(cont. from § 4) Activities in the European Union during 2024 (cont. UU10)

Angelika Bengtsson (SD)

Activities in the European Union during 2024

Mr. Speaker! In this report, we address last year's work in the European Union, the government's communication, as well as a total of approximately 90 motions in both follow-up motions and motions from the general motion period. In other words, it is the past and the vision of the future that we are debating today. It is a large and substantial report, and it is therefore difficult to go into every detail.

Then as now – and just as in this chamber – Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine has been a tangible part of the EU's work. Then as now, our support for Ukraine remains unchanged. We will continue to support Ukraine and contribute with strong economic, military and humanitarian support, while at the same time we shall be proactive in more sanctions against Russia. Naturally, the peace process must take place on Ukraine's terms.

Mr. Speaker! Regarding the theme of the sanctions regime against terrorism, we have a reservation, and I move for the adoption of reservation 7.

The EU has its own sanctions regime against terrorism, where persons and groups who participate in acts of terrorism can be listed and subject to restrictive measures. These measures include freezing of assets and prohibitions on providing economic resources. We consider that the EU's framework is not sufficiently effective, and the framework itself hinders the process of listing certain groups as terrorists. We therefore want the government to work as soon as possible for a review and subsequently an update of the regulatory framework for terrorist listing within the EU.

Mr. Speaker! When we now mention sanctions, we have a specific statement on the area regarding the Magnitsky sanctions. We stand behind the committee's position and reasoning, but we note that the committee's announcement on the issue is not finalized according to the government's communication and that the work is therefore continuing, which we view positively. It is, however, noteworthy that such sanctions have not been introduced, despite there being a great need for these to be implemented as soon as possible within the EU. USA, Canada, and the Baltic countries are examples of countries that have already introduced such sanctions. The geopolitical situation has not improved, but rather the opposite, why it is of importance that the issue is finalized promptly. We believe that the need to introduce Magnitsky sanctions has rather increased than decreased during the recent period. Since we are in cooperation with the government, we will, of course, follow the issue closely going forward.

Mr. Speaker! We see a development where the EU's influence over the member states' policies is increasing and that decisions that should be made here in Sweden's Riksdag are more and more frequently dictated from Brussels. The Sweden Democrats believe that it is time to put Sweden's interests first and to ensure that our national sovereignty is not further eroded.

The report on the activities in the EU during 2024 clearly shows how the union continues to expand its mandate in areas such as defense, migration, and economic governance. This has been done based on the world order, and it has been right and proper given the situation we find ourselves in. But we also see with concern how Sweden is expected to adapt to decisions that do not always lie in our country's best interest. It is therefore of utmost importance that we strengthen our national self-determination and ensure that the voice of the Swedish people gains greater influence in the decisions that affect our future. For we must never forget that it is the Swedish people who have voted in our Swedish politicians in Brussels – not the other way around.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! The EU today has a great influence over political decisions in Sweden and has for several decades imposed a policy on member countries that has entailed privatizations and market adjustments.

The government in Sweden has lacked ambitions to do anything about these problems and has instead chosen to pursue a harmful EU policy in Sweden and hide behind references to the EU instead of refraining from acting. This has resulted in that there is little confidence in the policy and the politicians' ability to influence and change society for the better.

After the election in June last year, 2024, the European Parliament has received a new composition. Not least, the representation of conservative and xenophobic forces has increased, which will have a negative effect on many policy areas. This applies in particular to areas such as climate, equality, and migration during this mandate period. It also applies to the LGBTQ area, which has been up for discussion during the debate. I am primarily thinking of the developments in Hungary and also in Poland. I also noted that the EU minister sharpened the tone towards Hungary during the question period. It will also be interesting to follow the developments with a new president in Poland who belongs to the national-conservative Law and Justice.

Mr. Speaker! I intended to speak about the situation in another country in another place on earth, namely the situation in Gaza – a nightmare. Famine and death prevail, and children are dying. Our world has truly failed to act. Blind trust in Netanyahu's far-right government has led to this point where children die and extremism flourishes.

We in Vänsterpartiet are clear. We demand that Sweden and the EU increase the pressure on Israel to the maximum to achieve peace. It was Israel that broke the ceasefire last, and it is Israel that is blocking aid from reaching civilians in need. Israel's occupation of Palestine, which has lasted for decades, would not be possible without the EU's favorable trade agreements with Israel and without the USA's military support to Israel.

The European Union has year after year directed sharp criticism at Israel's policy without in any way having changed the situation for the Palestinians. Israel has been able to ignore the EU's criticism without it having any real consequences. For example, the association agreement between the EU and Israel is conditioned on respect for human rights, but it only gives Israel a lot of benefits and great economic advantages. In that way, we contribute to strengthening the economic base for Israel's occupation policy.

We must put weight behind our message. The cooperation between the EU and Israel is extensive. The EU is Israel's largest trading partner, but for the EU, Israel means almost nothing economically.

Sweden must now push in the EU that we should suspend the association agreement with Israel. We must stop the genocide, lift the blockade of Gaza, dismantle settlements and checkpoints in occupied territory and stop the construction of the wall on the West Bank.

Violence is also increasing in the West Bank. In the shadow of the attacks against Gaza, a large number of Palestinians have been killed by the Israeli military and aggressive settlers. Others have been driven away from their lands and homes. And the violence is directly sanctioned by the Israeli government. Among other things, weapons have been distributed to settlers in the West Bank by the right-wing extremist minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, a minister whom we are now discussing imposing sanctions on. There are also reports that many of these weapons are equipped with sights from Swedish Aimpoint. They make it easier to kill people in the West Bank and in Gaza.

The number of illegal settlements on occupied land is growing, and the displacement of Palestinians is increasing. New Israeli roads are being built, and the construction of the wall that has long been condemned by the UN continues. Israeli soldiers and settlers have repeatedly destroyed facilities in the West Bank that have been financed by Swedish aid money. To that is added all the aid projects that have been destroyed in Gaza during the ongoing attacks and the genocide. The settlements constitute a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention and are considered a war crime by the International Criminal Court.

As long as Israel refuses to respect the Palestinians' fundamental human rights, it will not be possible to achieve peace. The sanctions that the EU has adopted against extremist settlers within the framework of the sanctions regime are certainly welcome, but they are far from sufficient to constitute a powerful statement against the Israeli settlement policy. The government must show action and push to direct further EU sanctions against Israeli settlers.

We must also choke off the supply of weapons, which is an effective tool for exerting pressure. Today, no arms exports occur from the EU to Palestinian parties, but several EU member states export weapons to Israel. All arms exports from EU countries to Israel must cease. Sweden should take the initiative for the EU to introduce an arms embargo against Israel.

The committed war crimes must be investigated, and those responsible must be held accountable in the International Court of Justice, ICJ, and the International Criminal Court, ICC. Sweden should push for the EU to take measures to facilitate accountability for the committed crimes. It is simply time to arrest Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. That is how we must work in Sweden and the EU so that Israel's occupation of Palestine shall cease – now.

Mr. Speaker! Under Erdoğan's rule, the development in Turkey has taken clear steps in the wrong direction. Since the failed coup attempt in the summer of 2016, the restrictions on democratic freedoms and rights have increased further. Mass arrests and restrictions on freedom of expression have been recurring.

Through a constitutional amendment in 2017, even more power has been concentrated in the hands of Erdoğan. Thousands of people risk being arrested and prosecuted for what they publish on social media, and it is not uncommon for journalists to be deprived of their liberty or imprisoned for terrorist offenses because of their journalistic work. Almost all media outlets are owned by companies close to Erdoğan and avoid critical scrutiny of the regime.

For us here in Sweden, this became very clear when the journalist Joakim Medin was arrested on charges of terrorism for wanting to investigate Turkey's government and its arrest of dissidents. We had intended to include that in this report. After 51 days, the journalist Joakim Medin was finally freed. I would like to extend a thank you to everyone who contributed to that happening.

Activists fight for human rights in Turkey, but they are being struck down harshly. Not least, those organizations that fight for women's rights are affected. Violence against women is legitimized in state media. Women who demonstrate for their rights are imprisoned. Representatives of the government party AKP claim that women and men are not equal according to natural law.

It is concerning that Turkey has chosen to leave the Council of Europe's convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, called the Istanbul Convention. The Istanbul Convention is the first internationally legally binding instrument in Europe and one of the first in the world that explicitly requires a ban on and measures to stop men's violence against women. The government should, within the EU cooperation and in its direct contacts with Turkey, work to ensure that the country ratifies the Istanbul Convention again.

In addition to the regime's repressive actions against Turkish civil society, military attacks have also been carried out, particularly against the Kurdish population and Kurdish areas. Turkey has repeatedly carried out territorial violations of its neighboring countries. Both air and ground attacks have been carried out against Kurdish areas in the neighboring countries Syria and Iraq.

It is to this Turkey that Sweden and the EU send significant economic support, including in the form of a membership support that Turkey receives to negotiate its EU membership. Between 2014 and 2020, it amounted to approximately 50 billion kronor. At the same time, it has been many years since actual negotiations took place. In the current situation, it is obvious that Turkey no longer fulfills the EU's requirements for democracy and human rights to be able to become a member of the EU. In this situation, having any negotiations is practically impossible. They should therefore be frozen permanently more clearly than now. One also needs to withdraw the benefits that the negotiations still provide today.

Furthermore, Turkey has so far received over 60 billion kronor from the EU to maintain refugee camps. The EU has not dared to act against Turkey for fear that Erdoğan will cancel this shameful refugee agreement, which prevents refugees from traveling from Turkey to Europe.

The government needs to work for the EU to cancel the refugee agreement with Turkey and act so that violence and repression against oppositionists shall cease.

To this is added the ongoing developments that open up for peace talks. At Abdullah Öcalan's proposal, the PKK has decided to dissolve. Peace is now possible, but then there must be a will – above all from Erdoğan but also from the rest of the world. An EU that works for peace and not to support Erdoğan's regime could make a difference in Turkey and in the entire region.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I would like to move for approval of the Left Party's reservation number 13 regarding Turkey and Russia.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Mr. Speaker! It was with some curiosity that I wondered which reservation Håkan Svenneling would demand. I searched feverishly through the left-wing party's reservations in the report that the Foreign Affairs Committee has now placed on the table of the Riksdag. There was not much in the speech that I could find in those reservations, but it is, of course, the free word that prevails here.

In this situation, I shall request to have reservation number 6 under point 3 approved.

Mr. Speaker! This is a report concerning the EU over the past year, which has at least partially emerged earlier in this debate. The EU is, as we note and as the government has also noted, Sweden's most important foreign policy arena. Therefore, it is naturally extremely important that Sweden's voice is heard not only in Brussels but also on the way to Brussels, because influence work can take place in the inner rooms. But it is also extremely important that Sweden's voice is clear, not in all issues but in a number of important issues, on the way to Brussels, in order to also create external pressure in that way. This cannot be done solely by the opposition in the Riksdag, but a government must also be prepared to do so instead of every time merely referring to the consensus. One must be prepared to push forward, as some other EU countries also do.

It is incredibly important that we stand up for the community of values in the EU: the principles of the rule of law, human rights, and all the fundamental points that we agree on. It is now a very special time for the EU, because the world is watching and wondering: When the USA now appears to be stepping backward, who is it that speaks for the values that we have previously asserted together? Then it is clear that the EU's voice must be heard. The EU is a peace project and a voice for our common values, and the EU is being tested very clearly now: Do we stand up for them? Do we mean it? It will affect the conditions for meeting the development with ever more authoritarian states globally.

The EU is being tested very clearly now and was also tested during 2024 by Russia's unprovoked, illegal attacks on Ukraine. It affects the EU and the EU as an actor. But the EU must then see that it is not all about defending our values and Ukraine's right to its territory against Russian attacks only on our continent – there have been clear such tendencies recently. It is also about defending them through contacts and credible actions outside the EU and the European continent.

It is naturally also important that we develop the EU as a security policy actor, which we point out both in the committee's proposal and in the reservations. One of the issues that is relevant then is the use of Russian assets. There has been a consistent and long-standing discussion about how we can work. In this, Sweden has truly been an actor to push forward. In that way, it has been important, and we shall work on that in other areas. I think it is somewhat of a textbook example of how one should work to try to achieve change. I think there is more to be done when it comes to Russian assets – to be able to use them in the reconstruction of Ukraine and also to develop international law.

I would like to say, by reason of a previous post, that when the Committee on Foreign Affairs now presents this report, we have previously given all committees the opportunity to comment. The Committee on Environment and Agriculture has not commented. However, the Committee on Finance, the Committee on Defence, and the EU Committee have commented.

When I read the Finance Committee's opinion, I think it was lucky that they didn't hold back on everything. They refer, in fact, to taking a positive stance on using the frozen Russian assets, as long as it is done in accordance with international law and EU law. One doesn't really get anywhere here. International law must be developed in this situation, because this is not a war that takes place in accordance with international law. In this situation, it is important that one is clear and dares to challenge and try to develop international law.

When it comes to this, it is naturally important to highlight another area where the EU also has an important voice, namely the climate issues. The Paris agenda was concluded on the EU market. The world now sees what is happening with the climate issues – not that it is getting worse, but what countries are doing. What models are there? Who are those who stand up for the Paris agenda? There, the EU also has an important voice and must be clear. The climate responsibility must the EU be prepared to take. During the past year, there have been some discussions about this. I hope that from the government's side, they will be prepared to hold firm and push forward so that the EU's role in this context is not diluted, which some other countries are interested in.

Then we have a part in the report that deals with sanctions. I also want, with reference to my reservation, to highlight what is a joint reservation together with the Social Democrats – something that we have pushed for for quite a long time. When we look at the EU's sanction instruments, we see that it is as with all such: They will be developed based on an occurred event.

The event that laid the framework or the foundation for the EU's counter-terrorism instruments is what happened on September 11, 2001, in New York, "nine eleven." It does not take hold of the reality we have seen, whether it concerns the IRGC, where we want to see terror listing, or, for that matter, the Wagner Group, where for a long time there was a discussion about whether we wanted to see terror listing, and the like.

It is extremely important that from the EU's side, one is able to see that the order created as the basis for terror listing according to the common position is not sustainable in today's world. It must be upgraded. This is a prerequisite for being able to move forward with some other sanction issues that we have had.

In this context, even if I am running over time, I want to highlight what we on our side have pointed out, namely that we from the Swedish side also need to develop the possibility of having our own sanctions nationally. We must be able to decouple ourselves from being hijacked by a single country when it comes to some sanction instruments that have now become unusable because one country or another lays down its veto.

This could be bypassed if one had, for example, a model where countries could say: Okay, we are 26 countries. The EU Commission has presented proposals. We are not moving forward at the EU level. But we, the other 26, the coalition of the willing, impose these sanctions, and then the single country – as it has been in several cases regarding Russia – will have to let it go and stand there alone. This is something for which there are also reasons to raise.

Furthermore, we have pointed out the need to review various agreements, for example, the agreement to support a process of change and modernization in Cuba. Sweden ratified. We did not want that ratification from the Swedish side; we wanted to wait and see. All countries have not yet ratified. We think that the ratification should be withdrawn, because we see that the development in Cuba is not moving in the right direction. There are reasons to raise these types of issues.

We have the Magnitsky sanctions, which concern systematic corruption and money laundering – we also want to see those developed. The President of the European Commission was once very clear that this would come, but we have not seen it yet. I hope that we will see it when the annual book for 2025 arrives.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! In an uncertain world where several countries are moving in an authoritarian direction and we also see former allies in different ways turning their backs on the rules-based world order and multilateral cooperation, it is more important than ever with a strong and united EU. The world needs strong international institutions that stand up for freedom, democracy and human rights.

The EU is one of the best peace projects ever created. But the EU is built on certain principles that it is of the utmost importance that we hold fast to. These are primarily the democratic principles and the principle of all people's equal rights. Therefore, it is all the more important for the EU's future that stronger and more powerful mechanisms are found when it comes to also acting internally against member countries that break these principles – in order to minimize the risks of future conflicts. The criteria that every country must fulfill to be able to become a member of the EU should, of course, be criteria that they must be forced to follow even after they have become an EU member.

Mr. Speaker! Ukraine belongs in Europe. Both history and the Ukrainian people's will show this. We must also continue to make this clear to Putin. We want to continue to support Ukraine's path towards sustainable peace, economic recovery and reconstruction, strengthened democracy and justice.

Russia's warfare in Ukraine is the greatest security policy issue of destiny in our part of the world. Ukraine must receive Sweden's and the democratic world's full and unconditional support for as long as it is needed. The support needs to be long-term and shall include both military and civil, humanitarian and economic support. The Government has presented a three-year framework for the support to Ukraine. The support to Ukraine must, however, be even more comprehensive and even more long-term. It must be taken into account that Ukraine shall be able to win both the war and the peace as well as rebuild its country and achieve long-term security.

Against the background of the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, it is becoming increasingly important to ensure and restore the credibility of the EU's expansion policy and at the same time position the EU as a reliable and credible partner and geopolitical actor.

Ukraine belongs in the EU, and supporting Ukraine in its endeavors to achieve membership on merit-based grounds is important for Ukraine's long-term security. The EU must also continue to support the reconstruction of Ukraine and the Ukrainian work to live up to the criteria for EU membership.

All those responsible for crimes according to international law, including ecocide, must be brought to justice. Furthermore, we want a special tribunal to be established to investigate and prosecute those responsible for Russia's crimes of aggression against Ukraine, with political and economic support from the EU member states.

Mr. Speaker! The sanctions against Russia must remain and be tightened. It is problematic that the EU, while simultaneously imposing sanctions against Russia, has continued to import Russian energy during recent years. Russia receives far more than half of its export revenues from energy specifically. By stopping all Russian energy imports, the EU can significantly hinder Russia's continued financing of the war.

The world's sanctions against Russia's oil exports have not had a sufficient effect. Russia has found new buyers for its oil and has become part of a global shadow economy where products such as oil are transported on old and uninsured tankers. Today, indeed, large quantities of oil are still transported every day through the Baltic Sea by the Russian shadow fleet. The crude oil goes primarily to India, trading hubs in the United Arab Emirates and Singapore, Turkey, and China. The refined products then go to the whole world, including the EU.

The problems with the Russian shadow fleet, with oil tankers in the Baltic Sea, are several and very serious. Russia's continued export of fossil energy strengthens Putin's war chest and complicates a Ukrainian victory in the war. Last year, Europe's countries purchased Russian energy for more money than the collective economic support to Ukraine. The risk of oil leaks, with potentially catastrophic ecological consequences in the Baltic Sea, is significant as the shadow fleet is characterized by old and obsolete ships with unclear owners operating without insurance or with insurance whose credibility is very low. In the event of an oil leak, the Swedish state may need to bear the entire cost for cleanup and damages.

We must stop feeding Putin's war chest, and we must protect the Baltic Sea from an environmental catastrophe.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I move for approval of reservation 15. I thank the House for its attention.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Jessica Rosencrantz (M)

Mr. Speaker! It is sometimes easy to believe that history moves slowly and that Europe's path forward is always gradual, cautious, and sometimes even sluggish. But then come moments when everything is put to the test, when the world changes at a frantic pace and we are forced to choose a path.

We find ourselves in such a moment right now. It is war. There is a great need to strengthen European competitiveness, hand in hand with the work of implementing the climate transition. And there is a continued uncertainty in the transatlantic relationship. But in the midst of this anxiety, something else is also emerging, an insight that Europe can no longer wait, hesitate, or comfortably lean on others.

Mr. Speaker! Europe's time is now, not despite but because of the challenges we face. Putin's war is an awakening for Europe. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine is not merely a war over territory. It is a frontal assault on the fundamental values upon which our Europe rests: freedom, a functioning rule of law, and countries' right to choose their own future.

Putin perhaps expected Europe to be divided on that fateful day in February 2022. But instead, we responded with determination and unity. The EU and the member states have so far supported Ukraine with nearly 147 billion euros in economic, financial, humanitarian and military support. The Swedish government has been driving this since day one.

Our support amounts to 92.8 billion kronor, and at the end of March, the government presented Sweden's largest military support package to date. Together with our Nordic-Baltic neighbors, we are the world's second-largest donor of support to Ukraine.

Here in the Swedish Riksdag, there is consensus that this is our primary foreign policy task. We shall safeguard that consensus.

Every day, Russia also carries out the war beyond the front lines through disinformation, propaganda, and hybrid warfare with the aim of dividing and sowing mistrust. We see it within the union, and we see it in the countries that are now striving for membership, such as Moldova. The Kremlin is working systematically and deliberately to undermine the pro-European opinion ahead of the upcoming parliamentary election in September.

Mr. Speaker! This underscores the need for Europe to truly stand guard over its democracies, every day and with all available means. For far too long, Europe has relied on others to guarantee Europe's security. It was not sustainable then. It is definitely not sustainable now.

Europe is now taking necessary steps to strengthen its collective defense capability. Within the EU, we have reached a decision on the SAFE loan instrument, which aims to enable accelerated investments in exactly this. I want to assert that that decision would not have been possible just a couple of years ago. But the gravity of the times made it necessary.

The strategic partnership between the EU and the United Kingdom marks a new chapter in our relationship and is a clear expression that we bear a common responsibility for European security.

We also take our responsibility. In Sweden, the government is carrying out a historic upgrade of our military defense. We are also carrying out the largest investment in civil defense since the Cold War. And we are inspiring our colleagues in the EU – with the Agency for Psychological Defense and with preparedness to manage days without food, water, and other supplies during a crisis.

Strong European democracies constitute the strongest defense against external threats. The government works to uphold the principles of the rule of law and our common democratic values, both within the union and in the candidate countries striving for membership.

The government is actively working to maintain the momentum that currently exists within the expansion policy. With more members, our union becomes stronger, safer, and wealthier. But that is based on countries that want to become members of our European community signing and living up to the EU's fundamental values.

Few things are more important than collectively standing guard over our democracies and the principles that uphold them. Therefore, the government is now also raising the tone towards Hungary, which, despite seven years and eight inquiries within the framework of what we call the Article 7 procedure, has shown no progress. On the contrary, we see that the rights of LGBTQI persons, free media, and civil society are being further restricted. We cannot accept this. The government is pushing in the EU to use all available tools to signal economically, legally, and politically.

Ahead of the upcoming negotiations on the EU's long-term budget, Sweden is working together with Finland to more clearly condition the payments from the budget on compliance with the principles of the rule of law. Sweden is intervening in no fewer than five cases in the European Court of Justice where Hungary has in various ways departed from the Union's values. Following the latest hearing with Hungary within the Article 7 procedure, the government concluded that it was time to seriously begin discussing the next steps.

Mr. Speaker! Europe's time is now – a Europe that takes responsibility for our own security.

The climate crisis is a fact, and it affects us all daily. Fires, floods, and droughts hit hard against nature, against our societies, and against our economies. The EU has taken a leading role in the green transition through binding climate goals and legislation that steer towards reduced emissions and eventually climate neutrality.

We must safeguard the position as a leader in what ultimately amounts to implementing a major technological shift with significant investments in innovation and infrastructure. It is important for Europe, but it is also important for Sweden with our innovative, leading business sector that has long since begun this journey.

The government was early in providing support for the Commission's recommendation to reduce emissions by 90 percent by 2040. But we are also clear that it must happen in a realistic way where everyone is involved and contributes. We cannot accept that countries that are far ahead, such as Sweden, compensate for those who do not carry out the necessary transition.

We also see that Swedish forest and the use of renewable forest raw materials play an important role. We believe that the climate goals must be built on a technology-neutral energy policy where all fossil-free types of power, including nuclear power, are allowed and can participate and contribute to phasing out fossil energy sources.

The climate transition is largely an energy transition. By driving it forward, we also accelerate the phasing out of Russian energy. A great deal has occurred since 2022 to reduce our dependence on Russian energy, including through the so-called REPowerEU package and a total of 17 sanction packages. Despite this, the EU still has a non-negligible energy dependence on Russia. This applies particularly to natural gas, where the total European import from Russia increased last year.

As an additional step to close these gaps, the commission presented a roadmap a few weeks ago to once and for all make Europe independent of Russian energy. The roadmap consists of a total of nine measures regarding gas, nuclear power, and oil. The government welcomes the roadmap and will continue to work to phase out European energy dependence on Russia.

Mr. Speaker! For this transition to be possible, growth and investments are required. Therefore, the government is working to ensure that Europe does what is necessary to secure our global competitiveness. The significant reorientation of policy that we now see in Europe towards competitiveness and growth-creating regulations is an extension of the efforts that this government made during our presidency in the EU in the spring of 2023. We should be proud of that, but above all, we shall do everything to ensure that this momentum is maintained.

We need to make it easier, not harder, to start and run businesses in Europe. We need to accelerate the work of simplifying regulations. Europe's capital markets need to be developed. Companies should not have to leave Europe to find capital to grow. Our internal market needs to become a real internal market, a market that is deepened and developed. A minimal increase in trade within the EU can, in reality, compensate for a dramatic decline in European exports to the USA.

We need to seize the momentum that currently exists to push through more free trade agreements. When the USA threatens with tariffs, the EU should offer free trade. And all of Europe needs to invest as heavily in research and development as this government does.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden shows that increased competitiveness and climate policy go hand in hand. Our leadership in both issues is clear and important. Europe's time is now – a Europe that creates growth, strengthens our global competitiveness, and leads the green transition.

Mr. Speaker! I say that Europe's time is now, as the world around us and the challenges we see demand action. Every crisis that Europe has gone through has strengthened our cooperation, our capacity for action, and our sense of community. In this time for Europe, I also want to remind of the role we as a member state have in shaping Europe so that it develops in a direction that is good for Sweden. It is about getting Swedish priorities through.

This government has stepped up the work to be part of setting the agenda in Brussels, not just following it. We are working to be early into the negotiating room. We shall be part of shaping the policy, not just reacting to proposals that come. We shall be clear about what we want. It means that we sometimes need to prioritize what is important and opt out of what is less important.

We will drive EU policy together with our Swedish interests. EU policy is the concern of the entire Swedish society – our Swedish companies and industries, the parties in the labor market, civil society and academia. We also cooperate with like-minded [countries] to move forward our positions in Brussels, not least with our Nordic-Baltic colleagues and our partners around the Baltic Sea, such as Poland and Germany.

Early, clear and together are the mottos for this government's EU policy. The challenges are many. The threat to our democracies is tangible. But European cooperation and Sweden's commitment have never been more important. Europe's time is now, and Sweden is involved and showing the way.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Alexandra Völker (S)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, Minister, first and foremost for being present for this debate! It is incredibly important in this situation. Thank you also for several positive announcements, not least regarding the clear stance against Hungary! It was important and good.

I was also clear in my speech that the EU is our primary foreign policy arena. Given the situation we find ourselves in today, I reacted a bit to the fact that the Council of State did not mention Gaza and the horrific situation we see there. Both in Gaza and in the West Bank, the situation continues to worsen every day. And the famine is spreading.

It is good that both the Swedish government and the EU have taken steps forward and have now decided to review Article 2 in the Association Agreement. But it is not enough. What we see from the far-right Israeli government is not a de-escalation. It is the exact opposite of a de-escalation. It is forced displacements, starvation, and bombed-out hospitals. Every day, a large number of Palestinians lose their lives due to the Israeli warfare.

We know that the EU can be a powerful organ. We have seen it when it comes to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The EU is Israel's largest trading partner, which means we have the opportunity to exert pressure by freezing the trade agreement.

In the coming weeks, both the foreign ministers and the prime ministers are to meet. The situation is completely acute. Is the government now ready to work towards freezing the trade agreement?

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Statsrådet Jessica Rosencrantz (M)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, member, for the question!

The war in Gaza is a complete humanitarian catastrophe. After Israel has stopped the humanitarian deliveries to Gaza for more than two months, there is a widespread shortage of life-saving supplies.

The situation must be changed and improved immediately to prevent even more people from being affected by widespread famine. Israel has the right to defend itself against Hamas. But the way the war is currently being conducted is unacceptable.

That is why the government has also significantly raised the tone. We want to see, among other things, sanctions against a number of Israeli ministers. We are also one of the countries that has stood behind a review of Israel's compliance with the association agreement. It is important and good that such a review is conducted. We have also significantly scaled up and doubled our support so that supplies reach the population in Gaza.

Those are some of the measures that we are taking right now. We are, of course, following the developments ahead very closely. It is very clear that not all member states in the EU agree on everything. We have discussed that previously in the chamber. Not least when it comes to the question of Israel and Palestine, there are significant differences of opinion. But I notice a completely different tone from my colleagues in Brussels.

Even though we must continue to remind how all of this began on October 7 and continue to demand that the hostages be released, we also need to clearly raise the tone when we see this unacceptable behavior from Israel.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Alexandra Völker (S)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, Minister, for the answer!

We naturally agree completely and fully that we must raise the tone. We see that it is being done from Sweden's side and from the EU's side. But we believe that it needs to happen more because the situation is so incredibly acute.

We must act now to prevent a genocide. What we see happening in Gaza is truly completely urgent. There is no time to lose. There is no time to review the agreements. We must really use the means we have here and now. In that regard, the trade agreement is one of our strongest tools.

We also view the actions with a certain concern. We would have wished that Sweden's government took the lead to a greater extent and truly stayed at the forefront in this issue. We have full respect for the fact that there is not always EU unity. But we must still act to bring the other EU countries along, stay at the forefront and try to get the others on board.

Now we are rather in the second situation. We deviate in several aspects from the EU line. This applies, for example, in the matter of UNRWA. The EU as an institution continues to provide support to UNRWA. The government in Sweden is the only government in an EU country that has taken an active decision to withdraw support to UNRWA in this completely acute situation.

We are fully aware that the government provides humanitarian support to organizations. We know that there are a fantastic number of organizations that carry out incredibly important work on the ground. They take enormous risks and do a very important job. But those organizations do not have the infrastructure that UNRWA has.

From the Social Democrats' side, we would like to see Sweden's government start to be at the forefront instead of a few steps behind.

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Statsrådet Jessica Rosencrantz (M)

Mr. Speaker! I would say that Sweden is at the forefront in several areas. We do this, for example, when we now demand that several Israeli ministers be placed on a sanctions list. We are also pushing for more EU sanctions against extremist settlers. The situation in the West Bank is not good either, even if we may be talking more about Gaza now. We also see a very serious development in the West Bank.

We also show the way when we double our support to reach the population in Gaza. I know that it is a recurring discussion that the opposition likes to mix up the cards in. But we have gone from 400 million kronor to 800 million kronor in support to Gaza through several other UN agencies.

We have been very critical of the decision in Israel not to let UNRWA operate. But right here and now, our focus is to ensure that the money reaches the population that needs the interventions. In that regard, we have chosen to increase our support but to channel it through other organizations, including several large and important UN organizations.

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! There are many questions that can be raised with the Minister based on her statement. I intended, just like Member Völker, to raise the humanitarian suffering in Gaza. It is enormous. Not least, practically all of Gaza's children are living in a nightmare. We hear stories of how children are starving, see their homes disappear and lose their parents and families. This creates not only an acute humanitarian need but also lifelong trauma. This famine has not arisen because harvests have failed or through any natural disaster. The famine in Gaza is due to the fact that Israeli politicians in Israel's far-right government have decided to block aid from reaching and thereby create famine.

It is obvious that a genocide is taking place in Gaza. The International Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and several others. It could not be any clearer than that. It is obvious that Israel is violating the paragraphs concerning human rights in the association agreement between Israel and the EU, which gives Israel economic advantages and lower tariffs in trade with the EU.

Now the EU has decided on a review of the agreement at the initiative of the Netherlands. As I understand it, the government supports this. But it was more than a year ago that a united opposition in the Swedish Riksdag demanded this. Vänsterpartiet has demanded it for a long time on the grounds of Israel's occupation of Palestine. Now it seems we are finally arriving at a point where it is being decided for real.

Will the government work to have the association agreement between Israel and the EU suspended?

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Statsrådet Jessica Rosencrantz (M)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, member, for the question!

I can only agree that the situation in many ways is absolutely appalling. I believe that many of us feel a knot in our stomachs and shed a tear or two when we see the reports from Gaza right now.

As I pointed out in my previous exchange, it is a humanitarian catastrophe. The way the Israeli government is now conducting this war is unacceptable. One has the right to defend oneself against Hamas. But the way it is going about right now is unacceptable.

Sweden is acting on several fronts. We are acting to place several of the Israeli government members on a sanctions list. We are increasing aid to Gaza to deliver additional supplies. We support a review of Israel's compliance with the association agreement.

That review needs to be done properly. It also needs to safeguard a long-term functioning relationship between the EU and Israel. We will take a position on the conclusions and recommendations when they arrive.

Parallelly, we need to see what we can do so that the EU and Sweden can further improve the humanitarian situation. That is where the government's focus truly lies now.

Just as Håkan Svenneling says, the situation is acute. That is why the government has also chosen to increase the support to Gaza but also to channel it through organizations that we believe have a better possibility of reaching out than UNRWA does.

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! I would like to thank the Minister for EU and Nordic Affairs for participating in the debate. It is important so that the members of Parliament can give their perspective and conduct a dialogue between the government and the Parliament.

A question that is very important at the EU level is that we increase the international presence in Gaza, in the West Bank, and also in Israel to make people safe and counteract the flourishing of extremism.

The EU has a number of initiatives that have been paused during the time that the conflict has escalated following Hamas's horrific attack, but also Israel's bombings and warfare in Gaza. It has been discussed whether several of those initiatives can be reintroduced and implemented. I wonder how the Minister views this.

There are also other civil organizations on the ground, for example the escort program. It has had an international presence and protected, for example, Palestinian children when they go to school. The government has withdrawn the support to that organization. The Swedish presence will disappear this autumn. It is Sida that has made the decision, but based on the government's strategy. I wonder how the minister views support for other types of international presence.

Let me use the last minutes and seconds to explain our position on UNRWA. We are not critical of the government increasing support to Gaza. We are critical that support is not given to the UN organization that, according to resolutions 194 and 302, is responsible for Palestinian refugees and their right to return home from Al Nakba 1948.

You are withdrawing the political support for an important UN organization that the Security Council has decided on. You are also doing it by choking off the money for children attending school in West Bank, in Lebanon, in Syria, and in Jordan. They are also affected by the government's reduction to UNRWA. That is why we are critical. We see that you are increasing the humanitarian support to Gaza, and that is good. But you let other children pay the price.

(Applause)

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Statsrådet Jessica Rosencrantz (M)

Mr. Speaker and Håkan Svenneling! I believe that we must follow the developments very closely and discuss jointly with the other EU countries what can be done further. We welcome a discussion on how we can act jointly for the civilian population. We also have a close dialogue with other EU countries and like-minded [nations] to ensure how we proceed.

I still see that Sweden is taking a leadership role in several ways, as I mentioned, both when we want to act more forcefully regarding the sanction listing of extremist settlers and of several Israeli ministers, and when it comes to increasing our humanitarian aid.

I hear what Håkan Svenneling is saying. I hope that he can also hear what I am saying, that is to say that it is not we who have made the decision in the Knesset and have made it harder for UNRWA to operate in Gaza. It is Israel. We have been very critical of the decision.

Under these conditions, where we do not see that UNRWA can longer operate in a satisfactory and good way, we have decided to both double the support and direct it to other organizations, including several important large UN organizations that can provide assistance.

Let me conclude where we both started, by stating that the situation in Gaza is appalling. Even though we must continue to demand a release of the hostages, remind of Hamas's actions on October 7, and remind that Israel has a right to defend itself, it is now important that we collectively raise the tone against Israel. What is happening right now is not acceptable, and Sweden will work to ensure that we achieve better humanitarian access.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(A decision was to be taken on 10 June.)

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