Extra supplementary budget for 2024 - Defense materiel and economic support to Ukraine

Edward Riedl (M)

Mr. Speaker! It has now been just over two years since Russia launched its full-scale war of aggression against a European neighboring country - Ukraine. Over 10,000 civilians have died during this time. The number of injured is much larger, and even more have lost their homes. It is an unfathomable suffering that people in Ukraine are experiencing. The Ukrainian people are now experiencing all the horrors of war. All the suffering falls on one people.

Mr. Speaker! It is a strength that all eight parties in this Riksdag agree to vote for the 15th support package for Ukraine. It shows that the Swedish determination is total. We intend to continue to support Ukraine for as long as is required.

After these two years of a full-scale war of aggression, it is easy to feel hopelessness because it is difficult to find glimmers of light and difficult to see that an end to the war is near. We know that Putin builds the entire war on a dream of restoring an old Russia - a great realm, an empire.

Mr. Speaker! It is not possible to reason with someone who does not want to, with someone who builds these parts on megalomania and on some form of misguided nostalgia. What, on the other hand, makes there be hope is that we do not stand powerless in all of this.

The support that Sweden now provides on its own, but also together with our allies, to Ukraine matters. It is clear that Russia must be defeated militarily. But it is also our conviction that they can be defeated militarily. But for this, Ukraine needs the support of the rest of the world.

The contribution we now have to make a decision on is called package 15 and is thus the 15th package in order. Package 15 is the largest individual support package so far that Sweden is providing to Ukraine. In monetary terms, we are talking about approximately 7.1 billion kronor, which means that the total military support from Sweden to Ukraine now amounts to over 30 billion kronor. It is a large sum of money, but it is also a completely self-evident investment in Ukraine's freedom and the security of the whole of Europe. It is also a sum that must be put into relation with the great risks and costs it would entail if Russia were to emerge victorious from this war. This, Mr. Speaker, simply must not happen.

The specific measures that fall within the scope of the package are well-balanced for what Ukraine needs most right now. Sweden's support is also adapted to complement the support coming from other countries in a good way and so that we in Sweden can contribute in a way that fits our own capacity.

To support Ukraine and meet its needs on the land battlefield, we are now donating, among other things, ammunition, anti-tank missiles, grenade launchers, hand grenades and air defense systems. To this shall be added a comprehensive investment in Stridsfordon 90, which is highlighted by the Ukrainians themselves as a very important resource. More than before, the focus is on being able to also deliver newly produced defense materiel from the Swedish defense industry.

Other parts of the package include support for Ukraine's maritime capability in the form of, among other things, combat boats and underwater weapons, as well as support in the form of medical supplies and other necessities. It also includes financial means for the international funds that make it possible for Ukraine to conduct procurement of necessary materiel itself.

Standing up for Ukraine is a matter of decency. It is about standing up for international law and about defending a people and a country that have been subjected to an immoral full-scale invasion and are now fighting for their freedom and survival. It is about defending our values when these come under attack from the kind of ideologies that we in Europe had hoped would be left behind in the darkest corners of the 20th century.

Standing up for Ukraine is also an investment in our own freedom and security. If Russia were to emerge victorious from the war against Ukraine, it would not only be a catastrophe for the Ukrainian people – such a development would also significantly worsen the Swedish security situation.

Since the proposition that forms the basis for today's report reached the Riksdag, Sweden has managed to become a full member of the defense alliance Nato. This means increased protection for us in Sweden in an increasingly restless world, but it is also an expression of how we view our own role in this world. We now join, fully and without reservation, also militarily, the countries that stand closest to us when it comes to the view on democracy and freedom.

Sweden's support for Ukraine was obvious even before the NATO application. With the NATO application, our continued support for Ukraine's defense becomes an even clearer signal both about where we belong and where Ukraine belongs: in the free world.

When Russia chose to invade Ukraine, Vladimir Putin clearly showed what kind of country he wants to represent. Now it is time for us to show who we are.

I would like to extend a big thank you to all the parties in the Riksdag for continued support for what we all consider to be right and obvious.

I would like to conclude by moving for approval of the Finance Committee's proposal for a decision.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Joakim Sandell (S)

Mr. Speaker! It has been a little over two years since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. These years have entailed a great deal of death in Ukraine and a new security policy situation for Sweden.

A war is currently taking place in our vicinity, and the war is truly close. For those living in Skåne, it is 75 mil to the Ukrainian border. It is approximately the same distance as between Malmö and Gävle. There is therefore reason to say that we are now in the most insecure situation since the Second World War.

Mr. Speaker! The Russian invasion has shown the importance of cooperation and the importance of us standing up together for democratic values against authoritarian regimes. Therefore, the cooperation between all parties in the Swedish Riksdag is a strength. The cooperation that has occurred between the democracies in the West, within the EU and with the USA is also a strength. Together we have shown that democracy is best defended together and that Ukraine fights not only for its own cause but for all democracies.

Mr. Speaker! Together with our friends in the EU and with the USA, Sweden has supported Ukraine in the war against Russia. We have sent extensive support packages, both civilian and military. This has been important for Ukraine's ability to withstand the Russian attacks.

Sweden has since the outbreak of the war contributed a total of 37 billion kronor to efforts to support Ukraine. Today, we are making decisions on packages for further support. It is of utmost importance that the support to Ukraine continues, and therefore the Social Democrats stand behind the government's extra supplementary budget and the support measures that it enables.

With this said, Mr. Speaker, I would like to remind of something that George Santayana said. His probably most famous sentence reads: Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.

Battles are won on the battlefield, but history has shown us that wars are not won solely on the battlefield. A strong economy and a well-functioning industry have decided the outcome of many wars throughout history. In the American Civil War, the North's superior industry was, for example, an important factor in the defeat of the South, and in World War II, the USA's industrial production was of decisive importance.

If Russia is to be defeated on the battlefields in Ukraine, we in the West must win the industrial part of the war. More war materiel needs to be produced, and more war materiel needs to be delivered.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden must now take its responsibility to increase the production of defense materiel for Ukraine. Therefore, we Social Democrats have put forward proposals that could increase Swedish production capacity, for example by the Swedish government signaling its willingness to issue state guarantees for the production of military materiel, primarily ammunition, on behalf of Ukraine. We propose that negotiations on this start with relevant parts of the Swedish defense industry and that the Swedish government within the EU and in all other relevant international forums actively drives the issue of state guarantees for the production of ammunition and military materiel directed straight to Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! I choose to conclude with a historical reference. In December 1940, a year before the USA entered World War II, the American President Franklin Delano Roosevelt gave one of his famous speeches. We may remember it because of the theme of the USA as an "arsenal of democracy".

In Western Europe, Great Britain stood alone in the fight against Nazism. Regarding the support for Great Britain, Roosevelt said the following: We must emphatically get these weapons to them in sufficient volume and sufficiently quickly, so that we and our children are saved from the plague and the suffering of war that others have had to endure.

The USA was then the free world's arsenal, and now it must be again - together with Europe and with Sweden.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Charlotte Quensel (SD)

Mr. Speaker! On February 24, 2022, Russia moved from an annexation of Crimea to a full-scale attack against Ukraine. The world reacted with shock and anger. The West mobilized both support for Ukraine and sanctions against Russia. This continues. The EU approved as recently as last week another support package for Ukraine, and discussions on expanded sanctions against Russia are ongoing.

The West has misjudged the Russian economy, which has fared much better than we expected despite the sanctions. Now it is clear that Russia has allied itself with Iran, China, and North Korea. This strengthens Russian combat capability and increases the risk that the war will become very long.

The Ukrainians show courage and an enormous will to defend their country. The war is heavy, and the Ukrainian counter-offensive did not go as planned last year. The soldiers are exhausted while Ukraine suffers from a great shortage of both war materiel and its own soldiers. The West's focus lies on manufacturing war materiel at the fastest possible pace. Every step in this direction is welcome. But it takes time, and that is something Ukraine does not have.

Mr. Speaker! Would Ukraine have escaped a full-scale war if the West had acted differently in the spring of 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea? There is reason to analyze how the EU's leaders acted during that spring and thereafter. We would have stood up to him then; that is the truth, says Boris Johnson about Putin and today's situation. During the invasion of Crimea, voices were raised that the EU should act forcefully. At the same time, the USA let the EU's leaders set the pace when Europe had more to lose economically than the USA did.

Mr. Speaker! A few years before the Russians annexed Crimea, Angela Merkel and her government made the fateful decision to phase out the country's nuclear power. It was not only wrong from a climate perspective but also the start of a major dependence on Russian gas and oil. Germany was and is an energy-consuming industrial nation, and the solution for Merkel was to make itself dependent on Putin to secure enormous amounts of fossil fuels at a favorable price. It was great economic values and political power that were at stake. Without Russian fossil fuels, Merkel's party risked devastating setbacks. During this time, Merkel maintained that diplomacy and trade were the right way to handle Putin - this despite the fact that in the years that followed until Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine, there were many signs that the development was going completely in the wrong direction.

Questions worth considering are: Why did the EU leaders refuse to act with force? Was it only about economic considerations, or were there multiple reasons? Regardless of the reason, it is Ukraine that struggles with the result of the EU's policy. The Western world's leaders at the time, who believed they could handle Putin, were dreadfully wrong.

Mr. Speaker! At the same time as Ukraine is fighting a war, many in Sweden choose to refuse to acknowledge the threat to us, even though for seven years we have been reminded of just such a nightmare scenario. When the Supreme Commander in January said that it is time to prepare for a possible war, he was met by angry journalists. And yes, for most of us, it is a nearly unthinkable thought that there would be war in Sweden. But living in denial will not make Sweden stronger. The best we can do is to arm Sweden, Europe, and the rest of the free world to be able to withstand potential attacks from dictatorships such as Russia, China, and Iran.

Part of Europe's defense capability consists of us giving Ukraine the opportunity to win against Russia. Any other outcome would be devastating for Europe. The risk of a Russian victory has increased after Ukraine's failed counteroffensive last year. If Russia wins, they will continue to arm themselves for new conquests. We did not take the annexation of Crimea seriously, but now we need to come together and hold out until every Russian has left Ukrainian territory.

Sweden is, after many turns, a member of Nato. That is good. We obviously need to shoulder the defense of our free and democratic part of the world. We and other Nato countries will need to prioritize military investments. Regardless of how the US election goes, the next president will demand that Nato member countries live up to the frameworks for military investments. With Russia on a warpath, Europe's countries need to arm themselves for strong defenses. It must be very clear that it costs more than it is worth to attack us.

Mr. Speaker! This afternoon, the House will vote on the 15th support package for Ukraine. The package amounts to a value of 7.1 billion kronor, which brings us to a total of just over 30 billion kronor. It is an enormous amount of money, but so much more was needed. It is high time that Ukraine gets to take part in confiscated Russian assets. A legally sustainable solution for the use of these assets would mean a long-awaited resource for Ukraine.

After this request, I conclude by moving for the approval of the committee's proposal.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Andreas Lennkvist Manriquez (V)

Mr. Speaker! It has now been two years since the Russian despot Vladimir Putin launched a full-scale and unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine. February 24, 2022, will forever go down in history as a dark day for peace, Europe, and the right of states to national self-determination. Our thoughts today go to the Ukrainian people but also to the Russians who, at risk to their own safety, have protested against the war and the authoritarian national-chauvinist rule in the Kremlin.

Alexei Navalny is the latest and perhaps most prominent addition to the Russian regime's long list of murdered critics. During the years Putin has been in power, progressive forces have been subdued and persecuted. Oppositionists, journalists, human rights activists, LGBTQ+ activists, and climate activists have been silenced, imprisoned, or murdered, and the oppression has intensified since the start of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. Let therefore the farce of a presidential election that we witnessed on Sunday serve as a reminder that Putin fears not only the freedom of the Ukrainian people but also that of the Belarusians, Moldovans, Georgians and, perhaps most of all, the Russian people.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden shall be a consistent and clear voice for equality, democracy and human rights all around the world. We shall stand up against occupation and imperialism and for all peoples' freedom and right to self-determination wherever in the world they may be located. The Russian invasion of Ukraine is not only a crime against international law and a violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty. It is also a humanitarian catastrophe.

Vänsterpartiet stands behind the humanitarian, economic, and military support for Ukraine. The world's support is absolutely crucial for Ukraine's survival. It is therefore in the interest of Sweden and all democratic states to contribute what we can to stop the Russian war of expansion. It is a great strength that all parties here today stand behind the decision on further and continued support for Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! It is appalling war crimes that Russia has committed in Ukraine. We need to do everything we can to ensure that those responsible are held accountable. The economic sanctions against Russia must be expanded, and all trade with Russian oil and gas must cease immediately. The world must also ensure that the oligarchs who have financed the war and the Russian regime compensate Ukraine for the damage and destruction they have caused the country.

When the battles now rage and the bombs fall, it is simultaneously important to remind that just as inviolable as international law is the right to seek protection from war and persecution. Many who have fled the war in Ukraine live, like many other refugees in Sweden, on small margins. A Ukrainian refugee covered by the mass flight directive must today manage on 71 kronor a day. That is far below the subsistence minimum. Vänsterpartiet has long worked to improve their economic situation, and we will continue to do so in the future.

With this said, I would like to vote in favor of the committee's proposal.

(Applause)

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Martin Ådahl (C)

Mr. Speaker! "For every artillery shell we fire, the Russians fire 22." This is what a Ukrainian artilleryman at the front in Kupjansk in the Kharkiv region says – the front that the Ukrainians heroically retook at the beginning of the war. The newspaper The Independent interviewed him on site.

Should we support Ukraine against a Russia that is many times larger? Russia has restructured its entire economy, and Putin, with a shrug of the shoulders and without thinking, sends off tens of thousands of young boys to fight over some kilometers of mud. He does not honor his own citizens or their needs in his murderous will to expand territory. Just as was mentioned earlier, he has murdered his most courageous and stubborn opposition leader in a prison camp - Aleksej Navalnyj. Honor to his memory.

If we are to do all this, more is required. We can admire the bravery of the Ukrainians, which exceeds more than any of us could expect or even hope for, but we cannot rely on them instead of doing our part. Half-measures will not suffice here; instead, we must utilize our power, our economy's strength, to provide substantial support to Ukraine, which defends all of our freedom.

But we in Sweden do not do this today, and unfortunately, neither does Europe. The package we are debating today is fully supported by the Center Party. I want to extend a big thank you to everyone who stands behind it in unity. We move for approval of the committee's proposal for a decision on the extra supplementary budget.

I also want to extend a big thank you to everyone who has worked to produce these weapons, vehicles, combat boats, and not least the ammunition that is to go to the front. But we must say it as it is, clearly and plainly, to the government, namely that this is not enough in the long run.

With this package, Sweden's total support reaches up to half a percent of GDP. Our Nordic neighboring countries now stand at over one percent of their countries' GDP in support of Ukraine, and our Baltic neighboring countries provide over 2 percent of GDP in support of Ukraine. Estonia is leading in Europe, and the country provides over 3 percent of GDP in support of Ukraine. These countries give many times more of the little they have, while we in Sweden, despite everything we have done, give a smaller share of the large resources we possess. Despite the fact that our country has a historically low national debt, and despite the fact that we repeatedly praise Ukraine from the rostrum—and thank you for that—Sweden, like Estonia, should be leading in this historical moment and not be located anywhere in the middle range in Europe. Sweden should be a country that calls out to Europe when the Republicans in the USA are now blocking support for Ukraine.

That is why the Center Party has proposed the establishment of a special fund for support to Ukraine of at least one full percent of our Swedish GDP, at least 65 billion kronor. It is a lot, but it is necessary. The war is happening now, and Ukraine must defeat Russia now.

We must think long-term, so that there are not these repeated extra supplementary budgets. This is the 15th in a row. We must, therefore, decide over and over again about every part and every shot we send. This would give the defense industry the long-term perspective it needs to scale up and contribute to the ammunition deliveries to Ukraine.

The Armed Forces need oversight and security in a situation where the Centre Party, in the Defense Commission, has clearly and distinctly stated that Sweden must arm itself to the levels that the situation requires.

Now 3 percent of GDP is required for Sweden to be able to meet the challenges and catch up. Sweden must increase the pace, and we must take the lead. It cannot only be Estonia that does it in Europe. Sweden must do it instead of lagging behind.

In this situation, I must repeat, it is time to deliver what Ukraine asks for most of all. It is about the plane that is easiest to service, to land and to fly in a war such as the one in Ukraine. It is a question of our fighter jet Jas 39 Gripen.

We in the Center Party want to train pilots, and it was said by the Armed Forces and those involved that it was necessary to deliver the Jas 39 Gripen as soon as possible. That is what we said a year ago. The government said that we would wait until the pilots had been trained. Now the pilots have been trained, but there is still no Jas 39 Gripen. Wait, said the government, until we are in Nato. Now we are in Nato, but still no Jas 39 Gripen.

Ukraine needs the Jas 39 Gripen. Ukraine is asking us for the Jas 39 Gripen. Russia fears the Jas 39 Gripen. Send the Jas 39 Gripen now, or else we will have to hope for a very soon upcoming extra supplementary budget - the 16th in that case!

I finally want to add a few words that are not really related to today's topic. We must improve the situation for the Ukrainian refugees in Sweden. We must do it, and we must do it soon. We cannot let them live for another eight, nine, or perhaps ten months on 71 kronor a day or 150 kronor for a family with children. It could be a parent with two children of someone who is fighting at the front. It is not worthy of a country like Sweden. This is not really related to today's topic, but it is part of our efforts.

We must act now, and we must scale up. Thanks for what the previous and current government have done, but now more is needed!

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Hans Eklind (KD)

Mr. Speaker! As a Christian Democrat, I am pleased to be able to state and also emphasize that the Riksdag stands united on the side of freedom and democracy. That message applies just as much today as it did just over two years ago when Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine began. We stand on the side of democracy and freedom, and we do so persistently. Our message is that we stand with Ukraine for as long as is required.

If Russia lays down its weapons, then the war is over. But if Ukraine lays down its weapons, then Ukraine's freedom is over.

Mr. Speaker! It is in our own interest to assist Ukraine quickly and without delay with both economic and material resources. We have therefore already made a number of decisions regarding support here in the chamber, and today we will make another decision. It concerns the donation of defense materiel, medical equipment, and food that can be spared by the Armed Forces for a limited period - with the stated purpose of supporting the Ukrainian defense capability.

It is the 15th and so far the largest military support package to Ukraine. The value is estimated at 7.1 billion kronor and meets the prioritized needs that Ukraine has presented.

Mr. Speaker! Several of the previous speakers have described the packages in a bit more detail and in a meritorious way. Let me therefore focus on the humanitarian catastrophe.

Recently I read that UNHCR stated that 6.3 million Ukrainians are fleeing outside their own homeland and that 3.7 million are fleeing in Ukraine and are thus so-called internal refugees. The commitment to our neighbor is crucial if we are to be able to manage this.

Internally displaced persons and the rest of the population are in many cases facing extreme difficulties. Access to healthcare, electricity, and water is seriously affected. We have seen Russian attacks where they have deliberately tried to knock out energy systems, schools, and hospitals. These have been attacked in such a way that school attendance for children has been made impossible and so that healthcare can no longer rescue those in need.

After two years of war, it is estimated that almost 15 million people in Ukraine are in need of humanitarian assistance and protection. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I want to conclude my speech by highlighting all the fantastic efforts for Ukraine that are being made all around our country, day in and day out. Churches, associations, companies, and private individuals are working persistently to deliver humanitarian aid to Ukraine. This, Mr. Speaker, is humanity that is not about beautiful words, but it is humanity where one tangibly tries to make a real difference. A big and warm thank you to all of you who have made and continue to make it possible for us to assist the Ukrainian population!

I therefore move for approval of the Committee on Finance's proposal for a decision.

(Applause)

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Emma Berginger (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Russia's brutal, full-scale and illegal war of aggression against Ukraine continues with unabated force. It has been ongoing for more than two years and continues to claim victims, but the aggressor Putin has not changed his objectives.

Russia does not respect the laws of war, and the number of war crimes only grows with each passing day. They target civilian objectives, they rape women, and they show no respect for human life. Not even the lives of their own soldiers are accorded any greater value.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden was quick to offer Ukraine help to defend itself, and I am proud and happy about that. I am also happy that we have a consensus behind the support for Ukraine. For us in Miljöpartiet, it is self-evident that Sweden should contribute to Ukraine's struggle for self-determination and self-defense. Miljöpartiet supports that Sweden should continue to help Ukraine with both weapons and humanitarian aid as well as civil and financial support.

We have stood behind all support packages for Ukraine that the government has presented, and we now wish for the government to also present a plan for how Sweden can support Ukraine in the long term. That we help Ukraine defend itself against the aggressor Putin is important for the security, democracy, and freedom of the entire of Europe. It also has decisive importance for the view on international law if Putin's crimes are allowed to pay off, something that risks affecting many conflicts around the world. Therefore, the government must continue to work so that the EU remains united in its support for Ukraine and put pressure on the USA to continue to contribute.

Mr. Speaker! We shall continue our support for Ukraine, individually and together with other countries, and we must continue to safeguard human rights, international law, and peace on just terms. Now the world must show that we are as persistent in our support for Ukraine as the Ukrainians have shown in their resistance against the aggressor in the defense of their country. Sweden's support for Ukraine must continue to be strong, both during and after the war. Ukraine shall be rebuilt and continue to be a free and independent country. Ukraine belongs in the European community.

Ukraine is a democracy that has been invaded by an authoritarian regime that aims to take away the freedom of Ukraine's population. Swedish security is closely intertwined with security throughout Europe, and therefore it is important that we stand together and have a united front against Putin. An attack against a country in Europe is an attack on the security of all of Europe, and an attack against a democratic country is an attack against democracy everywhere.

The Green Party welcomes the government's extra supplementary budget, which means that we are providing additional support packages with equipment, medical supplies and financial support, and I am grateful that we in the Swedish Riksdag stand united in our support for Ukraine and demand that the war ends, that war crimes are investigated, that those responsible are held accountable and that Ukraine shall continue to be a free and independent country.

We could have done more, however. We are still buying Putin's fossil fuels. Still—more than two years into the war—ships with Russian gas continue to arrive even in Sweden. We cannot continue as we are now, with one hand supporting Ukraine in its fight against Putin's invasion and with the other paying into Putin's war chest. If Ukraine is to win the war and reach peace, we must do everything we can, and by that, I mean everything. It is not enough to buy Russian fuel; the import of fossil gas must be stopped.

Ukraine needs continued support, not least material and ammunition, to be able to continue defending itself, but then an industrial policy for increased production of ammunition is also needed. During the course of the war, the industrial dimension in this conflict has become increasingly clear, and the consumption of material, primarily ammunition, is very extensive.

Russia has restructured its economy and is increasing production within the defense industry. At the same time, Ukraine has a great need for continued deliveries of support. Therefore, Miljöpartiet, just like the Socialdemokraterna, wants the government to do more so that the Swedish defense industry can contribute to Ukraine receiving the materiel it needs and that the government should drive the issue of state guarantees for the production of ammunition and military materiel aimed at Ukraine, both in Sweden, in the EU, and in other international forums. The government has rejected these proposals, but we present our position in a separate statement.

With this said, Mr. Speaker, the Green Party supports the proposal for an additional supplementary budget and moves for approval of the committee's proposal.

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Anna Starbrink (L)

Mr. Speaker! Russia's full-scale invasion and the terrible war have been ongoing for more than two years. Ukraine's struggle is about defending its country, its people, and its freedom, but in a broader perspective, it is ultimately a conflict over which norms and principles should prevail – the right of the strongest or the rules-based world order.

Andra has already described the content of the support package that we are now debating. It is packed with good things: defense materiel to Ukraine in the form of artillery ammunition, hand grenades, Robotsystem 70, Pansarvärnsrobot 55, grenade launchers with associated ammunition, underwater weapons, Stridsbåt 90, group boats, medical equipment and so on. This is good and necessary but in a longer perspective insufficient.

Mr. Speaker! Russia has carried out an election trick. It naturally has nothing to do with democracy. Instead, it has been a circus performance where Putin has shown off his skills. He swings on the trapeze towards an increasingly authoritarian and neo-Stalinist rule, away from decency and towards a long-term conflict with the West and continued destruction in Ukraine. This means that our support for Ukraine must be strong and long-term.

Ukraine's resilience and will to defend themselves are impressive, and we shall continue to provide them with our support. We do this because it is what decent states do. We support and help our friends. It is an act of solidarity, but we shall not deny that there is also a self-interest in this. Supporting Ukraine is an important link in creating security for all of Europe, even for us here in Sweden.

An armed attack against Sweden cannot be ruled out. It could become war. That is what the Defence Preparedness Board has said, that is what our Supreme Commander has said, and that is what the government's representatives have said. It is serious now.

Russia constitutes the most serious and most direct threat to European and Swedish security in both the short and long term.

More elections, real elections, are waiting. In June, we are to elect representatives to the European Parliament. How the outcome turns out plays a major role for Ukraine's development. Ukraine belongs in the EU, and we must welcome them with open arms. The EU's countries must also together ensure that Europe delivers more military, humanitarian, and civil support to Ukraine.

In November, elections await in the USA. That too is of the utmost importance for Ukraine's freedom and future. If the rest of the world does not provide Ukraine with sufficient support, it is not only Ukraine but all of Europe that faces a very great danger. It is bad today. It could become even worse tomorrow. This is something we must all take to heart.

I am concerned. There are no signs at all that the Russian aggression will subside. But there are worrying signs of waning support for Ukraine. We see this in the American election campaign. We hear voices for it in European countries as well.

Others also take a stand on the issue. For example, the Pope speaks of Ukraine negotiating with its aggressor. What does the Pope want them to negotiate about? Should they perhaps negotiate about which abducted children should be allowed to come home, or about which Ukrainian areas with populations Russia should be allowed to seize? Should they negotiate about Ukraine ignoring what awaits the people if the Russians are allowed to ravage freely, or about Ukraine forgetting Bucha and Irpin? The Pope's words are a terrible betrayal of the Ukrainian people.

From Sweden's side, it must be clear that we stand on Ukraine's side. Peace must come on Ukraine's terms, not through a forced so-called negotiation. We must understand the gravity of the situation. It is freedom, democracy, and peace that are at stake. If Ukraine is not given the conditions to win the war, we could all soon be lost.

The West's support is too small and too uncertain. Many have already said this here today. The danger is also growing. Russia engages in hybrid attacks in the gray zone. They threaten with increased attacks and rattle their nuclear weapons. Putin wants to scare us. And we should be afraid, but not in a way that passivizes the West and makes us timidly cautious, but on the contrary. The West and Sweden must increase our support to Ukraine.

The decision we are about to make, regarding the 15th support package which is the largest so far, is important and good. But Ukraine needs much more. When the Speaker's gavel has fallen and the decision on the new support package is made, let us then immediately begin to shape the continued support. Let me make some points about that.

A long-term commitment from Sweden's side is needed. We have provided many important support packages, and there is an agreement to continue with that. Now it is time to also shape long-term frameworks for large and strong military support to Ukraine that must extend over many years.

When debaters here compare the support that Sweden provides with the support from other countries, it is easy for one to compare apples and oranges. The figures that have been highlighted concern promised support and not actually sent support. But they are important nonetheless. It is also an important reason why Sweden must promise long-term support, just as many of the other countries in the comparison have done. There I hope that we can also find a broad consensus. Through a long-term commitment, we can send weapons and ammunition and invest in training for Ukrainian soldiers. That would strengthen Ukraine but also our own security.

Another accompanying point is that it is time now. Now Sweden is a member of Nato. Our will to provide Ukraine with combat aircraft must be fulfilled. It is time to send Jas to Ukraine.

We are now members of Nato. As a member of the Liberals, I am happy and proud. It has been a long process from our side, but many other parties have also contributed. Now it would be nice if we could agree that Ukraine also belongs in Nato and that Sweden, just as the Foreign Minister did earlier today, shall express its support for Ukraine becoming a member of Nato. This should happen as soon as it is possible.

Mr. Speaker! It is a strength that we in the Swedish Riksdag stand united in our support for Ukraine. Let us continue to together develop and expand our military, humanitarian, economic, and political support to Ukraine.

With this, I move for the approval of the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 18.)

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