sweden's presidency in the EU. It is what it is – the year was successful. Of course, there are some things that are interesting to highlight.

I want to start with what I am most proud of, namely how Sweden has succeeded in contributing to maintaining and laying the foundation for a relatively large consensus on the importance of standing up for Ukraine. There was consensus then, and there is still strong support for this within the entire EU - for Ukraine's sake, for all of Europe's sake, and for democracy's sake.

As we have said, we can see that this unity remains and that the Swedish government, together with a united Riksdag, continues to push forward so that the support does not diminish but rather increases. This is an incredibly fine interplay, and it is something that we must safeguard.

Part of the work during the chairship was to initiate the investigation of how the frozen Russian assets could be used as support for Ukraine. I, as well as the Center Party, am well aware of how complex this is and that the focus is now primarily on how the returns can be used. I and the Center Party believe that Sweden must push forward to see how a larger share of the assets can be used in the future.

The report also shows something that is not as positive, and that is the frustration that, above all, we in the EU Committee felt when we discussed that the government did not always take full advantage of the opportunity to be chair without sometimes choosing a slightly more reserved or understated role. The reason the government stated was that they wanted to stand up for consensus and that the chair should have a more understated and unifying role. It is completely correct that consensus and a unifying role are important, but that is not in contradiction to simultaneously being active and proactive.

In some issues, Sweden was very proactive, including regarding Ukraine and the other examples that have been mentioned. But in other issues, Sweden was not so active, including regarding the terrorist designation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard, IRGC. Here, Sweden could have chosen to have a significantly more active role.

Finally, I want to say that it is important to follow up and maintain Sweden's efforts. In addition to Ukraine, where we are all in agreement, it naturally concerns democracy, the principles of the rule of law, and the climate. It is necessary to use the democracy lock where needed and step up when it comes to environmental and climate work. The Center Party believes that a climate lock needs to be developed, corresponding to the democracy lock, so that resources can be reduced for those countries that do not deliver in the environmental and climate areas. It would be quite reasonable to agree on that and push forward to get it implemented.

Once again, a big thank you for the good cooperation!

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! Last year with the EU family was special from a Swedish perspective, especially considering the first half of the year, when our country for the third time since the first half of 2001 and the second half of 2009 took on the role of the EU's presiding country. The differences from the previous times were large because the Lisbon Treaty had entered into force and the rotating presidency of the Council in the European Council and the Council for Foreign Affairs had ended and been replaced with permanent presidencies. But the similarities were even greater, and the experiences were well utilized.

The program for the Swedish presidency was aimed at making the EU safer, greener and freer. It contained four overarching priorities that were anchored in the Riksdag: security and unity, competitiveness, green transition and energy transition, and democratic values and the principles of the rule of law.

Specifically, this meant that Ukraine was placed at the top of the priority order, and a support for Ukraine that is as long-term and unanimous as possible must still be the ambition for every new decision in EU circles as well as every dialogue with our partners. The program's implementation also means that the EU is now seriously taking up the fight for the union's competitiveness and undertaking necessary reforms, safeguarding the strength of the internal market and seeking opportunities for further free trade. It was a victory to see that Fit for 55 reached its goal, with all that it entails for not least Swedish business, and that the presidency stood firm in the defense of the EU's fundamental values and the protection of the member states' legal institutions. We Christian Democrats believe that all this actually leads to a more balanced EU.

In summary, the presidency received a unanimous very good grade, and I would like to send a thank you to everyone involved in both the preparations and the implementation. I also want to thank the Czech Republic, which during its presidency half a year ago had many similar priorities. The Minister may please convey my thanks to all employees at the Government Offices and to everyone else who was involved in the preparations.

Tactically, there are also lessons to be learned. In the same way that during the pandemic's many online meetings we often heard the question "Is that an old hand?", during the chairmanship's time, not least from the EU minister himself, we heard that Sweden must act as an honest broker. Then it is a bit nice that we can now use our own voice again, reinforced with a fantastic contact network across the entire union.

Madam Speaker! I vote in favor of the committee's proposal.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! We are here today to discuss the Swedish presidency and the communication that the government has submitted to us. It is interesting to read about everything that was done during Sweden's presidency as well as about the government's direction during the presidency, including for a greener EU. I intended to dwell on the green because it is one of the more important issues.

Just as interesting as reading about everything that was done is reading about what the government did not do or succeed in doing during the presidency. I intended to bring up some examples of the latter. The government opposed the nature restoration bill, it introduced fossil into the capacity mechanisms in the energy market reform, much more than was permitted previously, and it also deleted a proposal for a ban on the incineration of unsold products, for example textiles, in the ecodesign proposal. Certainly much happened during the presidency, but the government also opposed a lot. They did not support the LULUCF regulation and voted against the deforestation regulation. They also missed the excellent opportunity to seek several billion euros for the expansion of the Swedish railway. All this happened during the Swedish presidency, which was supposed to make the EU greener.

Madam Speaker! I move for approval of the committee's proposal to submit the communication to the records.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Nilsson (L)

Madam Speaker! Let me begin by thanking the government for the good cooperation during the chairmanship.

Just as many have already said, the goal was clear when Sweden took on the presidency: the EU was to become safer, greener and freer, and we succeeded in that. During this period, extensive support for Ukraine was secured. New sanction packages were introduced, an agreement was reached to deliver 1 million artillery shells to Ukraine, an initiative was taken to freeze Russian assets to finance Ukraine's reconstruction, and a tribunal was negotiated to investigate and prosecute Russian war crimes.

I am particularly proud of the work that the Liberal Minister for Climate and Environment, Romina Pourmokhtari, performed during the presidency. She achieved the world's most ambitious climate package. Fit for 55 has changed the playing field for climate policy, and the EU has now taken the lead in the climate issue. It was precisely such a step we needed to see for the climate.

Madam Speaker! Now that we have left the chair behind and look forward, we can state that the EU, just as before, faces great challenges. Russia continues to indiscriminately harvest lives and dreams of freedom in Ukraine. Europe's support for Ukraine is more important now than ever. Ukraine must win the war, and Russia must lose.

Just as the EU has taken the lead in climate policy, the EU must be Ukraine's primary ally until they can themselves become part of the European community. Ukrainian EU membership is central if we are to secure peace in Europe and strengthen our common defense. The EU must be Europe's main mover.

Madam Speaker! Just as I have already mentioned, Romina Pourmokhtari steered the Swedish presidency through a very important climate agreement. The EU must be the world's most important climate organization. But it is not only within climate policy that we must work across borders. Today's organized crime is a major problem. Criminal networks operate across borders and take advantage of the fact that the EU countries' law enforcement agencies do not cooperate sufficiently. It is only through increased cooperation in the EU and with the rest of the world that we can effectively combat these problems.

Madam Speaker! I intended to take the opportunity to, as speakers have done before me, look forward. Now Sweden is finally a member of Nato. We are building security with like-minded countries and contributing to safety and stability in our immediate vicinity.

The next natural step for Sweden is to become a full-fledged member of the European community. It is time for Sweden to step out from the sidelines and exchange the krona for the euro. Of course, Sweden should have as much to say in all forums at the European level. For the Liberals, it is crystal clear that Sweden belongs in the EU fully. We demand new initiatives in the euro issue, for our economy and for our security. It is time to upgrade the Swedish membership from basic to premium.

Madam Speaker! Common challenges require common solutions. More, not less, EU cooperation is needed - for the climate, against crime, and in the foreign policy area. Sweden needs the EU, and the EU needs Sweden.

The Swedish Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the first half of 2023

Once again: Many thanks to the government for good cooperation!

I vote in favor of the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 8.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)