Extra supplementary budget for 2026 - Support for Ukraine and vaccine preparedness

Edward Riedl (M)

Mr. Speaker! The Riksdag shall today consider, and a little later decide on, an extra supplementary budget with two parts. One concerns support for Ukraine, and the other concerns strengthened vaccine preparedness in Sweden.

The proposal is, in short, about donating military materiel from our own stocks, primarily grenade launchers and ammunition, to Ukraine. The proposal also means that the government receives a so-called authorization to purchase and arrange materiel for the purpose of donating it to Ukraine.

There is also a part of the package that concerns Sweden, together with other partner countries, providing a guarantee for loans to Ukraine so that the country can have opportunities to manage its economy in the difficult situation it finds itself in.

The last part of the proposal, as said, concerns strengthening vaccine preparedness in Sweden.

Support Package 21 is about claiming 13 of the 40 billion kronor that are allocated for the current year within the framework of Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! The world has changed, and Sweden is affected both directly and indirectly by what is happening both in our immediate vicinity and further away. The world is regionalizing, and the rules-based world order, which in many ways has served the world very well for a long time, no longer functions. We have a war of aggression in Europe that has been ongoing for several years, where our friends in Ukraine experience all the horrors of war day in and day out. They are completely dependent on support from Sweden, the Swedish people, and other partner countries.

It is about both Ukraine's self-evident right to its own freedom and self-determination over its future and about Swedish and European security in a broader sense.

Supporting Ukraine militarily and economically builds Swedish security, Mr. Speaker. We are also now rearming the Swedish defense at a frantic pace. Other countries within our defense alliance Nato are doing the same. The world is worse today than it was yesterday. I am glad that before Midsummer last year we were able to conclude a broad agreement where eight out of eight parties stand behind quickly rearming the Swedish defense.

Sweden has uniquely strong public finances and low public debt. Sweden is one of the ten countries in the world with the highest credit rating. The Swedish economy is very strong. We are now using this strength to upgrade the defense in Sweden and to support Ukraine, both because it is right and because it builds Swedish security.

Mr. Speaker! I would normally like to extend a big thank you to all parties in the chamber and in the Committee on Finance for the good cooperation in producing the various support packages and for the fact that we, in broad agreement, as broad as it goes, stand behind these. The support from the Swedish people is also continued to be great, which is very pleasing.

But, Mr. Speaker, I am also concerned that the Swedish political debate has taken the direction it has over the last few weeks and perhaps months. If eight of the Riksdag's eight parties stand behind the upgrading of the Swedish defense with borrowed money and if eight of eight parties stand behind supporting Ukraine with borrowed money, it becomes a bit strange, Mr. Speaker, if one then does not want to be held to the result: that we borrow money to do these things. I do not think it is honest.

What the government is doing, to use technical language, is to raise the spending ceiling in order to be able to do the two things I am talking about. Today we report financial savings including and excluding Ukraine and defense buildup, in accordance with the economic framework and in accordance with what eight of eight parties agree on.

You who are listening to the debate may not always find it easy to understand what politicians and parties say, but eight out of eight parties are thus behind the support for Ukraine, which is pleasing. Eight out of eight parties also stand behind upgrading the Swedish defense, and one stands behind doing both of these things with borrowed money. The fact is that the opposition wanted to borrow more money both for the support for Ukraine and for upgrading the Swedish defense. We made good and broad agreements regarding these matters.

Then it is not honest, Mr. Speaker, when parts of the opposition then use the agreements on borrowing money for these matters to pursue short-term politics and win political points by claiming that the government is borrowing money, despite having been part of the agreements that are for the most part the reason why this is being done.

The result of the support to Ukraine and the defense agreement is therefore that Sweden borrows money in the short term so as not to have to make cuts in investments in Sweden. The strength of the Swedish economy with a very low national debt, one of the lowest in the world, makes this possible. Sweden has a unique opportunity to manage this.

Mr. Speaker! We live in a worse world today than yesterday. It is time for responsibility and cooperation. Sweden shall be persistent in its support for Ukraine for as long as is required. It is, as has been said, about both Ukraine's right to freedom and about Swedish and European security in large.

It is a strength for Swedish democracy that we can reach broad agreements on important issues such as the support for Ukraine and the upgrading of the Swedish defense. Let us not turn this into party politics! This is a plea here in the chamber, Mr. Speaker. It is better if we discuss whether Sweden should have higher or lower taxes and other important domestic policy issues. There are many such issues that deserve debate and discussion. Let us talk about them instead of trying to create conflicts that do not exist!

With that, Mr. Speaker, I move for approval of the committee's proposal and for continued support for Ukraine. Slava Ukraini!

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Ingela Nylund Watz (S)

Mr. Speaker! Our support for Ukraine must not yield a single inch. If Ukraine falls, our own fall is also very near – in any case closer than we believe. With this certainty, our support for Ukraine and for the unfathomable courage the Ukrainian people shows has been wholehearted, determined, long-term and strategic.

It is an uncomfortable truth that the world has changed since Russia's full-scale invasion began in February 2022. For more than four years, the people of Ukraine have now fought the battle for their freedom, for democracy and for independence – but also for all other states' right to choose their own path and their future within the framework of the rules-based world order. We refuse to accept an order where the great powers in the east and west divide the world into their so-called spheres of interest and demand that other countries subordinate themselves to this. Therefore, Ukraine must not lose.

In the troublesome world situation we now find ourselves in, it therefore feels particularly important that we in Europe stand united in the fight for Ukraine's cause. Our support will be needed, persistently and for a long time to come.

Therefore, it is distressing to have to state that the European unity has cracks. Hungary's and Slovakia's blocking of a new long-term loan agreement with Ukraine is a stain on Europe. Without this loan, Ukraine risks running out of liquid funds as early as the mid-year point, which would jeopardize the entire Ukrainian state apparatus. This simply must not happen. The EU's other member states must find a solution that dethrones Orbán's and Fico's actions from Hungary and Slovakia.

It is good that we in the Swedish Riksdag have been completely united on all the measures we have taken to support Ukraine. That is also the case today, when we process the 21st support package with a value of 12.9 billion kronor, which is deducted from the military Ukraine framework. With this, Sweden has contributed military support of approximately 103 billion kronor.

This support package is primarily about meeting the need for air defense, long-range weapons and ammunition, but it is also about support for joint innovation projects and for countering Russian disinformation.

Mr. Speaker! It is, of course, the people in Ukraine who bear the heaviest burden under Russia's war of invasion, especially the children. It is they, over 10 million people who are in need of humanitarian aid, people who have now lived through another harsh winter with constant attacks against the energy supply and a lack of electricity and heating. It is all those who hold the lines at the front and risk their lives for their country, for us, and for the values upon which the European community rests.

Mr. Speaker! During the more than four years that the war has been ongoing, attention has at times shifted toward other crises around the world, such as the Middle East, Gaza, and Sudan. This has created a certain fear among Ukraine's population – a fear of being forgotten and that support from the rest of the world will diminish. We must not fuel that fear. Even though the world is now holding its breath and stands on the brink of a major war, we must continue to manage to keep the focus on Ukraine and its population. We must not fail.

They will need our support, for a long time and persistently. It is simply a matter of Ukraine functioning. Schools must be able to teach, healthcare must be able to cure and alleviate, and wages and pensions must be able to be paid out. The civil infrastructure must be rebuilt, and new homes must be built for all those who have lost their homes during the war.

Supporting Ukraine in the long term is an investment in our own future that is worth the costs it entails. Of course, supporting Ukraine affects our own defense planning somewhat, but we also hinder Russia's opportunities to threaten its neighbors and thereby threaten us.

Mr. Speaker! For us Social Democrats, it is a self-evident matter to stand up for Ukraine and the Ukrainian population. We stand firm on their right to a peace that is sustainable and based on international law and the UN Charter. We stand up for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The extra supplementary budget also contains proposals to ensure Sweden's vaccine preparedness during influenza epidemics.

We naturally support both parts of the report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

David Perez (SD)

Mr. Speaker! As we have already heard today, we are debating the extra budget amendment which contains proposals for the 21st military support package to Ukraine. At the same time, we are also securing vaccines and preparedness for future influenza pandemics in our country.

It is pleasing to hear that there is a great consensus in the chamber to support Ukraine and Ukraine's cause. It is a country that has fought for its freedom and right to exist. The war is now in its fifth year.

The Ukrainians have shown great courage and perseverance, and they have had to endure immense suffering in the war. Therefore, Europe must unite to end the war. Sweden takes responsibility, and the parties take their responsibility. The support makes Ukraine's struggle easier, but if other countries in Europe and in the European Union had taken their responsibility from day one, the war might have been over now. Instead, people point fingers and portray Ukraine as a problem, even an obstacle to peace. It is regrettable and shameful.

A couple of weeks ago, I had the opportunity on the anniversary of the war to participate on-site at the European Parliament to see Members of the European Parliament debate this important issue. I sat together with a delegation from Ukraine – adults, youth, and children who were there to take part in the debate.

Unfortunately, I was not particularly impressed by some of the contributions, and it was sad to see a very low level in the European Parliament. Fingers were pointed, and the debate revolved primarily around those who opposed the loan that almost all countries have agreed upon – the loan that Ukraine needs and should receive.

Mr. Speaker! In summary, it is exactly as Zelenskyy said earlier, namely that this is a war that Ukraine has not chosen, but they are fighting for their freedom and right to exist. Hopefully, Europe can unite and ensure that it does not become a sixth year for the war. With that, I move for approval of the proposal in the report and thereby of the government bill.

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Martin Ådahl (C)

Mr. Speaker! This is an extremely important debate, and I want to emphasize that the most important thing about the debate is the agreement to increase support for Ukraine. Then we have different ambitions for increasing the support even more and even deeper. But unfortunately, and this is not because of anything we ourselves have desired, the question has been raised as to how narratives from Russia are now also being spread in Sweden, despite all the years of broad support.

Mr. Speaker! We have not had the opportunity to turn to the Sweden Democrats in any other way regarding the issue of Emilie Pilthammar in Jimmie Åkesson's home municipality, Sölvesborg. She has made statements on her blog that Zelenskyy and Putin are like the plague or cholera. Joking perhaps or in earnest – I do not know which is worse – she has said that it would have been just as good if the Russians had taken over.

Emilie Pilthammar has regretted it and taken back what she said. I can tell the member from the Sweden Democrats that if this had happened in my party, the Centre Party, she would have been expelled with immediate effect. She would not have been allowed to be a top name in a core municipality, a showcase municipality, for our party.

I want an honest answer from a representative of the Sweden Democrats in a debate concerning Ukraine as to why one does not react more harshly against that type of absurdly bad statement from a leading representative.

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FÖRSTE VICE TALMANNEN

I must remind the member that the subject of the debate is the extra budget for 2026 and support for Ukraine and vaccine preparedness. We are on a thin line, I can say.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

David Perez (SD)

Mr. Speaker! I do not know if I can thank Martin Ådahl for the question because I believe the question has already been investigated. I regret that an attempt is being made to turn such a matter into poster politics, which, moreover, has already been debated sufficiently in the media – in the newspapers and in the news.

I cannot in any way explain or stand behind what Emilie has said. I rather stand behind what the chairman of the committee, Magnus Olsson, has said, namely that those kinds of statements do not belong in our party. It is that debate that has been conducted from us.

The Committee on Membership has reached a decision, and we as a party stand behind it.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Martin Ådahl (C)

Mr. Speaker! In a way, I appreciate that Member David Perez distances himself from the statements. There is a certain security in that, but it is not secure that in one of its most central municipalities, one retains a person who has publicly made, as the Member from SD himself points out, completely appalling statements about the war in Ukraine. I do not understand how a person who has such a completely skewed view of the struggle for freedom in Europe and in Ukraine can be allowed to stand as a top candidate in a showcase municipality, Jimmie Åkesson's own home municipality, in fact, for the Sverigedemokraterna. It creates a great deal of concern for what is actually happening in the corridors when one is not looking, or when one sometimes looks at a blog, regarding the view on Ukraine, the view on Putin's terror regime in Russia, and the view on the great struggle for freedom and democracy in Europe, in the midst of the strong unity we want for the 21st package in support of Ukraine.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

David Perez (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Once again, it is only to be regretted that we are reducing the level of debate in the chamber to being about a local politician. It does not belong here.

I emphasize that the Sweden Democrats have been extremely clear that we stand united behind the support for Ukraine, and we stand united behind the fight that the people of Ukraine are fighting for. I know people who have fought in Ukraine, who to some extent have suffered for their lives because of this. I can say nothing more than that I thank them for their fight there.

(Applause)

(MARTIN ÅDAHL (C): We both do.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Mr. Speaker! It is now four years since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and the terrible war began. That day, everything changed for Ukraine as a country and for the Ukrainian people – and for the rest of the world.

The war in Ukraine has fundamentally changed Swedish defense policy and has caused many of us to re-evaluate very much, both as politicians and as human beings. Since the full-scale invasion, Swedish defense policy, through many hours of discussions in the Defense Consultative Council and between the government and the opposition, has reached a consensus that probably no one thought was possible.

Russia's invasion, occupation and war is of course completely unacceptable. It violates international law and must continue to be condemned in the strongest terms while we in action support Ukraine in many different ways. The attack is a violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty and entails great human suffering for the Ukrainian population.

Support for Ukraine and the economic sanctions must continue and be expanded, including combating the Russian shadow fleet in the Baltic Sea, which also poses a great risk of environmental disasters. The world's countries must stop buying the Russian oil and gas, which is transported on substandard ships and which in practice finances the war. Russia must also not be allowed to participate in international competitions or events. It is not possible to compete, celebrate, and party with an imperialist invasion and occupation state.

Mr. Speaker! Trump's new term in Washington has meant diminished American support for Ukraine, and Trump has strengthened his own relationship with Russia. It is very serious and worrying. Trump's statements have indicated that he is willing to let Russia win the war by letting them keep the land they have invaded. In the same breath, he wants to take over Greenland and Canada.

All democratic countries must unite in support of Ukraine and in opposition to the Russian invasion. Russia must not be allowed to win the war or be rewarded for the invasion and occupation for which they are responsible.

Russia and the USA now seem to be in the process of dividing Ukraine between themselves. It is as if we are once again seeing great powers sitting over a map with rulers and dividing up land, natural resources, and power over the population. It is obviously completely unacceptable. Nothing may be discussed or decided over the heads of the Ukrainians.

Ukraine needs peace, but the peace must be just and sustainable. Ukraine must not be forced to surrender either power or territory to the occupier Russia. It is only the Ukrainians themselves, not Trump or Putin, who shall decide over their own and their country's future.

If the USA were to give Russia a victory in Ukraine, it would be devastating, not only for Ukraine and its population but also for Russia's neighboring countries and all of Europe. Putin will not stop at Ukraine. His imperialism will continue.

Mr. Speaker! Putin's Russia is a threat, not only to the neighboring countries but also to all those Russian inhabitants who oppose the regime or who do not fit into the society that Putin wants to build. For Russian human rights activists, LGBTQI people, feminists, indigenous rights advocates, the environmental movement, and the political opposition, the regime itself represents a daily threat of violence, reprisals, and even murder.

It is an imperialist Russia that is at war with Ukraine. Our support for Ukraine is humanitarian, economic, diplomatic, and military. The military support with weapons, ammunition, vehicles, and training to Ukraine is required so that Russia's war does not succeed. Being able to defend its borders and its population is fundamental for Ukraine to be able to build up and strengthen its democracy and welfare for the population in the future.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden's support for Ukraine is and must be broad and long-term. Thousands of the millions of people who have been forced to flee from Ukraine have made their way to Sweden. They are struggling to manage in a new country, with all the uncertainty it entails when family and friends remain in Ukraine.

The economic situation of the Ukrainian refugees in Sweden is also very serious. They and many other refugees have very little economic compensation to live on every day. Vänsterpartiet has many times demanded that the government should increase the compensation to make everyday life more bearable for refugees. When the war is over, Sweden shall be an active party in the reconstruction of Ukraine, based on the direction the Ukrainian population wants to see.

Mr. Speaker! The world is unfortunately not as peaceful as we wish. It is obvious. All around the world, wars and conflicts are ongoing. People flee for their lives, dictators ravage, and people live in oppression. War is the worst thing that exists and always leads to many casualties, shattered families, great destruction with cities and infrastructure being bombed to pieces, mines in land and water, many refugees and generations of children growing up with the consequences, the sorrow and the memories.

It is incredibly important that Sweden is a strong voice in the world for peace, freedom, democracy, human rights and equality. We must not lose that perspective.

The war in Ukraine has been ongoing for over four years. Vänsterpartiet stands behind the humanitarian, economic, and military support that Sweden sends to Ukraine and strongly condemns the Russian invasion and occupation.

I therefore move for the approval of the proposal for increased support to Ukraine in its entirety.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Martin Ådahl (C)

Mr. Speaker! I believe that what I will begin with is relevant to the discussion.

Four days ago, Vladimir Putin bombed a perfectly ordinary apartment building in Kharkiv. A 65-year-old woman, a 40-year-old man, and a 13-year-old girl died in the attack, a perfectly ordinary everyday life. They died after having experienced the cold and darkness during this harsh winter in Ukraine. In both Kyiv and Kharkiv and in many other places, people have sat in darkness and cold because Putin is also bombing energy sources to knock out the electricity.

Putin's war of terror against freedom in Europe has no pause, no everyday life to fall back on. This also applies to us, in the safety here in Sweden. This is the 21st package of support to Ukraine. It is full of many good things. In the fourth year of Ukraine's existential war for democracy and freedom in Europe, we fully and firmly support this package.

But it is also our duty to point out that it is by no means enough. Ukraine does everything that can be done every day in the form of heroism – it has been mentioned here earlier – but also ingenuity and sacrifice, actually often to the last woman and last man. Even though Centerpartiet, like the other seven parties, stands fully and firmly behind the current policy of increased support, it is our duty to say that we in Sweden are actually not doing everything we can.

Our role is not to fight on the front line ourselves against the tyranny that threatens our entire continent. Our role is to increase resources. Trump has shamefully cut back on and, to some extent, withdrawn support for Ukraine and is trying in various ways, as mentioned, to force a peace on Putin's terms.

Peace must naturally occur on Ukraine's terms, on the terms of democracy and defense. We must never forget that, however absurd the world may become. It must not occur on the terms of the dictatorship and the aggressor. It must occur with Ukraine, of course, but also with Europe in the room.

Our historical challenge right now in Europe and in Sweden is to provide the resources so that Ukraine can – I say it – win. It is about the money, the weapons, and the Jas 39 Gripen, which we hope will be on site in Ukraine as soon as possible. We must stop the resources to Putin, stop the dark shadow fleet of barely seaworthy ships haunting the Baltic Sea, something that affects not only Ukraine but also the environment. It must be stopped with all economic means, so that no false flag is released, neither in the OS nor in Swedish and European free territorial waters. No port shall receive these ships except to seize them.

All assets that Russia stashed away in the West must now be seized, not least the central bank assets. We must now do everything to ensure that those in Europe who want to and can, seize those assets, which should belong to Ukraine after the war that Russia started and given the debt of hundreds, perhaps thousands, of billions that Putin has inflicted upon them. We must not yield to either Viktor Orbán, however long he remains, or Fico in Slovakia.

Then it is not the time for us in Sweden to beat ourselves on the chest, no matter how much we have done. Instead, it is time to do what history demands of us: take a small part of the state treasury and give to Ukraine's defense and economy. Since this has been raised in the debate, I want to be careful to point out that we have agreed that this shall lie outside the ordinary state finances, just as this war lies outside all reason in our time and in history. No investment pays off more – morally, of course, but also in terms of security and thus also economically.

Despite the fantastic way in which Ukraine defends itself, with all the heroism at the front and sacrifices beyond what we in modern times can imagine in Europe, and despite the fact that they in a fantastic way keep the economy running, even when it is sabotaged day after day, and even their exports need, as mentioned earlier, hundreds of billions of kronor this year – not just the amounts that we borrow from the Russian hidden funds but actually money beyond that.

Russia is on the ropes, but unfortunately, the dictatorship is falling slowly. Putin sacrifices his citizens' lives and his nation's soul and economy, and it happens step by step. Therefore, we must step by step increase our resources until Ukraine wins.

We all have an illusion that everything is decided at the beginning of a war. And yes, it was fantastic when the Ukrainian units defended the airport in Kyiv and stopped Putin's plans. It may have been only a few hundred men who decided the first days. But it is at the end that everything is decided, and we are not even close to the end.

Ukraine must endure, but we cannot just endure. We must increase, increase, increase – until we double the aid. We must not let go of the hand we hold while it hangs over the abyss and fights its battle against that which lives in the abyss. We must grasp that hand with strength and pull it upward until Ukraine gains the upper hand.

Europe's freedom is at stake. Hundreds of thousands of lives are at stake. In crowns and öre, we have – so that one has this clear in mind – so far given approximately 2 percent of our GDP. We can discuss whether it is more or less. It is a huge amount, but over four years it is not enough. Half a percent is not enough – we must at least double the aid to 1 percent of what we have in Sweden. It is about a small part of our treasury to do great things and, above all, to lead Europe and the Nordic countries forward in this. The support must be doubled. As was said: Ukraine may need 300 billion beyond the set-aside money.

I remember the look in the eyes of the people that many of us in the Committee on Finance met in Borodjanka outside Kyiv, one of the places that was most severely affected at the beginning of the war. Russia moved in and bombed and shelled in 360 degrees around them, on ordinary civilians – as pure revenge. One could imagine that their looks expressed sorrow and that they had sacrificed themselves, and they did. But we all remember that those looks also expressed an immense determination. Evil would not be allowed to triumph. They would never give in.

They asked us for the same look back. We never give up. We back you all the way – not just until it is over but all the way until we win. Then, friends, we must as a nation – actually as a leading nation in northern Europe in this issue – increase, increase, increase the support. To begin with, we must, just in this late hour, double it.

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Hans Eklind (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I do not think I was alone in reading yesterday morning about how Russian forces, during a single day, carried out 651 attacks against 36 settlements in the Zaporizhzhia region, including 359 different types of drone attacks and 265 artillery attacks.

Even though I visited Ukraine and Kyiv less than two years ago, in 2024, I thought of my friend, the Christian Democrat Magnus Jacobsson, who delivered two fire trucks from Swedish civil society to the Zaporizhzhia region. I mention this against the background that today we are deciding on an extra supplementary budget with support for Ukraine. In the package that we are going to decide on today is included an increase of the grant to the county administrative boards by 3 million kronor, among other things so that Västernorrland and Värmland can support, develop and rebuild the Zaporizhzhia province.

The course of events shows, I think, with all ruthless clarity that we need to provide assistance, even though I may find it a bit uncomfortable that these attacks are occurring just now, when we are investing in this. But such is war. It is uncomfortable, and it is ruthless.

I vote in favor of the committee's proposal for a decision.

Mr. Speaker! We perhaps do not need to say so much today about the geopolitical situation in the world. It is uncertain and affects virtually everything. Not least, the changes in the world have led to the fact that we actually take a much greater responsibility for our own security but also for Europe's security. Supporting Ukraine is part of this. The Government has therefore, during the coming two years, allocated 80 billion kronor for the support of Ukraine.

With today's decision, we strengthen Ukraine's defense capability, among other things by donating defense materiel in the form of grenade launchers with ammunition. Here is also the initiative directed towards the county administrative boards that I mentioned to assist the Zaporizhzhia region. Here is also a decision to provide guarantees to enable a loan from the IBRD, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The purpose is to address Ukraine's acute need for liquid funds. The bill also contains a proposal to ensure Sweden's vaccine preparedness during influenza epidemics.

Mr. Speaker! We are now entering the fifth year since Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Sweden has, together with other countries in the EU, tried to provide Ukraine with the support required for them to win the war. The support is given militarily but also politically, diplomatically and in terms of reconstruction. A number of different things are being done.

Even today, we here in the Swedish Riksdag are making a decision on support for Ukraine, and we do so with unanimity. I think this is important, because it underscores that Sweden does not yield a millimeter from our position of not hesitating to support the Ukrainian women and men who, with their lives at stake, defend their territory and their country's existence. Slava Ukraini!

(Applause)

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Janine Alm Ericson (MP)

Mr. Speaker! I thought perhaps this debate would also be about how this chamber is nevertheless very united in its support for Ukraine, in the short and long term, and militarily and in other ways. Instead, the Moderate MP chooses to bring up a domestic political budget debate. I am surprised but still want to be briefly clear on a few points.

We in Miljöpartiet do not criticize that we have collectively chosen to borrow money in order to be able to support Ukraine. We have also not been critical of the agreement that we shall borrow for the Swedish defense – for that we do have an agreement on. On the other hand, it is no secret that we would have preferred a readiness tax that would make it possible to start paying off directly so that we do not push these expenses into the future. What we criticize in the government's economic policy regarding this is that one chooses to lower the tax most for the wealthy, which contributes to Sweden having a higher debt.

But that debate we should perhaps refer to another forum, because I believe we benefit from showing unity in the support for Ukraine and that which is in this report and in the proposal from the government.

Mr. Speaker! For over four years, Ukraine has now defended its freedom, its democracy, and its territorial integrity against Russia's brutal war of aggression. As we have noted so many times in this chamber, Ukraine is not only defending its own country but also the European security order, the principle that borders shall not be moved by force, and democratic countries' right to choose their own future. That is why the support for Ukraine is so important and must continue.

The supplementary budget we are discussing today involves extra support. It concerns authorization to donate defense materiel, including grenade launchers with ammunition, the possibility of replacing what is donated so that Sweden's own capability is not weakened, supporting Ukraine through technology and expertise, and a guarantee for loans. These are important measures. We in Miljöpartiet stand behind Sweden continuing to support Ukraine militarily, economically, and politically.

There is total support in Sweden's Riksdag for Ukraine. That is good, because the signal to the Kremlin must be very clear: We will not grow weary. We will not turn away our gaze. The support for Ukraine is about freedom, democracy, and international law.

But when we talk about Ukraine, there is also another dimension. The shadow fleet has been up for discussion, and it is very good that we are talking about it. But then it is also about the energy.

Russia's economy is largely built on the export of oil and gas. For many years, Europe's dependence on fossil energy has contributed to filling the Russian state treasury. These are funds that, in the long run, have naturally also been able to finance military buildup and aggression.

This means that our energy policy is also security policy. Every time we reduce our dependence on fossil energy, we also reduce the economic resources that authoritarian regimes can use to threaten their neighbors, and every time we transition to renewable energy, we instead strengthen our own security.

There are many laggards who are happy to play into the hands of the fossil fuel companies, but the one who has the most to gain from it is Putin. The energy he still sells to Europe finances his illegal war in Ukraine. He profits from our fossil fuel dependency. Therefore, we must do everything we can to break it.

Climate policy is energy policy and also security policy. It is not only crucial for the planet's survival in the long run, but it is also crucial for Europe's security. When we expand wind power and solar energy and increase energy efficiency, we do not only reduce emissions, but we also reduce the opportunity for authoritarian regimes to use energy as a geopolitical weapon. It is an important lesson from Putin's war. It also becomes clear in the US's and Israel's attack on Iran.

But besides the fact that the support for Ukraine must be broad, it must also be long-term. We have, together, decided on a multi-year framework for the military support to Ukraine at over 140 billion kronor. It is an important signal. Equally important is that Europe continues to strengthen its collective support, because the war in Ukraine is not just regional – it is a test for the entire international world order.

If Russia were to succeed in its aggression, it would send a dangerous signal to other authoritarian leaders in the world. Perhaps it has already done so. But at the same time, we must remember that the support for Ukraine is not just about military. It is about the Ukrainian economy, which must be kept running. It is about repairing energy infrastructure that has been bombed to pieces and about supporting social functions such as healthcare, electricity supply, and water. It is about promoting democratic development, equality, and a strong civil society.

It is also, already now, about laying the foundation for Ukraine's reconstruction. It will, together with the climate transition, be one of Europe's greatest common tasks during the coming decades.

The Ukrainian people are showing today a courage that is difficult to imagine. They are people who go to work despite air raid sirens. They are children who go to school despite the war and soldiers who defend their country against a significantly larger aggressor. The least we can do is to show that we stand very firmly by their side.

The Green Party stands behind this, and we will continue to do so as long as it is needed. Glory to Ukraine!

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Cecilia Rönn (L)

Mr. Speaker! Today we are considering the Committee on Finance's report on extra supplementary budget support to Ukraine and for vaccine preparedness. I naturally stand behind the committee's proposal.

This is a report that in many ways says something important about our time. It is about defending freedom against violence, democracy against dictatorship, and openness against imperialism. It is also about the state's most fundamental responsibility: to protect people's lives, freedom, and security.

For the Liberals, the starting point is clear: Ukraine's struggle is not only Ukraine's. It is also Europe's struggle. When a country with military power tries to crush another nation's independence, it is not only the border that is tested, but also the principle. Then, the rules-based world order is tested and whether it means anything in practice. Then it is tested whether free countries stand up for each other when it really matters, and Sweden does not hesitate. Sweden contributes and is a reliable partner to Ukraine.

The proposal in the report implies, among other things, that the government is authorized to donate grenade launchers with ammunition to Ukraine, that Sweden provides a guarantee for loans from the International Reconstruction and Development Bank, and that appropriations are adjusted for further support to Ukraine's total defense and civil resilience. At the same time, we in Sweden strengthen our vaccine preparedness for future influenza pandemics.

The continuous support that Sweden provides to Ukraine is crucial. It is important that we stand by Ukraine's side for as long as it is needed. Concrete strength is needed here and now. It is about actual defense capability. It is about giving Ukraine a better opportunity to protect its territory, its population, and its independence.

Freedom is also defended through strong institutions, functioning societies, and economic resilience. Therefore, it is important that Sweden also contributes to Ukraine's civil defense, to knowledge transfer, to psychological defense, and to crisis preparedness.

Mr. Speaker! It is also important to put this into a larger context. Since February 2022, when Russia launched its illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Sweden has contributed a total of approximately 128 billion in various efforts to support Ukraine. Of this, the military support amounts to around 103 billion. It is important to say this, because it demonstrates both the seriousness and the persistence of Sweden's commitment to supporting Ukraine.

For the Liberals, this continuous and persistent support is a matter of course. We know what is at stake. If Russia is allowed to win through brutality, Europe becomes more dangerous. If Ukraine holds out, our security is also defended. Therefore, the support for Ukraine is not charity. It is solidarity, and it is to keep Europe safer.

We do this for Ukraine's freedom, we do it for Europe's security and we do it because we in the free society must defend one another when it matters most.

(Applause)

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 21.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)