The Council of Europe

Mattias Jonsson (S)

Madam Speaker! We now move on to the Council of Europe. This matter concerns a report for 2022 describing the Swedish delegation's work within the Parliamentary Assembly. Also included in this are the Council of Ministers during 2021 and the first half of 2022.

For my part, I received the opportunity to join as a member of the Council of Europe from the turn of the year, which feels incredibly honoring. I am very happy about it.

Madam Speaker! I propose that the Riksdag adopts the report from Sweden's delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and rejects the motions being dealt with in the report.

Within the framework of the Council of Europe, some election observations have also taken place. These took place during 2022 in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Bulgaria.

The Council of Europe as an organisation works for human rights and in support of democracy and the principles of the rule of law. Membership in PACE has been an important and significant gateway into Europe and the EU for the Eastern European states after the fall of the Berlin Wall. An order was created where countries first became members of the Council of Europe and were thereby monitored and trained in issues of democracy and the rule of law in order to subsequently be able to successfully apply for membership in the EU.

The activities within the democracy area, which are focused on measures to strengthen democratic governance at all levels and to increase participation for citizens and civil society, are also well in line with Sweden's commitment to democracy during the 2022 operational year.

Madam Speaker! The issue of democracy is particularly important for the Council of Europe to continue to have a strong focus on, as we can see several signs of a deteriorating democracy in Europe. This is something that I am strongly concerned about. According to the democracy index, the number of full democracies in the EU decreased between 2006 and 2022 from 17 to 10. This must be taken seriously.

Signs that democracy is starting to go in the wrong direction are when countries, for example, deteriorate the opportunities for civil society organizations and the opposition to operate. When this is reduced, one finds oneself on a slippery slope. Also, deteriorations in the area of equality and that women's rights are sidelined are common to those countries that sideline the core values of the Council of Europe.

Mr. Speaker! Russia's withdrawal from the Council of Europe has had significant legal, administrative and, of course, also political consequences. The withdrawal has meant that Russia abandons all Council of Europe conventions that require membership in the organization, for example, the European Convention and the European Social Charter. Following the ministerial committee's decision on 23 March 2022, Russia was also excluded from the party agreements under the Council of Europe that the country had joined.

The European Court of Human Rights is working on examining complaints against Russia regarding violations. As it stands, they will be examining no fewer than 18,000 ongoing cases against Russia. At the moment, it is unclear how the European Court of Human Rights can do this since Russia, as the respondent state, does not cooperate within the framework of the process and also does not provide any information.

Russia's war against Ukraine has been the biggest issue in the assembly over the past year. It was large even before that, with the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Russia's actions in Georgia and Moldova. Even though differences of opinion existed regarding the attitude towards Russia before the war of aggression began, all such differences have ceased since that day. The assembly has been completely united in its decisions to exclude Russia and the resolutions and recommendations that have been adopted since the invasion started.

The Assembly has also been strongly pushing for a summit of the Council of Europe's heads of state on the grounds of the war and for a final declaration on the establishment of a registry of crimes located in The Hague and for support for a tribunal, which are some of the results from the summit that took place in Reykjavík recently, on 16-17 May 2023.

The Ukrainian delegation, given the war, has been incredibly visible and persistent in the Assembly, fully supported throughout the entire time the war has been ongoing and closely accompanied by, among others, the delegations of the Baltic countries. Ukraine, I would say, is today the number one issue for the Assembly, just as Ukraine's delegation is supported visibly, unanimously and unwaveringly.

Mr. Speaker! It is important that Sweden continues to put effort into developing the Council of Europe as an organization with a focus on its core tasks. Europe needs a regionally strong organization for human rights, democracy, and the principles of the rule of law. We have seen the deterioration and the threats in Europe, but we can also see that the assembly has recently had the strength to, with force and unity, adopt several reports linked to Russia and with support for Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! The bribery scandal that a few years ago damaged the trust in the Council of Europe as an institution has, among other things, led to the fact that we members, in order to be able to participate, have had to fill in a document called code of conduct, this in order to increase trust and prevent this type of scandal from being repeated. I envision that we would need to take further steps to tighten the control even more in order to also increase trust for the Council of Europe in the long term. Here I hope that more parties share that view and would like to be part of that work.

Finally, Mr. Speaker, I would like to take the opportunity to thank those who work from the Riksdag with us in the Council of Europe and participate when we have sessions. They provide important and necessary support during the weeks in Strasbourg.

With that, I wish you a pleasant summer.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Mr. Speaker! In a time when Europe faces several major challenges with increased contradictions and tensions, it becomes extra important that Sweden strengthens its commitment to the Council of Europe and intensifies the work for the Council of Europe's core values: to safeguard human rights, the principles of the rule of law, and a democratic system of government. The Council of Europe is, after all, the only intergovernmental body where virtually all European countries are members and thus constitutes an important platform for dialogue, exchange, and cooperation.

Unfortunately, we can observe that the development is going in the completely wrong direction in several European countries when it comes to respect for human rights, freedom of association and media, and the rights of women and hbtqi persons. Particularly worrying is the development in countries such as Russia, Turkey, Hungary, Romania, Azerbaijan and Poland.

In my speech, I intend to focus on our reservation regarding the rights of LGBTQI persons. But first, Mr. Speaker, I would like to say something about the terrible war that is ongoing in Europe.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine was completely unprovoked, illegal and unjustifiable. It is an attack in violation of international law and an assault not only against Ukraine but also against the international legal order. The attack is a violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty and entails great human suffering for the Ukrainian people. It is an attack against Europe's peace and prevailing security order that we will never tolerate. The Ukrainian people need our full support, both humanitarian and military. It was also entirely correct to exclude Russia from the Council of Europe as a consequence.

Mr. Speaker! For the Left Party, the right to express one's sexuality and gender identity on one's own terms is a matter of fundamental human rights, regardless of where in the world one lives. No state can, with reference to history, culture, religion, and so on, claim that these rights do not encompass all its citizens.

Developments in the world have in many respects moved in the right direction. The global attitude survey World Value Survey states that the acceptance of hbtqi persons has increased from 5 percent in the 1980s to around 20 percent today. At the same time, hbtqi persons in many countries live under oppression in the form of repressive legislation, hate crimes, and invisibility.

In recent years, the Council of Europe has become an increasingly important arena for raising issues regarding the rights of LGBTQI persons. It is particularly noticeable there that the work for trans people's rights is yielding results. The European Court of Human Rights has on several occasions examined cases concerning the human rights of LGBTQI persons and issued clear demands to the member states concerned. The Council of Europe's Commissioner for Human Rights and the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance have on several occasions highlighted violations of LGBTQI persons' human rights among the Council of Europe's member states.

Opposition is simultaneously strong in several of the member states. Open discrimination of hbtqi persons occurs on our own continent. When nationalistic and right-wing populist forces gain ground, the right to one's own sexuality and identity is challenged. Poland no longer provides access to assisted fertilization for single women, and during recent years, nearly a hundred local parliaments have adopted homophobic resolutions and subsequently declared hbtqi-free zones. The risk of losing funds from the EU has admittedly caused several regions to flip on the issue, but that does not mean that homo or transphobia has de facto decreased in the country.

Bulgaria has eliminated the possibility for trans people to confirm correct names and gender in official documents. In Georgia, the constitution has been changed so that marriage is reserved for a man and a woman. In Turkey, last summer's pride was attacked by armed police. In Russia, organizations for hbtqi people are being shut down. During last summer's pride parade in Oslo, two people were shot dead and over 20 were injured in an attack against a gay pub.

Sweden must continue and further strengthen its commitment to the rights of LGBTQI persons within the Council of Europe. The Government should therefore, within the cooperation in the Council of Europe, actively work to ensure that all member states abolish all forms of discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics.

Within the Council of Europe, there is today a special unit that works with LGBTQI issues, the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Unit. This is an important body for highlighting LGBTQI issues in Europe. Among other things, it monitors developments in the member states and issues reports. Sweden should work to financially and organizationally strengthen the unit Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Unit within the Council of Europe in order to ensure that the unit can work long-term.

I therefore move for the approval of reservation number 1.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Mr. Speaker! I would first like to take the opportunity to thank the entire Swedish delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly for good cooperation over the past year, not least all the new members whom we have now had the honor of working with. Just as before, our delegation distinguishes itself as very active in the Parliamentary Assembly. We actually have every reason to continue to be very proud of our contribution.

This year has, not entirely unexpectedly, continued to be characterized by Russia's heinous invasion of Ukraine. It has also clearly been noted that even we and our delegation, despite previous disagreements regarding how we should tackle Russia, stand fully united in our full and compact support for Ukraine.

It has been noticed. Several of us have participated in various debates and have signed both motions and written declarations. For my part, I have initiated three of these. They have also received broad support in the congregation. We see how Europe is rallying behind Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! Another issue that has become relevant is how we can best support the people in Belarus. Belarus's authoritarian regime has become perhaps Putin's most important ally in the aggression against Ukraine. I am therefore pleased that we in the Swedish delegation are united even in this issue. We have a common endeavor to, in different ways, provide space for and enable the legitimate, democratic opposition in Belarus to have a platform.

Now they have received such a platform, through observation posts. But there are still strong reasons to intensify this. I therefore hope that we, together with the other countries in the Nordic-Baltic circle, will be able to work unitedly to increase knowledge about Belarus and strengthen democracy work in the country. For my part, I see it as a priority area.

Mr. Speaker! Democracy work is, as is well known, a central part of the work in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. The defense of democracy and fundamental human rights is something most people think of when talking about the Council of Europe. We also play an important role in participation in election observations, the carrying out of audits, and naturally, the exchange between different elected officials.

The Council of Europe's renewed and further strengthened commitment to human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, which was manifested at the fourth summit in Reykjavík in May, must however be filled with further meaning. This applies particularly in a time when the world's dictatorships tend to become increasingly aggressive and we see a retreat for democracy around the world.

This leads to my conclusion: that we can do more and that we shall do more. I am thinking in particular of working with reinforced support for democracies and for democrats in dictatorships who operate in authoritarian, difficult environments. It should not be difficult. Nor should it have been difficult to have ensured that the democratic opposition in Belarus had been given an opportunity for insight into the Council of Europe's work earlier.

In the same way, it should not be difficult to provide observation posts or similar to opposition democrats in, for example, the Latin American countries, such as Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua. These are three countries that are now in different ways cooperating and collaborating with Putin's Russia and which in these days are being visited by Russia's Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, who landed in Brazil yesterday.

It is worth mentioning that Cuba has recently signed an agreement with Russia. Cuban soldiers have been sent to Belarus for training, so that they can subsequently fight on Russia's side in the war against Ukraine. It is to the highest degree a matter that concerns us and the Council of Europe.

Mr. Speaker! In Venezuela, similar to in Belarus, there is a relatively organized democratic opposition. They have also established de facto embassies in other countries, also called people's embassies.

Furthermore, we see potential in Cuba, which, also thanks to a diligent diaspora in not least the USA, has shown that it can take on an important role in democratizing the dictatorship that has in silence oppressed its population.

The Council of Europe's commitment in Reykjavík must have worldwide implications. Even seemingly forgotten dictatorships with a long history, such as Cuba, must be included. Here, at least, my work has only just begun.

Mr. Speaker! There is much that could be highlighted in this debate. Every year, different things can be highlighted. I choose to keep it relatively short this year.

This year, we in the Sweden Democrats also choose not to reserve ourselves in this report, even though, like in previous years, we have a number of proposals to improve the Council of Europe's work. The reason is, among other things, that several of the proposals we have submitted have in one way or another been addressed in other reports, but it is also thanks to our ongoing cooperation with the government parties, which we feel is working very well. We will therefore return to these in the future, and we will act to the extent we can to gain support for them in various negotiations.

I now refer to our specific statement in the report. And I would like to thank the delegation again for this work.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Mr. Speaker! The Council of Europe's parliamentary delegation has expressed its views in the debate. I note that this report from the Committee on Foreign Affairs concerns both the government's actions in the ministerial committee and the parliamentary delegation. I want to emphasize that, because I will later return to precisely the ministerial committee and the importance of acting in it.

I also want to begin with what several have said; Russia's brutal, internationally illegal war against Ukraine, which began 475 days ago, is something that everyone in this chamber condemns. I hope that the consensus also remains in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and that they can collectively condemn the war, even though I know there are forces in the Council of Europe's member states that do not have the same clear profile as this chamber.

I hope and expect that the delegation and Sweden work to prevent the Council of Europe from splitting apart regarding the Russian perspective. We have, in fact, seen a history that is not so neighborly, Mr. Speaker. I want to return to that.

I had, for quite many years, starting in 2007, the privilege of being a representative in the Council of Europe when Russia was present. Initially, it was interesting to meet and discuss. But one could see the development. When Russia entered Georgia in 2008, it was a clear signal that they had a different direction. It was also clearly noticeable in the debate.

There were some who tried to act so that the Council of Europe would stand up for what is the Council of Europe's core function on our continent: to uphold precisely the convention foundations, to uphold democracy and to uphold the principles of the rule of law and human rights. To stand up for that is the Council of Europe's core task. One also, with the help of the court, has muscles to uphold convention texts.

Furthermore, a number of other bodies around it assist in pushing forward and maintaining what is the core of the Council of Europe. I think it is an important profile from our point of view – to assert the core of the Council of Europe, to safeguard the core of the Council of Europe and hold onto it! Do not dilute it, because then one loses the power in that mission. That is where one stood and weighed.

I am among those who in 2011 had the privilege, for the parliamentary assembly, to follow Hungary for quite a long time, to see their development when it comes to the core issues - the convention and convention signatures, democracy, the rule of law and human rights.

I was among those who proposed that a review of Hungary should be opened in 2011. We could, in fact, see clear signs pointing towards the fact that certain parts were threatened. I regret that one was not prepared to do so at that time.

Then came the invasion of Crimea and eastern Ukraine in 2014. We met Crimean Tatars, members of the Ukrainian parliament who could no longer remain in Crimea. Previously, we had met the opposition in Belarus and invited them to various activities. When they then returned to Belarus, they were imprisoned. It was already then a clear move from Lukashenko's side, and therefore Belarus is not a member.

What happened around Crimea in 2014 was a major fight to ensure that the Council of Europe used the muscles to issue sanctions that just the Council of Europe has, muscles that the OSCE does not have because consensus there is the whole idea. Voting rights and presence rights in committees, as well as participation in election observations and so on, were removed from the Russian delegation.

It was a clear marker: We stand up for the values, and we stand up for the fundamentals. Russia has violated the rules that they themselves have signed, and we are using our muscles to mark and also assert the values towards other member states that have had a tendency to follow the Russian actions. Putin has opened the door for several who say "yes, yes, the European Court of Justice in all its glory, but we have our own court that overrides a judgment from the European Court of Justice." Others have followed suit. Even when it comes to foreign agents laws, others have followed suit.

What can be seen is that we missed the opportunity to continue being clear towards Russia and thus towards other states that follow in Russia's footsteps on the political path. Instead, one tried with various methods to find ways to appease Putin, the Kremlin, and Russia.

In 2019, with 118 votes against 62, the assembly at the time voted to release Russia but also to remove some of the Council of Europe's possibilities for sanctions. It was a move that meant the parliamentary assembly no longer had that power. That possibility was given up, and that is what lies behind the fact that the Council of Europe today is not quite as powerful as it once was when one showed that one dared to use its sanction tools, its muscles.

We regret that the Council of Europe chose to go that way. I know that the Council of Ministers initiated it and that the then Secretary General and several others were involved, but it was also the path that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe chose.

Under point 1 in reservation 2, which I wish to move for approval of, we highlight precisely the importance of the ministerial committee acting. With Russia out of the Council of Europe, it is important that action is taken to both uphold the European Court of Human Rights' judgments and human rights, and to take a new approach regarding the sanctions toolkit.

The Council of Europe's strength and capacity is not to be merely a conversation club. The tool of sanctions is important, and therefore one should try to reclaim the power that was given up in order to welcome Russia back. This is an important signal for the Council of Europe so that one can act before the next country crosses the line.

Mr. Speaker! I vote in favor of reservation 2 and of the committee's proposal in the report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Boriana Åberg (M)

Mr. Speaker! There was a time before February 24, 2022, and there is a time after. Russia's brutal war of invasion against Ukraine has forever changed the world for the much worse. The humanitarian consequences of the war are beyond calculation, and the number of victims cannot be counted as the figures change every day. It is people who have been forced to leave their homes, wounded people, injured people, raped people, killed people. Irpin, Bucha, and Mariupol are names that have involuntarily become symbols of the barbaric evil.

Mr. Speaker! Russia's war in Ukraine dominated the Council of Europe's agenda during the year 2022. The decision to suspend Russia under Article 8 was taken on 25 February by the Committee of Ministers after consultation with the joint committee consisting of representatives of the member states' governments, the heads of the national delegations, and the chairs of the committees in the Parliamentary Assembly.

On March 14 and 15, 2022, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe held an extraordinary session where it was unanimously adopted that Russia could no longer be a member of the Council of Europe. The Assembly also expressed its unwavering support for Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. The following day, March 16, Russia was expelled from the Council of Europe.

With the benefit of hindsight, the exclusion should have occurred much earlier, already when Russia occupied the Donetsk and Luhansk regions and the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 – or even earlier, in 2008, when Russia attacked Georgia and occupied Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Throughout its entire time as a member of the Council of Europe, Russia has shown that the country is very far from the organization's values and very far from respect for democracy, human rights, and the principles of the rule of law. Here are some examples:

In 2017, Putin signed a law on the decriminalization of domestic violence; 358 of the State Duma's members voted in favor and only three against.

A few years earlier, so-called "homopropaganda" for minors was banned, which was merely a pretext to exercise even harsher oppression against LGBTQ persons and limit their rights.

In 2012, a law was introduced, with amendments in 2017 and 2020, which gives Russian authorities the opportunity to classify organizations, media, and individuals as foreign agents and shut down their activities, which violates the European Convention's provision on freedom of association.

The Putin regime's actions against journalists, lawyers, universities, and the opposition have hit civil society hard. Independent journalism has been criminalized, organizations that stand for human rights have been destroyed, and independent politicians are in prison. All this is happening in a country that for 26 years was a member of the Council of Europe. This undeniably raises the question of how long the Council of Europe will wait before it acts against member countries that repeatedly violate the Council of Europe's fundamental principles, namely democracy, respect for human rights, and the principles of the rule of law. And such member countries exist.

Azerbaijan has since November 2022 blocked the Lachin Corridor, which is the only connection between Nagorno-Karabakh and the Republic of Armenia. The situation for the 120,000 people living on the other side of the blockade can be described as a humanitarian catastrophe. They cannot move freely. Access to food and medicine is very limited because practically no deliveries are allowed through the blockade. There are also frequent interruptions in the electricity and gas supply.

According to the tripartite agreement of November 9, 2020, the Lachin Corridor shall be under the supervision of the Russian Federation's peacekeeping troops, while Azerbaijan shall guarantee secure mobility for people, vehicles, and goods in both directions. The very concept of Russian peacekeeping troops is an oxymoron, or a self-contradiction. The only thing Russia does there is guard its own interests.

Despite the fact that the International Criminal Court in February adopted a binding provisional measure according to which Azerbaijan shall ensure unimpeded movement for people, vehicles, and transport along both directions of the Lachin Corridor, the measure has not yet been implemented, and the suffering of 120,000 people continues. The Council of Europe must act! The world must act!

Mr. Speaker! Russia's brutal war of invasion against Ukraine has brought the member states of the Council of Europe together, and during 2022 we have agreed on no fewer than seven resolutions which, among other things, concern aid to Ukraine, aid to Ukrainians who have sought protection abroad, aid to women and children who have been subjected to brutal gang rapes by the Russian army, but also sanctions against Russia and accountability for Russia's crimes against international law. Accountability must be demanded from the perpetrators and from those who have ordered the war crimes. In light of this, the arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court in The Hague against Vladimir Putin is welcome.

The Council of Europe has also decided on a resolution regarding the establishment of a tribunal against the crime of aggression, that is, the individual responsibility that Putin and other Russian politicians in leading positions have for Russia's use of violence in Ukraine. Sweden is also included in the core group working to jointly with Ukraine establish a tribunal with jurisdiction over the crime of aggression. It is extremely important for Ukraine as a state and for the people who have fallen, and are falling, victims of Russia's war crimes to obtain justice and redress. It is also important for the maintenance of the rules-based world order.

Mr. Speaker! Finally, I would like to thank my colleagues in the Council of Europe's Swedish delegation and extend a special thanks to Petra Sjöström and Johanna Ingvarsson from the Riksdag's International Office for their invaluable support.

(Applause)

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(A decision was to be taken on 14 June.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)