Extra supplementary budget for 2025 - Defense materiel and additional support to Ukraine

Edward Riedl (M)

Mr. Speaker! Today we will address the 20th military support package from Sweden to Ukraine since Russia's full-scale invasion began just over three and a half years ago, on February 24, 2022. Support package 20 is worth 9.2 billion kronor and is designed to meet Ukraine's most acute needs. 6.1 billion of this is in the extra supplementary budget we are now debating, and the remaining part will mainly come from the supplementary budget.

I want to start by saying a big thank you to all the parties in the Riksdag in the Committee on Finance and, hopefully, also here in the Chamber, for good cooperation regarding the support for Ukraine, both in this support package and in the previous ones. It is a strength that a united Riksdag time and again stands behind the support for Ukraine and that we have a large and broad popular support for the support for Ukraine.

Sweden will stand on Ukraine's side for as long as necessary, and we will support as much as is required. Ukraine is fighting both for its country's survival and for Swedish and European security. The threat from Russia is real, Mr. Speaker. They are testing the West increasingly aggressively. We can see this in news reports about drones around airports in Europe and constant cyberattacks and the like. It is only through determination and our own military strength and capability that we will truly be able to deter Russia and its imperial ambitions.

I am grateful that we can unite the eight parties of the Riksdag behind a historic upgrade of the Swedish defense, both the military and the civil. Just before Midsummer, we completed the negotiations. Some of you who were involved in the negotiations, I see here today. Many thanks for the good cooperation! It is absolutely necessary that we strengthen the Swedish defense capability, but it is also important that we strengthen the civil capability.

Mr. Speaker! The lessons from Ukraine are clear. If one is to endure a war against an invasion army, many things in a country must function. It must function with everything from healthcare and childcare to water supply, food production, and electricity. Our country can, just like Ukraine, have cold winters, and then the heating must function.

What we are doing is necessary, and it is real. I was particularly reminded of that yesterday when my Moderate colleague in the Riksdag, Erik Ottoson, who is the chairman of the EU Committee, returned home from a delegation trip to precisely Ukraine. I was reminded of the trip that we in the Finance Committee made. Here in the chamber today, I see some of you who were on that trip. My colleague showed pictures of bombed-out houses from the night they were there. A twelve-year-old girl's life ended with a missile straight into the residential building where she lived.

Mr. Speaker! We are not talking about military targets, but we are talking about the terror bombing of a population. Lives are extinguished every day and every night. It is an indiscriminate terror bombing. Systematic rapes are occurring where Russia has advanced. Repugnant war crimes are occurring all the time, day after day. These are real human tragedies in every single case.

It is not possible to explain something like this other than by saying that Russia has become a rogue state. Russia does not even hesitate to use the most abominable ways to torment its neighboring country Ukraine. The rules-based world order that was supposed to serve the people of the earth and the world does not apply, Russia has decided. In that case, there is only one way to respond to this, and that is military buildup.

Unfortunately, we will have to devote a large part of our common resources in Sweden, in Europe, and in a large part of the world to building up military defense capabilities, because it is not possible to talk with someone who does not want to talk. My colleague Erik also told about something that we also saw in the finance committee when we were in Ukraine, namely courage and determination in the eyes of the people we met – from different parts of the state apparatus to those who work closest and down on the ground. They are trying to make their country function despite the war of aggression.

As I said, the government has now presented the 20th support package to Ukraine. It includes, among other things, 18 new Archer pieces and capability for long-range strikes. It is more ammunition, drones and air defense initiatives – all of which strengthen Ukraine's defense capability. We are also extending the long-term range for the military support with 40 billion kronor from 2026 onwards.

Sweden stands on Ukraine's side for as long as is required. We will, during the coming years, if the war continues, spend very much money on supporting exactly Ukraine. We also increase the aid to Ukraine by at least 10 billion kronor per year so that Ukraine functions not only at the front.

Sweden has increased its support to Ukraine significantly during the current year. We are one of the countries in the world that supports Ukraine the most in relation to GDP. According to the Kiel Institute, we are the fifth largest donor to Ukraine. We can be proud of that.

Mr. Speaker! There is, as I said, a great support in the chamber. All eight parties in the Riksdag and the Swedish people stand behind the support.

When we invest in Ukraine, we also invest in Swedish security. We also create conditions for increased production and new investments in Sweden. We donate from the Armed Forces, and we invest in new materiel in Sweden. 75 percent of the package will be delivered to Ukraine during the current year and during next year. The majority, three-quarters of the package, will be purchased from the Swedish defense industry. It also strengthens Swedish capability.

Sweden has now placed 20 packages in the service of peace and freedom. We have moved from deliveries of simpler materiel such as armor plating and protective equipment to advanced war materiel needed at the front. It concerns Archer, Stridsfordon 90 and much more.

We have reason to be proud of what Sweden does and what we contribute. Our Swedish defense industry delivers products that save lives and make Europe safer. The package consists, among other things, of procurement of newly manufactured materiel from the industry to a value of 7.8 billion kronor and economic donations to a value of 750 million kronor.

Mr. Speaker! I want to move for the approval of the proposal in the report and once again express a special thanks to all eight parties in the Riksdag, both for the great support there is regarding the packages to Ukraine and for the fact that we were able to gather and agree before the summer on the military and civilian upgrading of Sweden's defense capability. Thank you for the good cooperation! Slava Ukraini!

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Joakim Sandell (S)

Mr. Speaker! On Monday evening, I had the opportunity to watch part two of the documentary series about Stoltenberg on Sveriges Television – a documentary I can truly recommend. It is about Utøya, Nato and not least Ukraine. When I watched the documentary, one quote stuck out in particular. Stoltenberg says: There is a direct connection between Utøya and Ukraine. The values that were attacked then are the same as those being attacked now: democracy, freedom, diversity of opinion and pluralism of belief. Terrorism has many faces, but the terrorists are always the same people. They are criminals who use violence to achieve their goals.

I think these words remind us that the struggle for democracy and freedom does not occur in isolated moments but is part of a coherent narrative of our contemporary time. When we stand up for Ukraine today, we are actually not doing it just for their sake, but also because the same values that were once attacked at Utøya have, for more than three years now, been under attack. They are values that ultimately define who we are: democracy, freedom, diversity, and respect for the equal value of people.

The extra supplementary budget that we are discussing today means that Sweden will continue to contribute with defense materiel, humanitarian support, and support for reconstruction. We do this because we know that Ukraine's struggle is also our struggle and that the European security order depends on borders being respected, that right takes precedence over power, and that international law must not be undermined. It is actually no small matter but a decisive crossroads for our common future.

Mr. Speaker! There are, of course, questions about costs, priorities, and risks. But let me be clear. The greatest cost would be to do nothing. To allow an aggressive great power to move its positions forward unchallenged would be to accept a development where threats and violence replace diplomacy and democracy. Such a scenario would not be a betrayal only of the Ukrainian people, but actually also of ourselves, because our own security and our credibility as defenders of democracy would then be at stake.

It is at the same time worth, like the previous speaker Edward Riedl, to highlight the breadth of unity that has characterized Sweden's position towards Ukraine. The Riksdag has, across block boundaries and party boundaries, repeatedly signaled that this is an issue that must not be reduced to party politics. We have been and are in agreement that the support must be there – persistent, clear, and with a moral weight that only arises when democracies speak with a common voice. It is a strength for us that we stand united in this issue. It is also a strength for Ukraine to know that Sweden is a reliable and persistent partner.

When Jens Stoltenberg speaks about the connection between Utøya and Ukraine, he shows that the enemies of democracy change appearance but never nature. Resistance against these forces must therefore be persistent, principled, and consistent. By making decisions on this extra supplementary budget, we once again send a clear signal: Sweden will not back down when democracy is attacked. We will continue to provide our support, both for Ukraine's security and for our own security.

Mr. Speaker! With these words, I wish to vote in favor of the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Charlotte Quensel (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Today we are addressing the 20th military support package to Ukraine. The value amounts to just over 9 billion kronor. With this package, Sweden reaches a total military support of approximately 90 billion kronor since the outbreak of the war.

When some of us from the Committee on Finance were in Kyiv last year, we were equipped with an app that alerts you when you need to hurry to a shelter. I still have that app on my phone. The alarm goes off daily. It goes off when I am sleeping best. It goes off on weekends, when I spend time with family and friends. It goes off when I am here in the Riksdag.

The alarms on weekdays are perhaps the worst, at least for all Ukrainians who have children in preschool and school. Imagine rushing towards a shelter without your children when you don't even know if they are safe! It is horrific. Even worse: Imagine if your child is in active service at the front and fighting against the Russian soldiers! Imagine constantly living in uncertainty regarding whether your child will be harmed or even return from the front!

Mr. Speaker! When the alarm goes off daily on my mobile, I am reminded of why our support for Ukraine is more important than much else.

The war is entering its fourth year. What for a long time was an attack on Ukraine has developed into something that is coming closer and closer to us ourselves. In response to the drone attacks, Denmark has raised its alert, and Sweden, along with several other countries, is providing anti-drone systems. At the same time, Germany's Chancellor said on Monday that Europe is not at war with but no longer has a peace with Russia. It is a strong statement. Germany's Defense Minister has come out and said that they are prepared to defend the Baltic states in the event of an attack from the Russian side.

Sweden's and the EU's focus lies on Ukraine and the hope that they will succeed in pushing Russia out of its territory. It is about Ukraine having control over its borders and that Ukrainians shall be given the opportunity to live in a democratic country without threats from their neighbor. For this to be possible, Ukraine needs all the support it can get – and more.

In the extra amendment budget that we are voting on this afternoon, there is, among other things, a procurement of 18 new Archer pieces with associated ammunition. In total, we are up to a full 44 pieces, which are very important for Ukraine's artillery capability. We are purchasing naval materiel to strengthen Ukraine's ability to combat Russian positions and ships in the rivers and the Black Sea. Air defense is being strengthened, among other things through the purchase of ammunition, sensors, and command systems for already donated Swedish air defense systems.

At the beginning of the war, Sweden could donate existing materiel. But with the security policy situation that prevails plus our own reconstruction of the defense, we cannot spare any more materiel. Military support to Ukraine now consists to the greatest extent of newly manufactured materiel – approximately 75 percent comes from Swedish suppliers.

Mr. Speaker! Even though it is not included in this extra supplementary budget, I would like, in view of the whole, to mention that the Sweden Democrats and the government have reached an agreement regarding the budget bill on increasing the military support to a total of 40 billion kronor for 2026 and 2027 respectively. At the same time, it is proposed that the civilian aid to Ukraine should increase to at least 10 billion per year up to and including 2028.

A war involves immense losses, not only human but also material. Sweden has the capacity to provide both economic and military support. It must never be profitable to attack one's neighbor. We have previously mostly seen it as a threat, but now it is constantly real attacks from the malicious.

In conclusion, I would like to vote in favor of the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! The war in Ukraine has now been ongoing for over three and a half years. Through its perseverance, its will to defend itself, and its resilience, Ukraine has stood up to the Russian war of aggression. But it has come at a cost. It has cost in the form of human lives, destroyed homes and destroyed schools, and much, much more.

Ukraine probably could not have withstood [the aggression] without the world's moral support but, above all, economic and military support. Now we are to decide on another large support to Ukraine, the Swedish Riksdag's 20th package to Ukraine. The package meets Ukraine's most prioritized needs: the reconstruction of the Ukrainian defense in both the short and long term. We Swedish politicians are clear that it is Ukraine that decides what they need from us. We step up, together with our growing defense industry.

When Russia tries to diminish Ukraine's will to defend by knocking out energy and targeting the civilian population, a defense is required that is not only effective on the battlefield. Support for the institutions whose task is to protect the democratic process in Ukraine is also important.

Mr. Speaker! Russia's actions – invasion, occupation and war – are completely unacceptable and violate international law. The invasion is unprovoked, illegal and unjustifiable. Support for Ukraine and the economic sanctions against Russia must continue and be expanded. This includes combating the Russian shadow fleet in the Baltic Sea, which also poses a major risk of environmental disasters. The world's countries must also stop buying Russian oil and gas, as it finances Putin's war.

Mr. Speaker! It has been obvious for several years that Putin's regime in Russia is a concrete and physical threat to neighboring countries, but we have also known for a long time that Putin is a threat to all those inhabitants in Russia who oppose his rule and do not fit into the society that he wants to build. The day before yesterday, Putin decided to sign a law that means Russia is now leaving the European Convention against Torture. For Russian human rights activists, LGBTQI persons, feminists, indigenous rights representatives, environmental movements, and the political opposition, the regime in Moscow represents a daily threat of violence, repression, and even murder.

Mr. Speaker! Since the American election when Trump entered the White House, we have seen a worrying development. The President promised during the election campaign to bring a swift end to the war. He has not succeeded in that. But it should never pay to attack another country, and that is what makes the great power politics from the White House so worrying. The President says that he wants to achieve peace by giving Russia large parts of Ukraine, and in the same way, he wants both Greenland and Canada to belong to the USA. The idea is that the one who is big and strong should have the right to take what they want. That right must absolutely not win.

That is why it is positive that most democratic states are united in their support for Ukraine and in their opposition to the Russian invasion. But more countries must do more. Sweden must not become too alone in its support for Ukraine. The goal must be that we together prevent Russia from winning the war. Russia must not in any way be rewarded for the invasion and occupation for which it is responsible. No negotiations may take place over the head of Ukraine. It is Ukraine's conditions and Ukraine's decisions that must form the basis for any negotiations and settlements. It is Ukraine that determines its own path forward for its own country.

That is why Ukraine needs a peace that is just and sustainable, not a peace that does not deter Putin from new wars of aggression but gives Russia a taste for more. Putin will likely not stop at Ukraine; his imperialism will continue and, in the long run, threaten all of democratic Europe.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden's support for Ukraine must therefore be broad and long-term. Thousands of the millions of people who have been forced to flee from Ukraine have come to Sweden. They are struggling to manage in their new home country Sweden with all the uncertainty that it entails when family and friends remain in the war-torn Ukraine.

The economic situation of the Ukrainian refugees in Sweden is also very serious. They and many other refugees in Sweden have a very small economic allowance to live on every day. Vänsterpartiet has several times demanded that the government must increase the allowance to make everyday life more bearable for the refugees.

When the war is over, Sweden and the EU must be involved in the reconstruction of Ukraine based on the direction that the Ukrainian population wants to see. The same applies to our support for other countries that are directly threatened by Russia's imperialism, such as Moldova and Georgia.

At the same time, we must not allow impunity for those who have violated international law, regardless of who it is that violates it. Both Vladimir Putin and Russia's children's rights commissioner Maria Aleksejevna are wanted by the International Criminal Court ICC for having kidnapped Ukrainian children in violation of international law. We must never let them get away with this and other crimes!

Mr. Speaker! I want to conclude by saying that Sweden must continue to be a strong voice in the world for peace, freedom, democracy, human rights, and equality. Vänsterpartiet stands behind the economic, humanitarian, and military support that Sweden sends to Ukraine and condemns the Russian invasion and occupation.

I vote in favor of the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Martin Ådahl (C)

Mr. Speaker! When we discuss the large figures and the billions that are to be added in a new support package to Ukraine, it is easy to forget the small things. Several of the previous speakers highlight the everyday reality that we are occasionally confronted with from the war in Ukraine.

I myself was struck when I saw the notice about a family – two parents and two children, four and six years old – who were killed by one of Putin's missiles just a few days ago. It is also a reality. A long time has passed, and we have seen so much suffering, so much struggle, so much heroism and so many victims. Therefore, it is perhaps there we must start sometimes – in what is a reality for so many families, for example some of the families that we met when we visited Kiev a year ago.

There is a great consensus among the parties in the Riksdag regarding our support for our brother country Ukraine, and as several previous speakers have stated, this is not just Ukraine's struggle. It is Ukraine that sacrifices its soldiers. They sacrifice the last of what they have and expose themselves to extreme danger, but fundamentally, this is a common struggle for freedom, for democracy, for justice, for civilization – against dictatorship, against bloody aggression, against barbarism.

Ukraine is and remains our shield in Europe; it is in our own interest.

Therefore, it is obvious that we, who are still safe, even if it is not always completely apparent now that the drones are approaching even us in Western Europe, must give what we can. We must send all the weapons we can, and therefore we welcome this important new package of weapons to Ukraine. Behind this there is a total consensus, and we move for approval of the extra supplementary budget.

We must, however, send even more. There should be no economic obstacles to sending Jas 39 Gripen, now that the Ukrainian Defense Forces and the government welcome that it can become part of their defense against Putin's attacks.

Someone might wonder why we in the Committee on Finance are debating this. That can be discussed. But this does not only concern foreign policy and defense policy spokespersons, it is also a question of money.

The day before yesterday, I had the great honor of distributing graduation certificates to newly graduated Ukrainian nursing assistants. I felt great pride in being able to do so together with the Ukrainian ambassador. In ringing Swedish, which they have learned over the past few years, they spoke of their enormous commitment to helping old and young Swedish patients through their efforts. When we then spoke with them, it also emerged how important it is for them to send money home to Ukraine. They want to give from the small salary they receive to their loved ones in their home country.

Ukraine has an enormous economic need right now. They have managed their economy beyond all expectations and actually unreasonably successfully. They have a functioning payment system, a well-functioning export, and a functioning economic system. But despite that everything works, they have enormous needs. Somewhere between 80 and 120 billion euros are missing, i.e., more than 800 billion Swedish kronor – according to some calculations more than 1,200 billion kronor – in their budget next year.

Due to the situation we have with the Trump administration, which sometimes treats our worst enemies as its friends and our best friends as some kind of enemies, support from the USA is now drying up. A very great responsibility falls on us in Europe to defend Ukraine, which defends our own continent.

Part of this is, naturally, that we in Sweden and Europe should seize the Russian assets we have power over. There are still Russian-owned companies in Sweden that should be seized and placed under forced administration and the resources given to Ukraine. And there are, above all, 194 billion euros in an account in Brussels, which are the Russian central bank's money. The German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has proposed that 140 billion of these should be loaned jointly. We have already done so with up to 50 billion in the world, but we shall loan an additional 140 billion to help Ukraine here and now. But then the support in Sweden must also increase.

We in the Center Party are extremely grateful that the government has increased the support to Ukraine both in this extra supplementary budget and in total. But much more was needed.

We need to increase the support to at least 1 percent of GDP per year – at least 70 billion per year for the coming years – and in this special situation, preferably even more. We can afford it. It is in our interest from a security policy perspective and naturally humanitarily and principally, but also narrowly from a security policy perspective. And then, Mr. Speaker, it is not the time for Sweden to be somewhere in the middle, to be in fifth place or, according to some calculations, even further down the list, when it comes to how much support we give as a share of GDP compared to our Baltic and Nordic neighboring countries. We must be at the very front.

We must give as much as is possible at all. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, it is now time to take the next step and the next step for our friends, sisters and brothers in Ukraine and do our small part when they do their big part.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Jacobsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! In the same way that I am saddened, desperate, and frustrated that Russia continues to attack neighboring countries such as Chechnya, Georgia, and Ukraine and has troops in Moldova, despite being asked to leave, I am grateful for what is happening in this room. Now we are deciding on the 20th package with an additional 9 billion in support. The unity is one hundred percent.

Mr. Speaker! I sat a bit further up in the chamber when we made our first decision. At that time, it was about grenade launchers. Even then, I said that we probably have to send more – actually everything they request – including aircraft, in my opinion. It was still a historic decision. We were largely in agreement, and we sent materiel. We had not done that since the war in Finland. But we made a decision.

Mr. Speaker! An incredible amount has happened since the Kalmar Union was dissolved. Today, the Nordic and Baltic countries are part of the same defense union. It is the first time since the Kalmar Union. Today, 600–700 men stand in the Baltics. It is the first time since the 1700s. Swedish policy turned inward during the Bernadotte era, from 1814. But now we have actually adopted a new policy where we once again say that our neighboring countries around the Baltic Sea are important to us. A historical change is occurring, and it is occurring in unity. I want to thank ourselves for that.

Mr. Speaker! I would also like to highlight another perspective. It is about the popular support. I have not looked at figures before the debate, but somewhere around 90, 92, or 95 percent of the Swedish people support that we support Ukraine – and not just that. We have already heard here in the debate about committee trips. I personally had the privilege of being down in Ukraine before the Orange Revolution. I was at Maidan in 2014, and I have been down seven or eight times during the war. The fantastic thing is that more members participate in committee trips. Perhaps the most exciting trip I have managed to hear about was a group of female members of parliament who, in cooperation with Blågula Bilen, drove vehicles down to Kyiv. But it is not only members of parliament who do this. It is also Pentecostal churches, associations, and federations in municipalities.

If it is possible to obtain at all, it would be interesting to see a study of how much materiel and how much of their economy the Swedish people choose to give aside from what we do here in the chamber. There is a fantastic commitment.

Mr. Speaker! We have much to learn from Ukraine. I had the privilege of being there six or seven days before the escalation. I met newly recruited home guard soldiers who later fought for Kyiv. They were poorly equipped home guard soldiers – many with Molotov cocktails, some with hunting rifles, some with real weapons – who nevertheless were able to stop Spetsnaz at an airfield before the Ukrainian regular forces could make a final push and push the Russians out of Kyiv. We have incredibly much to learn from them.

I am also thinking about how when you drive a car in Ukraine, you see one field after another where potatoes, beets, and onions are grown. Each person realizes that, in the worst case, they must be able to procure their own food. We in Sweden do not even have the capacity to provide food for everyone if it were to become a critical situation.

I also had the privilege of meeting the equivalent of Svenska kraftnät in Kyiv and received a briefing on what their power grid looks like and how they were able to withstand the heavy Russian attacks on energy. They had redundancy. We do not have the same redundancy. We have redundancy in the road system but not in the railway system. I sit myself in the transport committee – one only has to look at what has happened now when a road has collapsed in northern Sweden.

We also do not have redundancy on the broadband side or on the electricity side. We have an incredible amount to learn from Ukraine and the situation they are in now.

We are now, Mr. Speaker, providing a 20th package of approximately 9 billion. The decision we will make this afternoon concerns 6 billion. It is sometimes perceived as if we are giving it away. No, we are participating and paying for Ukraine defending us. We pay money; they pay in blood.

But it is also so, Mr. Speaker, that we learn something. I have made study visits to the home guard here in Uddevalla and was then given an overview of how they are now starting to work with drones based on the experiences from Ukraine.

I like history myself. During the First World War, people delved deep, and they learned an incredible amount about aviation – from reconnaissance to someone firing a pistol, and in the end, it was fully armed aircraft. We see the same phenomenon right now. People are delving deep. They first worked with toy drones – today they are operational war machines.

Mr. Speaker! With these simple words, I want to thank everyone for the collective support. I want to thank civil society, and I want to approve the proposal in the report.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Gulan Avci (L)

Mr. Speaker! As the seventh speaker in this debate, I could just as well have refrained from giving my speech because most of it has already been said and we are in general agreement regarding the continued support for Ukraine. But it is important that both I and the Green Party (MP) deliver our speeches and present our respective parties' positions. It is not about me bringing anything exceptionally new to the debate, but it is about achieving a greater purpose than that.

What we say and do in this chamber in these difficult times, Mr. Speaker, is a documentation for the future, for future generations. They will be able to go back to the Riksdag's archives and look at how we, who are elected to represent and protect democracy today, acted and what we said – how we acted to protect our own democracy, create safety for our own people and create security for our country's borders while we stood up for Ukraine. I want them to know that Sweden this time did not remain passive, but that we, in the midst of a burning war in the heart of Europe, jointly as a parliament and jointly as a nation, placed ourselves on the right side of history, Mr. Speaker.

Therefore, we must constantly remind ourselves of which values are actually at stake and that it is an existential war taking place in our own immediate vicinity. It is about whether a European country shall be allowed to exist in freedom or be crushed by an imperialist superpower dictatorship. If we allow Ukraine to be sacrificed, we open the door for more attacks, more instability, and a world where the right of the strongest takes precedence over the weakest. Therefore, we must continue to stand united in support of Ukraine until the war ends on Ukraine's terms.

Mr. Speaker! In the budget bill for 2026, the government proposes an increased framework for military support to Ukraine, which involves 31.5 billion, but also an additional 40 billion kronor for 2027. Our support focuses on Ukraine's most prioritized needs. That is why we have previously been able to donate main battle tanks, armored vehicles, combat boats, air defense, artillery, as well as radar surveillance and command aircraft. The list can be made very long. Sweden delivers what makes a real difference on the ground in Ukraine.

Today we make another decision to provide Ukraine with support. As colleagues before me have said, this is the 20th support package. I cannot emphasize enough how proud I am to represent a parliament in Europe that, even though it has almost been four years since Russia's full-scale invasion, has stood side by side and put our differences aside to focus on the only right thing, to continue supporting Ukraine. This time, the support covers everything from materiel to strengthen Ukraine's air defense to equipment to protect critical infrastructure, support for healthcare and rehabilitation, mine clearance training, resources for the protection of the civilian population, and much more.

Mr. Speaker! The Liberals were the first party in the Swedish Parliament to advocate for membership in Nato. There was great skepticism towards this, but today we know that it was right. Our membership has made us much safer, even though we live in an increasingly more dangerous world.

In the same way, we Liberals want Ukraine, when the time is ripe of course, to be able to take its place as a member of both the EU and Nato. That path goes through sustained support – military, economic, humanitarian and political – precisely to ensure that a pro-European Ukraine continues to exist in the future.

In the long run, we must also change the rules of the game in our direction. I agree with colleague Martin Ådahl. An important part of this is to ensure that the Russian frozen assets held in European banks are used to finance Ukraine's reconstruction and defense. It is completely unreasonable that Putin's war chest should be on ice while Ukraine pays the ultimate price in blood. The war in Ukraine is a constant reminder that freedom can never be taken for granted.

Mr. Speaker! I want to conclude by going back to what I started with. When our children and grandchildren go back and read the minutes in the Riksdag's archives from the years when the war was ongoing, they shall be able to see that we took responsibility – that we stood up for freedom, that we did not shrink back when democracy was under attack in Europe and that we were a parliament that stood on the right side of history. Ukraine's cause is our own. These words have already become a moral compass for our time. Therefore, we stand wholeheartedly behind Ukraine and this budget.

With those words, Mr. Speaker, I would like to vote in favor of the proposal in the report. Glory to Ukraine!

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! When we today debate the report on yet another extra supplementary budget for more defense materiel and further support for Ukraine, it is with great seriousness. The full-scale war of invasion is now in its fourth year. Many people have been killed, and many more have been driven into flight. Infrastructure is being systematically bombed to pieces, and every day the Ukrainian people continue to fight for their freedom and survival but also for democracy, international law, and European peace.

Sweden cannot stand aside. We must continue to stand firm in our support. Miljöpartiet therefore stands wholeheartedly behind the proposal in this report.

Ukraine needs continued support, and Sweden is continuously following the developments and what Ukraine itself requests. In this package are items such as air defense, ammunition, unmanned systems, and satellite reconnaissance. But in war, not only bullets and gunpowder are needed, and therefore the package also contains items such as combination spreaders, trucks, tractors, snow blowers, spare parts material, and motorcycles. The value amounts to just over 190 million kronor.

In addition to this, the government is authorized to procure and donate other defense materiel that Ukraine has requested. The proposal also contains expanded procurement authorizations for coming years. These are significant amounts, several billion, that the Riksdag is now giving the green light to. These are also investments in our own security, for every krona that strengthens Ukraine's resilience is a krona that also strengthens our own.

Mr. Speaker! For Miljöpartiet, the support for Ukraine has been self-evident from day one. We have consistently emphasized three things.

Firstly, Ukraine's struggle is also our struggle. If Russia succeeds in Ukraine, the next step is to try to reshape the entire European security order. To help Ukraine is therefore to defend our own independence and our own democracy.

Secondly, international law is non-negotiable. We can never accept that borders are changed by force. Every piece of support for Ukraine is a support for international law and international order.

For the third, the support must be sustained and broad. Ukraine needs weapons, yes, but also civilian support: mine clearance, protection of critical infrastructure, healthcare and rehabilitation, as well as the energy transition. The consideration therefore also contains funds for, among other things, MSB's work with mine management and the healthcare project Renovator. These are efforts that save lives here and now.

There are sometimes voices that question whether we can manage, whether we can afford it, and whether our resources should not stay here at home, but we must be honest: The price of not acting would be far higher. Letting Russia win by us hesitating would be infinitely more expensive, in both human suffering and security policy consequences.

Therefore, the Green Party's message is clear: We stand behind this extra amendment budget as well. We welcome that Sweden continues to deliver what Ukraine requests, in close coordination with our partners, and we want this to become part of a long-term, sustained commitment.

In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, the war has now been going on for too long, and unfortunately, there is no end in sight. It has demanded and will demand more of us than we understood when the war started, but as we did from the beginning and as we do now, we must show that we do not yield, that we do not tire, and that we do not forget.

The Ukrainian people are not just fighting for themselves. They are fighting for all of us – for democracy, for international law, and for a Europe where it is the will of the people, not the ambitions of dictators, that determines the future.

Miljöpartiet therefore supports the committee's proposal in its entirety and moves for the approval of the proposal in the report.

Glory to Ukraine!

(Applause)

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 12.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)