Extra supplementary budget for 2025 - Support for Ukraine
Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.
Summary AI, written in advance
I believe that the 18th support package is the largest so far and that peace must occur on Ukraine's terms 1. S believes that it is unacceptable for negotiations to be conducted over the heads of Ukraine and that Sweden and Europe must stand firm 2. SD argues that the package strengthens Ukraine's ability for long-range engagement and that every country must take responsibility for its military buildup 3. V believes that support for Ukraine and economic sanctions must be expanded 4. C believes that Sweden should triple the economic support and that 3 percent of GDP should be a floor for defense spending 5. KD emphasizes the importance of "ramping up" the defense industry 6. MP wants sanctions to be tightened and Russia's oil and gas revenues to be choked 7. L argues that the largest support package so far is a necessary investment in peace and democracy 8.
Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.
Edward Riedl (M)
Mr. Speaker! Today, we are to make a decision in this chamber regarding the 18th and so far largest military support package from Sweden to Ukraine. The Government and the Sweden Democrats have agreed on a three-year framework to demonstrate that Sweden's support is persistent and long-term. The framework amounts to 75 billion kronor, distributed at 25 billion kronor per year, and the support to Ukraine proposed in the bill we are to decide on today is part of that framework.
In addition to the 18th support package that Sweden is now contributing, we have, through various decisions, donated around 62 billion kronor to Ukraine for military purposes since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of the country. I would like to once again, Mr. Speaker, thank all eight parties in the Riksdag for continued support and cooperation, as well as constructive talks both in the chamber, outside the chamber, and with representatives from other countries regarding the support for Ukraine. It sends an important signal from Sweden to our friends in Ukraine. It also sends an important signal to Putin in Russia, Mr. Speaker, that Sweden and the rest of the world are long-term in their support for Ukraine.
It is almost three years since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of its neighboring country Ukraine. It has been three years of death, suffering, and destruction. It has been three years of abuses, rape, and horrific war crimes. It has been three years of unimaginable destruction, Mr. Speaker – but also three years of heroic resistance where Ukraine has shown the whole world that they can defend themselves. They have defended themselves with great courage, great determination, and a good deal of ingenuity.
It is difficult to understand an everyday life with air raid sirens and hardships – what it is like to have to wave goodbye to relatives on the way to the front or send children to school and preschool when terror bombings of cities are taking place all over Ukraine. But Ukraine holds together. People do their duty. Despite the terror bombings, very much functions far beyond expectations – not always and not everywhere, and definitely not without the world's support, but much is happening that lies far beyond what can be expected.
There is electricity, water and healthcare, as well as roads and railways. Wage payments are made, payment systems exist – and much more. There is a functioning public administration. All of this is absolutely necessary in order to be able to defend oneself. That there is food in the grocery stores and that food production around Ukraine is functioning is also absolutely necessary.
Overall, it means that the resistance can continue. The world's support is absolutely necessary for Ukraine to continue to be able to defend itself in the successful way they have done. Sweden will also help to rebuild Ukraine the day the war is over, Mr. Speaker.
Sweden's Minister for Finance Elisabeth Svantesson has presented a report to show the world that Russia's economy is in a significantly worse state than they want to give the impression of. Time is not on Russia's side. The world's sanctions and skyrocketing defense expenditures in Russia have seriously damaged the Russian economy and the Russian citizens' opportunities for a decent life. Sweden will continue to be a strong voice in the world, within various international collaborations and organizations, for continued support for Ukraine and continued sanctions against Russia as long as they wage this unjust and violation of international law war against Ukraine.
Mr. Speaker! A lot is happening right now. A great deal of things are being claimed by leaders around the world from whom one might possibly expect more. Last night, further things were stated. I had not intended to comment on this, Mr. Speaker, but it is almost impossible.
Representatives from all eight parties in the Riksdag have participated in various exercises around the world. We have had delegations to Ukraine; I have led one from the Committee on Finance where all parties were represented. We have met both those in government and the opposition, and we have met civil organizations. It is not possible to hold an election in a country where large parts are occupied and where the own constitution and constitution do not make it possible to hold elections under those circumstances, Mr. Speaker. It is probably few democratic countries that would manage it.
Everything happening right now is media games – a lot of things are asserted and claimed. I believe that we need to help each other bring clarity to this, Mr. Speaker. Just a couple of weeks ago, I was in Paris together with colleagues from several parties here, and we met politicians from both the majority and the opposition in Ukraine. Everyone said the same thing: The overriding task in Ukraine is to get the attackers out. After that, the normal democratic work can continue.
This also places demands, however. When one cannot hold elections, it places demands on involving the opposition, and the opposition we have met in various parts – both in Ukraine and in other places where delegations have been – has testified to exactly this, that is, that it works. So do not believe everything that is claimed, you who are listening to this!
For a lasting peace to be achieved, it must be on Ukraine's terms. We can never accept anything else. Therefore, continued support, including that which we in full unanimity in this chamber and with great support from the Swedish people shall decide on today, is absolutely necessary. Continued sanctions against Russia are also absolutely necessary.
On February 24, it will be three years since Russia launched the full-scale invasion. To mark the anniversary and signal the Riksdag's continued support for the Ukrainian people, the Speaker, together with the Committee on Finance, the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Committee on Defence, and the EU Committee, is organizing a seminar tomorrow at 11:00 in the Riksdag's main chamber. It will be possible to follow via the Riksdag's web-TV and likely also in SVT Forum. You who are listening are also welcome to participate.
At a press conference on January 30 this year, the government presented the military support package to Ukraine that we will make a decision on today. It has a value of 13.5 billion kronor and is the largest Swedish military support package to Ukraine to date.
With this decision, we strengthen Ukraine's long-range capability. The government's intention is to allocate 1 billion kronor to the production of Ukrainian long-range missiles and long-distance drones. The package further contains a doubling of the number of Stridsbåt 90 previously donated – 16 units – as well as anti-tank missiles and much more.
Investments in support of Ukraine's defense industry are also included in the package, Mr. Speaker. The support package we are now deciding on is divided into eight components. The largest component consists of various procurements of newly manufactured materiel, primarily from Swedish and other European defense industries, which will be donated to Ukraine.
Mr. Speaker! With today's decision, we strengthen Ukraine's ability to continue defending itself. I move for approval of the proposal. Slava Ukraini!
Peter Hultqvist (S)
Mr. Speaker! I am glad to be here today and to take part in this debate. I would like to begin by moving to approve the present proposition.
I believe that we must properly discuss what is actually happening today, because it is so large and revolutionary. It is very clear that we have a new situation in Europe.
We all know the background: three years of war in Ukraine with great casualties and a struggle for freedom and democracy, as well as a history of abuses, destruction, and war crimes. Ukraine's defense forces and population have made an enormous effort to ensure their country survives.
Now we are in a situation where negotiations are being conducted over the heads of both Ukraine and Europe. It is not acceptable. If a so-called peace agreement is to be valid, it must be accepted by both Ukraine and Europe, and it must be on Ukraine's terms.
Unfortunately, we now see how one so-called bargaining chip after another is played out in advance by the USA. Ukraine shall cede land. Some kind of discussions are being had about elections in Ukraine; Trump says that he wants it, even though it is impossible to carry out during the war. The President's mandate is being extended step by step by Ukraine's ranks. It is said that there can be no membership in Nato for Ukraine. Without Russia having officially set such demands, they are meeting them before the negotiation has even begun.
The question that must be asked is: Are we now seeing the beginning of the great betrayal of Ukraine? Will Ukraine be betrayed? Will they be forced into a humiliating peace on Russia's terms? It is actually relevant to ask that question given how this has developed during the recent period.
USA's former president Joe Biden told Ukraine's president Zelenskyy: I will not walk away from you. USA has provided the majority of the support to Ukraine. It has been an incredibly important and decisive effort.
From the Trump administration, the message is different. Even before Trump took office, it was a given that Europe must increase its efforts; this must happen regardless of what message comes from Washington. Now, demands are being made that the USA should have control over parts of the mineral resources in Ukraine. I think this is alarming. I think it is neo-colonial. Furthermore, demands are being made which, just as I just said, mean that Russia is accommodated before the negotiations have even begun. It is a very strange way to negotiate. One does not lay all the cards on the table before the negotiation has started. One does not give in before the negotiation has started. Nor does one negotiate without the party the negotiation concerns being at the table. This is actually about the future of Ukraine and our continent.
We must not forget the basic facts. It was Russia that started the war. It is they who are acting in defiance of international law. It is they who bear the entire burden of guilt. It is they who must be held accountable for their crimes against international law and justice. President Putin is actually wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes. The warrant covers a total of 123 countries. These are basic facts that must not be forgotten.
Trump tried in a statement tonight to paint the picture that Ukraine in some way contributed to the war starting. It is such an incredibly strange statement that one wonders where it comes from. Why does it arise? This is fake news in the truest sense.
I remember another situation three years ago. At that time, the USA warned other countries. I myself was present at meetings about this where, from the American side, it was spoken of that they had information that the encirclement of Ukraine would lead to war. At that time, they were constructive. At that time, they were involved and trying to prevent and prepare for an incredibly serious situation and for the outbreak of war that was being planned from Putin's and Russia's side.
Now it is apparently the opposite. Now the image of this is to be erased. One has gone from constructiveness to fake news. I think that is very remarkable.
That Europe and Ukraine are sidelined in this process worsens the conditions in the entire negotiation scenario that is currently being discussed. The legitimacy of what is now happening can be questioned. It is also the case that Russia's ambition to dominate the central parts of Ukraine remains. The imperial dreams live on, and the appetite is greater than certain territorial concessions from Ukraine's side. Future wars in Ukraine or in other parts of Europe will be an existing risk. In this situation, one must also ask the question: Is it even possible to trust an agreement signed by Russia and Vladimir Putin?
No free and democratic country on our continent wants to live with a shadow or under a boot from Moscow. That is why it is so important that Ukraine's dream of being a free country that chooses its own future gets to live on as a reality. Otherwise, the question is: Which will be the next country to be subjected to the barbarity? That is what this is about.
We must take hold of Joe Biden's message – I will not walk away from Ukraine – regardless of what the current American president chooses to do. Therefore, today's decision on an 18th support package to Ukraine is good. It is also good that this support package includes production that is directly targeted at Ukraine; it is a requirement that the Socialdemokraterna have long had.
We in Sweden and the rest of Europe must stand firm as long as Ukraine needs our support. We shall not be traitors in a critical situation. The Munich Agreement of 1938, which was called peace in our time, is no scenario we want to see return. Only clear support for Ukraine from the democracies in the world and effective security guarantees based on proper military deterrence can provide the stability that deters Russia from new wars. There is no room for naivety or for allowing oneself to be deceived in negotiation processes.
On behalf of the Social Democrats, I move for approval of the bill.
Charlotte Quensel (SD)
Mr. Speaker! Today we are addressing the 18th and so far the largest military support package to Ukraine. The value amounts to a full 13.5 billion kronor. With this package, Sweden's support reaches over 70 billion kronor. The package includes, among other things, material reinforcement, while Ukraine mobilizes more soldiers. We also strengthen Ukraine's capability for long-range strikes inside Russia. A total of 6 billion goes to the procurement of both Swedish and European equipment, where the focus lies on short delivery times. Among the investments are training support, analysis support, 16 Stridsbåt 90, 146 trucks and, above all, 1,500 anti-tank missiles, and it is precisely this that Ukraine is requesting.
In addition to the support for Ukraine, we are donating armored glass to Moldova. Besides meeting Moldova's demand, this is a clear signal to the Moldovan people that we care about Moldova and see its vulnerable situation. Europe does not want to see the same path for Moldova as the one Ukraine has been forced into.
Mr. Speaker! On Monday, it will be three years since Russia attacked the Ukrainian people. For over a thousand days, the Ukrainians have shown the rest of the world that they do not intend to capitulate and be forced back under a Soviet or Russian flag. Europe needs to stand together and show that we share this stance, not just with fancy words but above all with action. No Ukrainian should be forced to live under Russian supremacy. They have already experienced that, and it led to millions of Ukrainians dying in purges and hardships.
Europe has an enormous challenge in the near term. Despite the fact that Trump, immediately after the election victory in November, announced that the wars in the Middle East and Ukraine were at the top of his agenda, Europe's leaders chose to procrastinate instead of preempting the USA and taking the lead. They let more than three months pass, from the USA's election day to Trump's inauguration, without acting. Now Europe's leaders are waking up and speaking about a European action plan and about taking responsibility for European security. One must ask what Europe's leaders were doing. Were they waiting for Trump before they realized the danger to our continent? May this passivity not punish Ukraine and the EU.
Mr. Speaker! At the same time as the EU's leaders rightly proclaim their horror that the USA is forcing negotiations, we can read that there are politicians in the EU who express a desire to restart the import of Russian gas. It is idiotic. The member states must realize that every country needs to take responsibility for its military buildup, and now, while they also take responsibility for fossil-free electricity and energy production. The EU must manage both the electrification and making the union sufficiently strong militarily. Good defense capability and an independence from outsiders' energy are basic prerequisites for the EU to withstand war-hungry neighbors.
Mr. Speaker! Let us not repeat the catastrophic policy that, among others, Germany has pursued by phasing out nuclear power and instead making itself dependent on Russian gas. The Union must wake up and realize that one cannot make oneself dependent on countries like China and Russia. The EU must move forward and be strong on its own.
With this, I conclude by moving for approval of the committee's proposal.
Hanna Gunnarsson (V)
Mr. Speaker and honorable members! Hello also to all of you who are listening and watching at home!
It has been three years today since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the terrible war began. That day changed everything for Ukraine as a country and for the Ukrainian population – but also for the rest of the world.
The war in Ukraine has fundamentally changed Swedish defense policy and has caused many of us to re-evaluate much, both as politicians and as human beings. Since the full-scale invasion, we have, through many hours of discussions in the Defense Consultative Council and between the government and the opposition, reached a consensus in Swedish defense policy that probably no one thought was possible. I am grateful for the close contact the government has with us in the opposition and that we receive current information and can have good conversations about the situation in the world. Just yesterday, we met both the Minister for Defence and the Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Russia's invasion, occupation and war are completely unacceptable and violate international law. This must, of course, continue to be condemned in the strongest terms while we support Ukraine in many different ways. The invasion is unprovoked, illegal and unjustifiable. The attack is a violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty and entails great human suffering for the Ukrainian people. Support for Ukraine and the economic sanctions must continue and be expanded. This includes combating the Russian shadow fleet in the Baltic Sea, which also poses a great risk of environmental disasters. The world's countries must stop buying the Russian oil and gas transported on substandard ships. The oil and gas do not only contribute to climate change but also practically finance the war. Russia must also not be allowed to participate in international competitions or events. It is not possible to compete, celebrate and party with an imperialistic invasion and occupying state.
Mr. Speaker! The developments after the American election in the autumn are moving quickly. A new government in Washington has sent different signals regarding the American support for Ukraine and the relationship with Russia. It is very serious and worrying. Trump's statements show that he is willing to let Russia win the war and keep the territory it has invaded. In the same breath, he also says he wants to take over Greenland and Canada.
All democratic countries must unite in support of Ukraine and in opposition to the Russian invasion. The goal must be that we together prevent Russia from winning the war and that it is in no way rewarded for the invasion and occupation for which it is responsible.
It seems that Russia and the USA want to divide Ukraine between them. Once again, we see the great powers sitting with rulers on a map and dividing up land, natural resources, and power among themselves. It is completely unacceptable in every way. No negotiations may take place over the head of Ukraine and without Ukraine sitting at the table. It is obviously Ukraine's conditions and Ukraine's decisions that must form the basis for any negotiations and settlements. It is Ukraine that decides the way forward for its own country. Ukraine needs peace, but this peace must be just and sustainable. Ukraine shall not be forced to hand over either power or land to the occupier Russia. It is only the Ukrainians themselves who shall decide. For the USA to give Russia a victory in Ukraine would be devastating, not only for Ukraine and its population but for the rest of Russia's neighboring countries and for all of Europe. We know that Putin will not stop at Ukraine. His imperialism will continue.
Mr. Speaker! It has been obvious for several years that Putin's regime in Russia is a concrete and physical threat to neighboring countries, but we also know for a long time that Putin is a threat to all those inhabitants in Russia who oppose the rule or who do not fit into the society that Putin wants to build. For Russian human rights activists, hbtqi persons, feminists, indigenous rights advocates, environmental movements and the political opposition, the regime in Moscow represents a daily threat of violence and reprisals – and also murder.
Our support for Ukraine is humanitarian, economic, and diplomatic as well as military. The military support with weapons, ammunition, vehicles, and training is required so that Russia's war does not succeed and so that Ukraine is not forced to give up land or power. To defend its borders and its population is fundamental for Ukraine to be able to build a strong democracy and welfare for its population in the future.
Mr. Speaker! Sweden's support for Ukraine must therefore be broad and long-term. Thousands of the millions of people who have been forced to flee from Ukraine have come to Sweden. They are struggling to manage in a new country with all the uncertainty it entails when family and friends remain in the war-torn Ukraine. The economic situation of the Ukrainian refugees in Sweden is also very serious. They and many other refugees in Sweden have very little economic compensation to live on every day. Vänsterpartiet has several times demanded that the government must increase the compensation to make everyday life more bearable for the refugees.
When the war is over, Sweden must be an active party in the reconstruction of Ukraine, based on the direction that the Ukrainian population wants to see. The same applies to our support for Moldova and Georgia – two countries that have also been affected by Russian imperialism and occupation. This proposal also includes support for Moldova.
In Belarus, the dictatorship still rules. There is a fighting opposition that is subjected to attacks and sentenced to long prison terms. In recent years, our contacts with representatives of these countries have been intense in order to support their struggle against the Russian occupation, influence, and disinformation.
Mr. Speaker! The world is unfortunately not as peaceful as we wish. All around the world, wars and conflicts are ongoing, people are fleeing for their lives, dictators are ravaging, and people live in oppression. War is the worst thing that exists, and it always leads to many casualties, shattered families, great devastation with bombed-out cities and infrastructure, mines in the ground and water that must then be cleared, many refugees and generations of children who grow up with the consequences, the sorrow and the memories. It is incredibly important that Sweden is a strong voice in the world for peace, freedom, democracy, human rights and equality.
The war in Ukraine has thus been ongoing for almost three years. Vänsterpartiet supports the humanitarian, economic and military aid that Sweden sends to Ukraine and condemns the Russian invasion and occupation. We therefore move for approval of the committee's proposal.
Martin Ådahl (C)
Mr. Speaker! Today we are to discuss the 18th package of absolutely necessary weapons to our fighting brother country Ukraine. But the world we are doing this in is not the same as it was a week ago.
Of course we feared that the USA's leaders might come to verbally attack their closest democratic allies in the free world as if they were enemies, but we still did not believe that it would happen. Of course we feared that the USA's new leadership would come to betray the Ukrainians' heroic three-year struggle for survival and for all our freedom, but we still did not want to believe it. Of course we feared that the USA's envoys could shake hands with Putin's satanic murderers, with kidnappers of children, with war criminals as if they were friends, but we still did not believe that it would happen.
However vile and sacrilegious this may be, the shock must not leave us paralyzed and resigned; instead, it must awaken Sweden and Europe to action. There is, of course, nothing that gives the USA the right to dictate a so-called peace on Putin's terms in Europe and over Europe's head, or to sell out Ukraine and deny Ukraine a place at the table. We cannot, and we do not need to, accept such a peace. We in Europe, just as has been said earlier in the chamber, know what a policy of concession leads to. The words from Munich in 1938 echo in the days when we sold out our honor to the aggressors and reaped world history's greatest catastrophe. That lesson we carry with us every day, as a continent and as a community of destiny.
Never, never, never will we accept a Munich 2025 that rewards Putin for his crimes. Then he will come back again, again and again. As soon as his rotten regime falters, he will start new wars and direct the energy toward free Europe, until not only Ukraine, but the entire continent is on fire. Right now, there is therefore nothing more important for Sweden's and Ukraine's security than that the Prime Minister and the government resist Trump's policy of concessions in every way.
What can we do in this late hour? What should our government do? It is good when the Swedish government is clear in words, as all eight parties are today – thank you for that. Let me remind that Ukraine has been promised membership in Nato and emphasize that Ukraine should join the EU as soon as possible. Our words have, however, only gone this far in Trump's and Putin's world. Now is the time for action, and we Europeans can here and now strengthen Ukraine's hand.
Mr. Speaker! That Sweden is now providing over 30 billion in military support to Ukraine is very good. We stand behind the bill. But history has already outpaced the decision the chamber makes today. What was a lot last week is now a little. Today, only that which strengthens Ukraine's hand so much that it is enough to contribute to starting to turn the course away from the catastrophe counts. Sweden can and should therefore triple the economic support to Ukraine during 2025 to over 1 percent of our GDP, corresponding to at least 75 billion kronor. Thus is our special statement, and we intend to take further initiatives on this.
This must happen now, without delay. It is precisely for times like these that we have gathered in the barns. Sweden has exceptionally strong public finances, as was noted recently in the Surplus Goal Committee. Therefore, we must lead the way so that we can urge the EU countries to invest just as much at the same time.
Despite national debts and deficits, the EU can invest many times more for Ukraine than we do today. As was recently pointed out by a number of leading economists in a report from the Fiscal Policy Council, the EU's combined GDP is more than ten times larger than Russia's. Our technical capacity is, of course, far superior to that prevailing in Putin's corrupt kleptocracy. A single percent of the EU's economy is over 2,000 billion kronor. That is almost twice as much as the USA has spent on Ukraine's defense since the full-scale invasion began.
Mr. Speaker! The EU must now dare to put money on the table to support Ukraine and to rearm and stand up against Putin. Germany, which for so long has been reluctant, has finally embraced this. We must absolutely not brake due to a misguided will to fight yesterday's economic war.
The package that is on the Riksdag's table is good. It is good that Sweden is sending large amounts of weapons to Ukraine, but it must now be scaled up very significantly with everything Sweden is capable of in terms of weapons and advanced weapons systems.
We must also fund many times more weapons production in Ukraine. This is being done in this package but must be done on a much larger scale.
We must continue to purchase weapons and components of critical technology from other Western countries, including the USA, to send to Ukraine on a completely new scale. It is the morally right thing to do, but it also lies in the direct security interest of Sweden and all of free Europe. Ukraine is currently acting as a shield for all of free Europe, not least the Nordic countries and the Baltics. Without that shield, we will all have to pay many times more in the form of defense against Russia for decades.
Supporting Ukraine as much as needed has very strong popular support in Sweden, just as in many other countries in Northern Europe, including Northern Europe's leading democratic military power, Poland. Together, we, the Nordic-Baltic-Polish community, constitute a significant force of like-minded countries within the EU and within the democratic European community. There, Sweden must be able to show leadership.
There is now no other way than to very quickly upgrade Sweden's own defense in the same way that all of Europe must upgrade its collective capability. The Center Party has been clear that 3 percent of GDP for defense spending should be seen as a floor that must be reached soon and surpassed. We in free Europe must now have the capacity to collectively defend our security.
Mr. Speaker! May this package that we vote on today only be a forewarning of the massive mobilization of our resources, of Europe's resources, behind Ukraine that must now come. When the one who holds the office that was once called the leader of the free world has now chosen – self-chosen – to let himself be embraced by the dictator and to let his envoys sit in Putin's lap, then our country shall not bow its head. Then our Europe shall not yield, neither for Putin nor for Trump. We shall honor Ukraine's heroism by now sending all the resources we possess, the resources Ukraine needs to enter victoriously into a lasting peace, so that Vladimir Putin is never rewarded for his crimes against humanity. It is what our people expect of our Prime Minister and our government – that our country stands up for Ukraine and for freedom in Europe.
Mikael Oscarsson (KD)
Mr. Speaker! Today we are debating an extra supplementary budget for 2025 with support for Ukraine. Let me begin by moving for the approval of the proposals in the committee report.
As several have pointed out here today, it is in just five days three years since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine began, and Ukraine has truly fought bravely.
Several of us – perhaps even all of those who are here in the chamber now – have had the privilege of visiting Ukraine. Sweden has, throughout, taken an active part in supporting the country. When I myself made a visit, it made a strong impression on me to meet soldiers and relatives of people who have perished.
It is now so incredibly important that we continue to hold on. These are serious times in the world, Mr. Speaker, and it must not become a Munich 1938. Back then, large countries sold out small countries. Then came World War II – it did not become peace in our time. Then we decided on a world order where small countries could also sit at the table and would be respected. Now we find ourselves in a situation where all of this is threatened, and it is naturally the case that Ukraine must be allowed to sit at the table. It is Ukraine that is the crime victim. It is Ukraine that has been subjected to abuses. It is their territory that it is about, and therefore it is naturally of the utmost importance that they are allowed to sit at the table. It is they who shall negotiate.
This situation is a reminder, Mr. Speaker, that this also has an impact on Sweden. There is a fallen empire, the Russian or the Soviet empire, and if it turns out that Putin's actions are paying off, the appetite will increase. We stand up for it because it is morally right. We are one of the countries in Europe that does the most, and we shall continue to do so as long as it is needed. But it is also the case that this has significance for our own security.
As several here have pointed out, it is very pleasing that we have unity. All eight parties in the Riksdag stand together in continuing for as long as it is needed.
This also shows that we need to strengthen the European capacity. We need to "ramp up" our war industry – or our defense industry, shall I say – and the production of, for example, ammunition. Sweden has a tradition there – Alfred Nobel manufactured ammunition in Karlskoga. This must be "ramped up." It is truly dangerous for Sweden and Europe and for our opportunity to help Ukraine if we do not have the resources.
That is why it is important that in the support we are now providing, we also provide money for production in Europe so that Ukraine can buy finished materiel, but also for production in Ukraine. The security situation we have is nothing transitory, but is likely for the foreseeable future. Therefore, it is so important that we continue to support together.
This support package is the 18th, and it is the largest so far. We want to declare from the Kristdemokraterna side that for us it is important to emphasize precisely this: that we will continue to stand with Ukraine. We will continue to argue that we as a country shall continue to do everything we can to stand by Ukraine's side and point out that Ukraine's position must obviously be to be able to be part of every negotiation concerning their country.
With these words, Mr. Speaker, I move again for approval of all the proposals in the report.
Janine Alm Ericson (MP)
Mr. Speaker! We see how the world is changing at an incredibly rapid pace right before our eyes. Right now, it unfortunately looks darker than it has in a long time. We are living in a time where democracy is in retreat in the world, where authoritarian powers are on the advance, and where international law and the rules-based world order based on the UN Charter are being challenged. It is serious, to say the least.
It has now been three years since Russia's horrific and illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine began. The war kills and maims, and it harms both soldiers and civilians. The war's traumas will take generations to heal. And the war is, as we have noted many times, an attack not only on Ukraine but also on international law, on democracy, and on the European security order.
Mr. Speaker! We want peace, but it must be a peace where Ukraine sits at the table. A peace without Ukraine will not be a sustainable peace. It is simply wrong to negotiate over the head of the country one is negotiating about. In any potential peace, Ukraine's self-determination and security must be guaranteed. It may look different, but it must unfortunately be stated in these days.
When it comes to this, the government must be extremely clear that the starting point in the negotiation must be what Ukraine wants and needs in the form of support. One must mark a clear stance against Russia but also against the USA.
The USA's signals regarding the peace negotiations are, as several have pointed out, very worrying. The concessions to Russia that have already been communicated are completely shocking and dangerous for the future. It has a decisive significance for the view on international law if Putin's crimes pay off and he is allowed to take land with military violence. It also risks affecting many conflicts around the world.
Therefore, the government must now, itself and within the EU, continue to work to ensure that the EU maintains its support for Ukraine and to put pressure on the USA to continue contributing. In addition, sanctions still need to be tightened and Russia's revenues from oil and gas must be choked off.
That we help Ukraine defend itself is important for the security, democracy, and freedom of all of Europe. We in Sweden need to be prepared to increase the support together with others. The government's framework for support needs to be extended and include support also for the reconstruction of Ukraine.
Sweden shall continue to be a strong voice for Ukraine's defense, to ensure accountability for Russian war crimes, and to prepare for a just reconstruction of the country.
For us in Miljöpartiet, it remains self-evident that Sweden should contribute to Ukraine's struggle for self-determination and self-defense. We shall continue our support for Ukraine. We must do so both individually and together with other countries, and we must continue to safeguard human rights, international law, and peace.
A light in the dark is – as many others have also mentioned – that we are eight parties speaking in this matter today. There is no other matter where we are in complete agreement and where all parties are up and speaking in favor of the proposal. This is a strength. That we stand united in this is a clear signal to Ukraine regarding support. It is a clear signal to Russia regarding Swedish determination and to the USA that a sustainable peace is needed.
Therefore, we in Miljöpartiet move for approval of the committee's proposal and thus also of the government's proposition. It shows very clearly that in the midst of this darkness, there is a way forward. A way that is built on cooperation and solidarity and that shows respect for international law. When it comes to this, Sweden must stand firm.
Cecilia Rönn (L)
Mr. Speaker! I would like to begin by expressing my approval of the committee's proposed decision.
The signal we send with this 18th extra amending budget is a united Sweden for Ukraine's freedom, peace and future.
We stand here today in a time that will define our generation. Much has happened in the last few days that I could not have imagined a year ago. On Monday, Ukraine has fought for its freedom, peace, and future for three years. For three years, war has raged in Europe. It is a war where the authoritarian regime Russia tries to crush a democracy. Ukraine is not just fighting for its own survival. They are fighting for the values we in Sweden hold highest: freedom, self-determination, and democracy. Their struggle is our struggle, and our support shall continue to be long-term and unwavering.
Ukraine's perseverance, struggle, resilience, and hardships in the fight for its democracy, its country, and its freedom have over three years been unimaginable. It is impossible to imagine how everyday life has changed or what it is like to live with constant shelling, alarms, and the fear that loved ones will not come home again. In addition to Ukraine having succeeded in standing up militarily against Russia's full-scale and illegal invasion, they have also succeeded in maintaining their electricity supply, their infrastructure, their companies, their food deliveries, and their payment systems.
Sweden and the rest of the world need to continue supporting Ukraine until the war is over, help Ukraine rebuild the country after the war, and help the country become part of the European community. But we also have much to learn from Ukraine – believe nothing else. Therefore, the support for Ukraine is absolutely crucial. In Sweden, there is great support to continue supporting Ukraine until the country has won the war and created peace on its own terms. I am very happy that in this fateful issue we stand united in Sweden across all party lines – as many of my political colleagues have said from the rostrum today – and that the Swedish people join in this support. The extra supplementary budget we have prepared for a new and powerful support package for Ukraine is a very important part of that.
Mr. Speaker! It is not just that we want to help. We must help. It is about the security of Sweden, Europe, and the free world.
The 18th military support package is the largest so far. It is at 13.5 billion kronor. We are strengthening Ukraine's ability to fight Russian forces in depth. We contribute to artillery, long-range strike systems, and unmanned vehicles. We train Ukrainian soldiers and invest in the country's own defense industry. The Swedish support to Ukraine is now up to about 62 billion. This is concrete and necessary, and we must continue with it. Ukraine needs more support, not less. Europe must take greater responsibility, and Sweden is a strong voice in that struggle.
Supporting Ukraine is supporting Sweden. A strong Ukraine is a protection against future aggressions. Therefore, the Swedish consensus is so important. It is about security, stability, and our future. We must continue to show that Sweden and Europe are long-term partners to Ukraine. We shall not waver. We shall not hesitate. We shall act.
Extra supplementary budget for 2025 – Support for Ukraine
Mr. Speaker! The USA has been an important partner in the support for Ukraine, but we see how the political climate is changing. The developments over the last few days are deeply worrying. Most recently last night, another statement came from Donald Trump. Now, if not sooner, Sweden and the EU must keep a cool head and focus on what is most important: Ukraine's right to defend itself and Ukraine's right to its land, its democracy, and its self-determination. Russia and Putin are the perpetrators in this; we must never forget that.
Now more than ever, when the Ukrainian people have fought for their own and Europe's freedom for nearly three years, our focus must be on strengthening the support for Ukraine both here in Sweden and in Europe. Our military support is crucial and needs to be strengthened. Europe is already today a decisive and important partner to Ukraine, and we must continue to take this responsibility.
It is not just about weapons and money. It is about solidarity and about building a stable Ukraine after the war. It is about supporting their path toward EU membership as soon as possible. It is the Ukrainian people who shall decide their future and how they want to live, not authoritarian regimes like Russia. Therefore, this extra supplementary budget is an investment in peace, in democracy, and in the future. Today, I am proud to be Swedish and proud that we stand united in the unwavering support for Ukraine.
The deliberation was hereby concluded.
Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.