Trade policy

Anna af Sillén (M)

Mr. Speaker! Let me initially express my approval of the committee's proposal for a decision.

In these times of upheaval and uncertainty on the global arena, we stand at an important point regarding Sweden's economic future. The strategy for Sweden's foreign trade, investments, and global competitiveness that our Moderate-led government presented in November 2023 is therefore not just a plan for economic growth and innovation; it is also a manifesto for Sweden's role in a new, global economy characterized by both green and digital transitions.

With this strategy, we take a holistic approach to the challenges and opportunities in today's international economic landscape. By focusing on strengthening Sweden's competitiveness and improving the conditions for trade, investment, and innovation, we aim to position our country at the forefront of the global economy. This means creating an environment where Swedish companies can not only grow and expand internationally but also actually lead the green and digital transformation.

Mr. Speaker! In order to achieve these ambitious goals, our government has developed a plan that spans several departments and agencies. Through an integrated strategy that truly puts companies at the center of our efforts, we want to meet their needs and help them overcome the obstacles that can stand in the way of international expansion and success.

There is also a follow-up of the strategy planned for 2026, which I would say is of central importance. With an independent result evaluation, we will be able to assess the effects of our policy carefully and objectively. We believe this evaluation will provide us with valuable insights into the extent to which we, with these combined and therefore new measures, have succeeded in achieving the set goals and contributing to a strong Swedish business sector.

A central pillar in our strategy for trade is to ensure that it is rules-based. We live in a time where the landscape of international trade is rapidly changing, and it is crucial that Sweden continues to defend and strengthen the rules-based trading system with the WTO at its forefront. By promoting fair and transparent trade rules, we create a stable and predictable global trading environment that will benefit Swedish companies and consumers.

Mr. Speaker! For the first time, a Swedish export strategy also highlights the importance of small and medium-sized enterprises within the framework of Sweden's trade policy. This is something I am particularly pleased about. It is these companies that create four out of five jobs in Sweden, and by improving support systems and processes - from financing to access to international markets - we improve their chances to not only grow nationally but also succeed internationally.

The Swedish trade strategy also includes increased support for Ukraine, which reflects Sweden's commitment to standing up for democracy and human rights. By strengthening our support for Ukraine not only in words but also in actions, we show solidarity and contribute to creating a more stable and secure European continent.

Finally, the strategy emphasizes the need for increased coordination between different actors within Team Sweden, including the government, authorities, the business community, and academia. By working together in a more coherent and coordinated manner, we can streamline our efforts and maximize the positive impact of the foreign trade strategy. Working for reduced red tape also within the EU and for a stronger Swedish influence on European policy at an early stage is another important part of this work.

By defending the rules-based trading system, promoting new free trade agreements, and working towards a simplification of the regulatory frameworks, we strengthen international economic relations. Our goal is to create a global trading environment that benefits everyone, from the large multinational corporations to the small and medium-sized enterprises. All of these will finance Sweden's prosperity. By reducing trade barriers and making it easier for Swedish companies to reach international markets, we also contribute to a stronger and more competitive Swedish economy.

Mr. Speaker! This is a strategy that looks forward and that accepts challenges and transforms them into opportunities. By taking a holistic approach that covers everything from strengthening Sweden's competitiveness to improving the renowned image of Sweden, we take important steps toward ensuring that Sweden not only survives but also flourishes in the global economy. I think it is worth emphasizing in conclusion that this is a central part of the government's work to strengthen trade and competitiveness. Let me just remind you that there is much else ongoing linked to regulatory simplification work, to strengthening the security for Swedish companies, and to creating a secure and safe energy supply system.

That entrepreneurship flourishes here in Sweden concerns us all and benefits us all. It is this that creates our jobs and finances our welfare. This is a welcome overall measure to further strengthen Swedish growth and competitiveness.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Aida Birinxhiku (S)

Mr. Speaker! I thank the member for the speech.

I am convinced that the member agrees with me that Sweden and the EU must stand united and strong in support of Ukraine. We must continue to support Ukraine for as long as it is needed.

It is equally important that we succeed in keeping the economic pressure on Russia up. Right now, however, we see significant circumventions of the trade sanctions against Russia even in Sweden. The government needs to act immediately, Mr. Speaker, so that these circumventions are detected earlier, prevented more often, and naturally also punished more severely. It is, after all, the member states' responsibility to ensure that the EU's sanctions are complied with in practice.

We Social Democrats have presented several concrete proposals to ensure that the sanctions are complied with in Sweden, for example, a reporting obligation for authorities, heavy corporate fines, and a sanctions council with relevant authorities under the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. Despite this, nothing has happened from the government's side. When we Social Democrats put forward these proposals in a committee initiative, the government parties and the Sweden Democrats chose to say no. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I want to ask the members what the government is doing to put a stop to the sanctions violations.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna af Sillén (M)

Mr. Speaker! I thank Member Birinxhiku for the pressing question.

I agree with the assessment that Ukraine's well-being concerns us all, and we are all deeply committed to this. Sweden's support for Ukraine and for Ukraine's defense of its freedom - and thereby of Europe's freedom - is reliable and strong. Ukraine has a special place in the strategy that I spoke about in my speech. Working for strengthened trade and for Swedish companies' opportunities to contribute to Ukraine's reconstruction is a given and important part of this government's work to strengthen Ukraine and indirectly counteract Russia's unlawful war against Ukraine.

Sanctions against Russia are something that this government fully stands behind. The argument in the committee was precisely that the government is working to ensure that sanctions against Russia function fully as intended.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Aida Birinxhiku (S)

Mr. Speaker! I thank the member for the answer.

The question I asked was about how the government is working to stop the circumvention of the sanctions, that is, what measures are being taken in practice. These circumventions could not have been a novelty for the government. Swedish exports to Russia's surrounding area have been extensive ever since the invasion began, but despite that, it was not until we noted the increase in exports in a written question that the government gave Kommerskollegium the assignment to map this out.

The Board of Trade has now mapped this out and presented proposals for concrete measures. We Social Democrats have also put forward several proposals for concrete measures to put a stop to the circumvention of the sanctions. However, nothing has happened from the government's side, despite all the concrete proposals that are on the government's table. The government could proceed with several of these proposals immediately.

I must ask the member what prevents the government from, for example, giving the law enforcement authorities a clear mandate to strengthen cooperation or direct information efforts toward the companies.

Finally, Mr. Speaker, I want to say that there is a great deal to learn from other countries that have a well-functioning system in place and that have acted significantly more forcefully. Now it is time for the Swedish government to do the same. The war is ongoing here and now, and there is no time to lose.

Therefore, I want to repeat my question to the member: What concrete measures is the government taking to prevent the sanctions against Russia from being bypassed in Sweden?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna af Sillén (M)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, Member Birinxhiku, for the question!

I can once again state that the sanctions against Russia and the support for Ukraine are issues that this government is deeply committed to. Sweden's support for Ukraine, both militarily and in the form of conditions for Swedish companies to operate in Ukraine, is powerful and clear. This work naturally includes working to ensure that the sanctions against Russia that exist, and which must of course be followed, also apply within the collaborations Sweden participates in and in Sweden as an individual country.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Aida Birinxhiku (S)

Mr. Speaker! Today we are debating the Committee on Enterprise's report on trade policy. I would first like to move for approval of reservation 1 in the report.

This debate is particularly urgent in light of the protectionist trends in the world. In these times, it is possibly more important than ever that Sweden is a strong voice for free, sustainable, and fair international trade.

Our trade with the rest of the world is one of our supporting pillars for strengthening our welfare and our prosperity. It is also crucial to be able to meet today's and tomorrow's challenges. With free, sustainable and fair trade, we can lift people out of poverty, manage the climate transition and increase prosperity in Sweden and in the rest of the world.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden has a long tradition of standing up for a policy that ensures that the benefits of global trade can come to everyone, that is, a fair trade policy. We know that it is a prerequisite for faith in free trade, especially in times of increased protectionism.

Therefore, I can do nothing but regret that the current government has abandoned the goal of fair trade. It is not just that the government has chosen to change the goal for trade policy and strike out exactly the part that concerns fair trade. We also see how the current government has tried to slow down and block a historic EU legislation on corporate responsibility for the environment and human rights – a legislation that is fundamental in the work for trade that safeguards the environment, climate, and workers' rights.

We also see how the government's commitment falters when it comes to the global partnership Global Deal. The partnership was launched by the former S-led government and today plays an important role in the work for trade that strengthens social dialogue and improves conditions in the labor market globally. In just a few years, this Swedish initiative has succeeded in bringing together over a hundred actors from all over the world, including the USA, which joined the partnership during the autumn of 2022. The potential to expand and develop Global Deal is great. But when I submitted a written question about this, I received the answer that the time is ripe for Sweden to take a step back and that other partners should take a more prominent role.

Against this background, I want to emphasize that the government must stand up for a trade policy that strengthens social dialogue and the protection of workers' rights and contributes to achieving the Paris Agreement, Agenda 2030 and long-term and sustainable growth, that is, a fair trade policy.

Mr. Speaker! I also want to emphasize that the World Trade Organization, WTO, plays a crucial role in maintaining equal and fair rules of the game in global trade. The multilateral trading system faces many challenges, which became apparent after the latest ministerial conference. Therefore, Sweden must be proactive in safeguarding, strengthening, and modernizing the WTO.

Mr. Speaker! The basic conditions for our trade are established through the EU. The internal market is not only Sweden's home market. It is also the world's largest and most integrated economic cooperation. Sweden must be a clear voice within the EU to strengthen competitiveness and deepen the internal market. We need to ensure that the internal market functions, even in times of crisis. To continue to remove trade barriers, strengthen compliance with existing rules, and adapt the internal market to new conditions is therefore of the utmost importance.

I also want to emphasize that the internal market is the key to achieving the green transition. For us Social Democrats, it is a self-evident fact that the way forward is increased trade, innovation, and investment, not so-called subsidy races. Therefore, it is also important that the EU enters into new free trade agreements and that ongoing negotiations are concluded. This creates jobs, growth, and strong trade links with the rest of the world.

Mr. Speaker! Let me return to the previous exchange. Sweden and the EU must stand strong and united in support of Ukraine. We must continue to support Ukraine as long as it is needed, also in the trade area. We Social Democrats welcome that the EU extends free trade with Ukraine, but we regret that it occurs with new, worsened trade terms. It is completely the wrong way to go. We want to see increased trade and investments instead, as it is necessary to strengthen Ukraine's resilience as well as reconstruction.

It is equally important that we maintain the economic pressure on Russia. However, we see significant circumventions of the trade sanctions against Russia, even in Sweden. Within the EU, measures are taken to ensure that the sanctions weaken Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, but it is the member states' responsibility to ensure that the EU's sanctions are actually complied with in practice. Therefore, we Social Democrats believe that the government needs to act so that these circumventions can be detected earlier, prevented more often and, obviously, punished more severely.

As I mentioned in the exchange, we have presented several concrete proposals to ensure that the sanctions are complied with in Sweden. It concerns a reporting obligation between authorities, heavy corporate fines, and a sanctions council with the relevant authorities. But so far, nothing has happened from the government's side. It is quite obvious that the government needs to do much more much faster to put a stop to the sanctions violations and support Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! The challenges we face in the trade area are difficult, and they require more international cooperation, not less. We Social Democrats are convinced that Sweden's strength lies in our openness and our trade connections with the rest of the world. Therefore, we want to increase Swedish exports, both in absolute terms and as a share of GDP. We want more small and medium-sized enterprises to dare and want to export. We want to secure Sweden's leadership within innovation and the green transition, and we want Sweden to be the world's most attractive country to invest in. This is the purpose of the proposals we have motioned, but also with the investments we make in our budget motion, where we want to invest 10 million more on export promotion and 10 million more on investment promotion.

Mr. Speaker! The world has changed and the challenges are many, but the way forward is free, sustainable and fair international trade. Sweden must stand up for this, today and every other day.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lili André (KD)

Mr. Speaker! On behalf of the Christian Democrats, I move for the approval of the committee's proposal.

In the report, there is an announcement regarding the abolition of the ban on the sale of seal products, and I will initially say a few words on this. A very important part of the hunt for seal is to utilize the downed prey. Today, it is not permitted to conduct trade with seal products, and Sweden should seek exemptions from this ban as soon as possible. The issue has been raised in the Committee on Enterprise earlier, and during the previous parliamentary term, a decision was made on an announcement, where among others the Christian Democrats wanted the then government to develop a strategy to both seek exemptions from the sales ban and raise and drive the issue of repealing the ban on trade with seal products. We are pleased that the issue is now up for negotiation at the EU level, where the Swedish Board of Agriculture is responsible for Sweden's reporting and the Minister for Rural Affairs, Peter Kullgren, has raised the issue of repealing the ban.

Mr. Speaker! In my continued speech on trade policy, I take my starting point in the government's strategy for Sweden's foreign trade, investments, and global competitiveness, where we can read the following: "Sweden's prosperity is largely based on our foreign trade, the Swedish business sector's strong position internationally and Sweden's position as an innovative leading country and an attractive destination for foreign direct investments. But in a time of great global challenges and a rapidly changing world, the demands on both politics as well as the business sector, authorities, as well as universities and colleges to safeguard and strengthen Sweden's long-term competitiveness are increasing."

Mr. Speaker! We live in a world that places high demands on the ability to adapt quickly. The recent pandemic, though probably not the last, Russia's aggressive war in Ukraine, and the developments within artificial intelligence, the consequences of which none of us can fully oversee - these are some examples that what worked a few years ago must be updated and modernized.

Sweden's prosperity has, for the most part, been built on a number of engineering-driven innovations. We are still reaping the fruits of this and may continue to do so for a long time to come, provided that we make wise decisions and nurture our successful heritage.

But it is not possible to just live on yesterday's victories. New innovations and new companies that meet tomorrow's needs must emerge, and here the political direction and goals are important. It is about strengthening the image of Sweden, where the emphasis should be on positioning Sweden as a global knowledge nation and innovation leader and as a partner for economic and democratic development, green transition and digitalization. Important partners are our Swedish companies and their strong commitment to the global development goals, sustainability, equality and social responsibility, which also contributes to their competitiveness.

Mr. Speaker! In a few months, we will go to elections to the EU Parliament. Even though there is strong support in large parts of the population for Sweden's membership, every new generation must be won over for our membership to be perceived as legitimate. At regular intervals, we can hear the rhetorical question: What do we get for the money?

Yes, what do we actually get? We get access to the four freedoms: of goods, capital, services, and persons. The value of this is difficult to overstate. The experiences of Brexit show that EU membership is so incredibly much more than the formal membership fee. It is about how a country's competitiveness is affected and developed. Britain's experiences of this are not something that should entice us in Sweden. Our country has everything to gain from free trade and from it being easy to move across borders, whether it concerns people, goods, capital, or ideas.

Mr. Speaker! In order for Sweden to continue to be a successful nation that creates value through trade, we need to nurture and develop our strengths. There are three fundamental thoughts that should guide us forward.

Firstly, Sweden's competitiveness shall be strengthened, and the conditions for trade, investment, and innovation shall be improved. Therefore, I am pleased that we have a government that is purposefully and step by step preparing Sweden for this. For example, the work on regulatory simplification is important to sharpen Sweden's ability.

Secondly, Swedish companies should increase their exports and presence in the international market. This is not only good for the economy, GDP, and jobs. It is also good from a climate perspective, where Swedish companies have a strong commitment to the global development goals.

Thirdly, Sweden's position as a prioritized partner for green and digital transition globally shall be strengthened. What is about to happen in northern Sweden with a new wave of future-oriented industrialization shall be purposefully backed up by us who have received the mandate to lead Sweden. I am pleased that we have a government that realizes this.

The best context for us to be able to do all this is that Sweden continues to be an active and participating member of the EU community and participates as a force for change that builds its welfare on a sustainable development in all three of its dimensions: the economic, the social, and the environmental.

To manage risks and requirements for increased vigilance within these three dimensions, Swedish companies need support to be able to operate in complex markets. Here, Sweden's and the EU's trade policy creates the conditions for companies to develop, grow, innovate, and ensure high-quality jobs in and outside Europe.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Lili André mentions in her speech that the green transition should be "backed up" and also highlights the importance of joint work for sustainable development in the EU and for strengthening Swedish industry, which is leading in the green transition.

Against that background, I want to ask Lili André why the Christian Democrats and the current Swedish government have strongly opposed and diluted the due diligence legislation, i.e., the legislation within the EU that would be historic and strengthen companies' work for the environment and human rights. At the same time, the current government is pursuing a policy in Sweden that significantly increases greenhouse gas emissions and makes a 180-degree turn so that Sweden goes from being a leader in the climate transition to now being a country that significantly increases greenhouse gas emissions so that we no longer reach our climate goals.

The government says one thing, namely that the green transition is important and that it is important for trade policy, but in practice, the government does the opposite. Why? I wonder, Mr. Speaker.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lili André (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I thank the member for the question.

I maintain that the knowledge and competence we have in Sweden regarding a green transition is a competitive advantage. But we must not lower our ambitions, and we must not knock out our own population. We believe in the companies, which realize that it is a competitive advantage to be at the forefront in the environmental and climate fields. We see attempts in Europe to catch up with Sweden now, but we cannot make the mistake of knocking out our own companies and our own industry. We see that the green transition proceeds in step with competence, the energy supply system, and the economy for climate solutions.

Mr. Speaker! I do not, therefore, stand behind the government dismantling the green transition. We are active, and with the new strategy for foreign trade, we will be able to strengthen Sweden's competitiveness.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! I did not then receive an answer to the question of why the Christian Democrats highlight the importance of sustainability work within the EU as part of trade policy but have nevertheless opposed and watered down the due diligence legislation, which could have been a historic piece of legislation for the environment and human rights throughout the entire value chains within the EU.

At the same time, Lili André responds that knowledge and competence are a competitive advantage. That is absolutely true. That we should not lower our ambitions – yes, that is what I would have wished. Unfortunately, we have today a government that strongly lowers the ambitions in the climate area, which increases emissions and which, instead of strengthening the goals and measures that need to be made, opens up to worsening the climate goals and cannot even express an opinion when it comes to the Commission's proposal on new climate goals to 2040.

Lili André points out in her response that we should not knock out our own companies. In the current situation, it is such that Swedish companies demand an ambitious climate policy, improved skills supply, significantly increased electricity production in the near term, and faster permit processes, precisely because all of this contributes to both strengthened competitiveness, increased trade, and reduced climate impact.

The government is not delivering on any of this. Rather, it is a matter of the government, by lowering ambitions in the area of climate and sustainability and opposing sustainability legislation at the EU level, knocking out Swedish companies.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lili André (KD)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, Elin Söderberg, for an important question!

Sweden has for a long time had a high level of ambition in the work for human rights and equality as well as a stricter regulatory framework for environmental and climate issues. I stand by that. The Government has also welcomed the directive on due diligence.

We Christian Democrats believe that companies have an important role to play in the work of sustainable development, just as I said last time, Mr. Speaker. It is something that is also prioritized for many Swedish companies. These are important competitive perspectives.

Through the directive, high requirements are set for companies to identify, monitor, prevent, limit, remedy, and stop negative impacts in a so-called value chain. We need to ensure that it does not become more burdens for our small and medium-sized enterprises, but it is an important directive. Here we can negotiate so that the directive still becomes good for competitiveness in Sweden.

Mr. Speaker! Politics is about will and about choice. At the same time as we in Sweden have high-reaching climate goals, we have a responsibility to safeguard economic growth and a growing welfare. More companies must grow and flourish so that mothers and fathers in our families will have a job to go to and so that we will have a better welfare, always.

It is clear here that Member Söderberg chooses not to listen to our households and companies, because it is important to combine economic growth with the climate and the environment. They must go hand in hand.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johnny Svedin (SD)

Mr. Speaker! In a time when globalization shapes the world economy, a clear, long-term and forward-looking trade policy is crucial for Sweden's future.

The Sweden Democrats face these challenges with a policy aimed at strengthening Sweden's competitiveness, promoting economic growth, and ensuring fairness in international trade. We believe that open and free trade is the foundation for prosperity and development. By reducing protectionism and promoting cross-border trade, we can contribute to global poverty reduction and increased prosperity.

We view free trade agreements positively, which can also serve as a bridge between nations, and we support competition-neutral multilateral trade agreements that benefit Swedish industry and strengthen our trade partnerships. To ensure a healthy competitive environment, we must carry out a comprehensive competition review. This means a critical review of taxes, fees, and bureaucracy that could potentially hinder Swedish companies from developing and competing globally.

A level playing field is crucial to ensure that our companies can grow and contribute to the national economy. To stimulate our national competitiveness, we believe that the government should play an active role in reviewing this process and guaranteeing that Swedish companies are given the opportunity to compete on equal terms.

We also believe that the government should initiate an industry and export promotion program for the technology sector. The program should focus on creating collaborations and platforms for innovation and development of new services.

Mr. Speaker! We Sweden Democrats also consider it important that trade policy includes social and environmental sustainability. Trade agreements should also include these values in order to promote sustainable global development.

Sweden can play an important role in international forums such as the WTO and the UN. By participating in these organizations in a more active way, we can contribute to shaping trade policy that benefits all countries and that promotes sustainable global economic development.

As part of the EU, Sweden must navigate within the framework of an internal market that benefits our exports and imports. We support a strong, but not over-regulated, internal market that benefits Swedish companies and consumers. We also assess that Sweden's voice in the European Parliament must be raised to highlight our position within European trade policy.

Sweden has a unique opportunity to be the driving force for certain export products, for example critical minerals, within the EU because this is becoming increasingly important as the EU today has an explicit goal of increased self-sufficiency and reduced dependence on, for example, China and the USA. We also believe that the EU must work harder to shut out unserious actors through regulations that shall apply to all EU countries without exception.

Mr. Speaker! Globalization also has a dark side in some cases. Some countries are prepared to exploit without regard for consequences and social and environmental sustainability and have an expansive, aggressive marketing. It will require a well-thought-out strategy to manage the growing economic and political power of countries such as China. We need to evaluate and follow up on the consequences of Chinese direct investments in Sweden and ensure that our national security and our economic interests are protected against potential blackmail and espionage.

Mr. Speaker! We recognize the importance of imports to increase our domestic competitiveness and value exports as an engine for economic growth. Strengthening our export opportunities, particularly within the technology sector, as previously mentioned, but also within other high-value-creating areas, is crucial for our economic future.

A question that we have pushed for a long time is the fight against the EU's export ban on Swedish snus. This export ban is an example of how trade policy can affect national products and national industry. The ban is not only economically harmful for Sweden, but it also deviates from the principles of free trade and national individuality.

Mr. Speaker! The Sweden Democrats' vision for Swedish trade policy is not just about Sweden adapting to globalization, but it also takes into account that we actively shape a future where our economy is strong, our industry is competitive, and our values of justice and sustainability are clear. By engaging internationally, protecting our national interests, and promoting free and open trade, we can ensure that Sweden continues to flourish in the global economy.

Mr. Speaker! With this said, I stand behind all of the Sweden Democrats' reservations, but for the sake of simplicity, I move for approval of only reservation 32.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Aida Birinxhiku (S)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, member, for the speech!

There are far too many markets where people are forced to work under slave-like conditions, where children are forced into child labor, and where one has to endure hatred and harassment because one chooses to organize unionally. Therefore, it is absolutely fundamental that Sweden stands up for fair trade that strengthens workers' rights and also ensures better conditions in the labor market globally, which I emphasized in my speech.

I have noted that Sverigedemokratiska members in the Committee on Industry have written debate articles about the workers who are exploited and have their human rights violated when the industry transitions. I also noted that the member, in their statement, spoke about ensuring justice and a level playing field for the companies.

When it comes down to it, Mr. Speaker, the Sweden Democrats do not seem to want to do anything about this. At the same time, the government and the Sweden Democrats have tried to oppose a historic EU legislation that strengthens the protection of human rights, that is to say, legislation that is intended to address the problems that the members are writing about and which is intended to ensure a level playing field for Swedish companies. We see that Swedish companies are at the forefront when it comes to sustainability issues, but right now they are forced to compete on unfair terms with companies that do not make the same priorities.

Furthermore, I cannot find a single mention of workers' rights or conditions in the committee motion on trade policy that the Sverigedemokraterna have submitted. Therefore, I want to ask the member what the Sverigedemokraterna do in practice to advocate for international trade that can ensure the justice that the member spoke about in their speech and that counteracts workers being exploited and subjected to violations of their human rights.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johnny Svedin (SD)

Mr. Speaker! I thank the member for the question.

Just as I said in my speech, and it also states in our committee motion, A trade policy for growth, it is about social requirements in trade agreements. In connection with the EU concluding more free trade agreements, we also need to work to contribute to countries working with the environment, democracy, and equality. I believe that in that formulation lies exactly what you are talking about.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Aida Birinxhiku (S)

Mr. Speaker! I thank the member for the answer.

I cannot draw any other conclusion from the answer than that the Sweden Democrats in practice do not seem to pursue a trade policy that strengthens workers' rights. The only thing I have managed to find in the Sweden Democrat committee motion is a formulation that social requirements in free trade agreements should be seen as potential bonuses. I mean that it does not do much when one is simultaneously trying to brake and block a historic EU legislation that is intended to do something about the problems that the member raises and that the member's colleagues depict in the debate articles that have been directed at, among others, me and my parliamentary colleagues in the committee.

Mr. Speaker! The member and the member's colleagues are more than happy to write about the workers who are exploited and subjected to violations of their human rights, but when it comes down to it, neither the Sweden Democrats nor the government stands on the workers' side. We Social Democrats, however, will always do so. We will always stand up for a fair trade policy that strengthens workers' rights and working conditions. For us, it is not a potential bonus, but it is the way forward for a trade policy that can create welfare and prosperity for all.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johnny Svedin (SD)

Mr. Speaker! I thank the member again.

I can only repeat what I have said before, namely that we are not in the government but that we are the government basis. Trade policy is not included in the Tidö Agreement, but we stand behind it with our committee motion, which is essentially what you are saying. It is obvious with free trade agreements that also include environmental work, democracy, and equality. It is clearly stated in our committee motion, and that is not strange.

I cannot answer here and now how other politicians or other colleagues express themselves in debate articles; that is something the individuals concerned must do themselves. I have not written any such article, and I therefore cannot really answer that question.

It is obvious that we shall work for these issues. I said in my speech that it is important that we work for a world trade where everyone works on equal terms. That is the only conclusion, and we stand by it. But there are many ways to go to reach a solution.

You spoke in your speech about an organization that works a lot with these issues. WTO is an example where there are rules that show how it should be done. Perhaps the two should speak with each other instead.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! I have listened to Johnny Svedin's and the Sweden Democrats' speech. Much sounds nice, as if it could actually come from any party in the Riksdag.

That is why I want to ask a number of follow-up questions. To begin with, the Sweden Democrats mention justice linked to trade policy a number of times in their statement. But the government that the Sweden Democrats cooperate with deleted the word justice from the trade policy goal last year. Why do the Sweden Democrats not advocate for the current government to conduct fair trade?

Furthermore, the Sweden Democrats say they want to see a level playing field within the EU. But the Sweden Democrats, together with the other Tidö parties, have actively opposed legislation within the EU that contributes precisely to a level playing field. This concerns, in particular, the due diligence legislation which is intended to ensure human rights and the environment throughout companies' entire value chains. For companies, it contributes to obtaining a level playing field.

What I want to get clarification on is what the Sverigedemokraterna are de facto driving in action or intend to drive in action. It becomes gravely misleading for the electorate if one says one thing but does something completely different in action.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johnny Svedin (SD)

Mr. Speaker! I thank Member Elin Söderberg for the questions.

I will try to answer them as well as I can. What happens and occurs in the EU is difficult for me to answer here. I can only take into account what we say in our committee and what we work for at the national level in Sweden. But obviously, it spills over into European politics as well.

Why have we not acted for justice? But we do say that we do. In our committee motion, we say that it shall be fair trade, and it shall be equal for everyone. It is nothing strange. You speak about the government, but we are not the government. We have our committee motion to adhere to. I do not quite understand if the voters consider it strange, because that is how it is.

The matter itself is our committee motion, where we speak about what policy we want to pursue regarding trade policy. We drive that against the government, in exactly the same way as you do.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Then I shall stick to the Committee on Industry. In the Committee on Industry, the Sweden Democrats have, when EU legislation on, for example, equality in entrepreneurship has come up, actively wanted to delete words regarding equality in entrepreneurship.

When it comes to the due diligence legislation, or the legislation on due diligence by companies regarding the environment and human rights, it has come to the Committee on Enterprise for handling. In that matter, the Sweden Democrats have not worked to see changes in the Swedish position or that Sweden should push for powerful legislation in the area, but they have sat in silence.

I agree with what the Sweden Democrats raised in their speech regarding how globalization and global trade can lead to appalling exploitation.

We see today serious situations globally where people are exploited in a terrible way, and the environment is exploited in a horrible way that harms both the local population and our common climate.

Against that background, I wonder again why both at the EU level and in the Committee on Industry, when it has reached there for handling, it has opposed the type of legislation that concerns preventing forced labor, human rights violations, and environmental destruction in companies' actions in the global value chains.

But at the same time, I would like to take the opportunity to ask if the Sverigedemokraterna are positive towards ecocide legislation that would make it a crime to commit serious environmental crimes globally.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johnny Svedin (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you again, the member, for the questions!

Regarding the last question, I cannot answer it here and now. It probably falls more within the jurisdiction of the Committee on Civil Affairs, I assume.

When it comes to trade and equality, I included equality in my speech. I want to assert that it is not the same as gender quotas; equality is about us having a level of competition on the same and equal grounds, which preferably aligns across the entire world. Then Swedish companies will stand very strong, given the innovative power and the way we work in Sweden. We have equality in the labor market, in the sense that we truly work to achieve results through good working conditions. That is what we want to convey when we talk about equality.

I do not know what the member is thinking about when she talks about equality. I can imagine it is gender quotas or something like that, but it is not about that, it is about working under the same conditions. That is what it is about.

Besides that, Swedish companies are very good today when it comes to the environment and environmental goals. They have a drive that makes the environmental part of business move forward. I think it is moving forward in a good way. They know, in fact, that it is a survival strategy. We cannot compete with low prices or quantity. We compete with quality. It will be roughly like a self-playing accordion. It will work itself out.

For us, it is very important that we support this and are part of it. It is, after all, Sweden's driving force and competitiveness.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Louise Eklund (L)

Mr. Speaker! For the Liberals and this government, it is of the utmost importance to stand up for rules-based and open trade. Precisely to strengthen the growth and resilience of our economy, we need more international trade and more cooperation with the rest of the world.

As a liberal, it is therefore completely obvious to me to emphasize the importance of free trade for a stable world order and free individuals. Free trade and a market economy are central to lifting people out of poverty, to being able to manage the green transition, and for us in Sweden to be able to finance our common welfare.

In international trade policy, Sweden must therefore be a clear voice for free trade. In that work, the WTO shall have a fundamental role.

I therefore think it is very positive that free trade has come to be emphasized so much by this bourgeois government. We want to continue to work so that Sweden, through cooperation in the EU, continues to build open, strong and sustainable trade relations with the rest of the world. It is not only desirable but also completely necessary that Sweden and Europe enter into new bilateral and regional free trade agreements.

Mr. Speaker! The value of Swedish exports of goods and services should not be underestimated. It amounts to almost half of Sweden's GDP. Transparent and clear regulatory frameworks, making markets accessible and having ambitious free trade agreements, effective trade promotion and a functioning trade system are prerequisites for Swedish companies to be able to grow.

At the same time, we see that the world is becoming increasingly uneasy, unpredictable and complex. War, trade conflicts and protectionism are increasing. This means that even industries and companies that have no connection to a conflict can be affected.

Against that background, I think it was wise that the government in November last year decided on a new foreign trade strategy - Strategy for Sweden's foreign trade, investments and global competitiveness. It aims precisely to facilitate for companies to enter new markets but also to navigate in a changed world. With the strategy, the government intends to give Swedish companies the best possible conditions to handle emerging challenges and, not least, to take advantage of the business opportunities that arise through the green and digital transition.

Here we know that Swedish companies are at the forefront and will be able to contribute, not only with increased growth but also to a better climate and more green innovations, not only in Sweden but also globally. That is, of course, absolutely excellent. It is also that Sweden continues to push for increased trade, not only between Sweden and Ukraine but also between the EU and Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! In conclusion: When it comes to trade, the Eurozone countries are Sweden's most important trading partner. The euro is used today by 350 million Europeans. It should, even in this context, be emphasized that the euro would simplify things for Swedish companies and strengthen Swedish competitiveness and growth. It is no secret that the Liberals want Sweden to join the euro cooperation. I am convinced that it is the single most important thing we can do to strengthen Swedish trade.

I vote in favor of the committee's proposal in the report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

FÖRSTE VICE TALMANNEN

I remind Member Delgado Varas that, according to the Chamber's rules of procedure, it is not permitted to wear clothing with political messages in the Chamber.

(LORENA DELGADO VARAS (V): Mr. Speaker! As I have said before, I believe it is a solidary act rather than a political symbol.)

I understand that thought, but here in the chamber, the spoken word is at the center.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lorena Delgado Varas (V)

Mr. Speaker! Trade with the rest of the world has been and is completely crucial for Sweden's prosperity and development. Today, many of our companies depend on importing and exporting. They have global value chains, and the global value chains have a great impact on both growth and employment here in Sweden and in other countries.

Therefore, we have a great responsibility to change how these value chains and the international agreements look. We can do this by setting legal requirements in our trade agreements, changing priorities, and sometimes also refusing trade to get other countries to act in accordance with our international agreements.

Therefore, it is important to highlight that when the environment and human rights are sidelined, the opportunities to solve global problems in, for example, climate and environment are reduced. It also reduces the opportunities to stop wars. It is a situation that we must counteract. There, we can use our trade policy tools.

Mr. Speaker! The Left Party wants a fair trade policy that puts people, social justice, climate, and the environment first and that focuses on social benefits for everyone, not just on profits for large corporations. The trade policy should stand for a positive development in many respects. It is time to modernize it and pave the way for the Swedish companies that are at the forefront when it comes to that.

I must admit that I am quite tired of hearing that certain political parties believe that we can influence countries in a positive way through trade agreements, that is, that dictatorships might increase democratic space, that one might be able to protect the environment and climate and so on. But when they have power, they do not do what is required to achieve that.

It is enough to look at how active the government has been in terms of watering down the directive on due diligence. It is a directive for companies to act when their value chains have a negative impact on human rights and the environment.

Our government applauds trade agreements that are created undemocratically, without the participation of the groups that are most affected by them, whose lives and environment are changed because of the trade agreements, as well as trade agreements that disadvantage poorer countries' opportunities for sustainable positive development.

One example is the agreement with Chile. Many are pleased that it has passed in the EU because it gives us access to lithium, which is one of the most important minerals in the ongoing transition. Chile is the second-largest producer of lithium, a critical component in batteries that power, among other things, electric vehicles. But few speak about the high volumes that Chile must produce, which are sacred and must be delivered regardless of what it does to the sensitive nature in northern Chile and for the water supply for people, animals, and the environment.

The agreement leaves no room for Chile to be able to further process the minerals and in that way perhaps finance its social development. The agreement gives enormous power to the investors and locks Chile out from creating improvements in its environment and its social policy. That is not being listened to either.

Chile is not allowed to subsidize small-scale farmers but is forced to export large volumes, which will benefit large corporations. This disadvantages small-scale farmers, and the local population will have poorer access to food.

The agreement has nice texts about sustainability but nothing that is binding. That is, it is an agreement that aims to maintain the power balance between Chile and Europe - a historically bad power balance, I would say.

Another example is the investment agreement with Angola - an agreement that is termed sustainable investments to give the appearance that we are talking about green investments. The agreement implies better transparency and predictability for European investors, which is absolutely good for the investors and perhaps also for Angola. On the other hand, it contains no binding commitments aimed at promoting sustainable investments. One does not even define what sustainable investments are, and it is argued that no regulations are needed for environmental authorities to participate in the governance.

Angola must also inform the foreign investors about upcoming laws and regulations at all levels in the country, which opens up for lobbying in a way that is harmful to Angola's democracy.

Then we have the Mercosur agreement, which has also been applauded. Implementation of it will accelerate environmental destruction and the climate crisis, increase violations of human rights, and increase impunity for companies.

The agreement also allows that prohibited pesticides shall be allowed to be produced here in Europe to then be sold further to the Mercosur countries. They are prohibited in Europe because they are dangerously toxic, but it is completely okay to sell them and poison people and nature in other parts of the world.

Now, Mr. Speaker, we see how Israel is committing genocide in Palestine. The EU has a generous trade agreement with Israel and strengthens their economy. So it is also now. But we still do not hear a word from the Swedish government about terminating this. There must be reasonable purposes for trade between countries - it cannot solely be economic interests.

To persist in maintaining relations with a country that has murdered over 14,000 children in recent months, which creates famine by blocking aid efforts and which murders everyone from healthcare workers to aid workers, is not sound. It is not just unsound but downright demoralizing. We must use trade policy to stop the genocide.

Just as we are stopping trade with Russia, we must be able to stop trade with Israel. What the government is doing is being complicit in the genocide. They are also making Swedish companies complicit.

Let me take an example. Machines from Volvo are used today to demolish Palestinians' homes in the West Bank. They are used to expand the illegal settlement areas. It is a disgrace!

Mr. Speaker! We need fair trade agreements that strengthen workers' rights, not the exploitation of them. We need trade agreements that strengthen countries' management of natural resources and where green technology is shared. We need trade agreements that take into account how people and democracy are affected.

We absolutely cannot have trade agreements where we continue to cooperate with countries that occupy and commit genocide.

Tomorrow, we in the Committee on Industry will be visited by the Director General of the Export Credit Board. Credit guarantees have been given to Swedish companies that are to operate within the mining industry in Congo. I believe it is common knowledge what is happening in Congo. It concerns human rights violations, child labor, and forced displacement. Despite this, credit guarantees are thus being given without setting proper requirements and ensuring that the Swedish companies follow them.

We need to change our way of working with credit guarantees. This must not continue. I hope that we in Vänsterpartiet receive support from the other parties to change this.

With this, I move for the approval of reservation 42.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elisabeth Thand Ringqvist (C)

Mr. Speaker! Digital technology has made it possible to buy and sell products all over the world with a few clicks. In this way, trade and export have been fundamentally changed. Small companies in what can be seen as outposts all over Sweden reach markets that they otherwise would never be able to reach.

It has been said, and unfortunately it is still said, that companies must first reach the Nordic markets before they can expand to perhaps Germany or the United Kingdom, and after that they can possibly take a step towards the USA or Asia.

At home at my kitchen table, trade issues were actually very present. Dad ran a wood joint factory in Gällö, five miles south of Östersund. The exports went specifically to Norway and Germany.

Before EU accession, it was not entirely uncomplicated. It certainly provided a good number of jobs in the office to fill out all the papers that were needed. It also required agents in the local markets in a much more extensive way than today. Export was simply quite complicated and costly.

15 miles north of Gällö lies Åre Skidfabrik. They began their operations in the same neighborhood where I grew up. Stefan and Patrik started manufacturing snowboards in their garage at home. The first ones were not so good, and there probably wasn't anyone who believed they would ever export anything.

But many years later, Åre Skidfabrik turns over 25 million and sells slalom skis all over the world, both online and in stores. They have twelve retailers in Japan. How is it that a small company can still manage that? Well, even before digital global payments became possible, nerds in different industries found each other.

It goes without saying that with a turnover of 25 million, it is not possible to compete with large brands that have enormous sponsorship budgets. But within skiing and many other sports and cultural activities, there are people who have also, through digital media, created strong groups that share knowledge and insights about their interest.

There, nerdy-knowledgeable manufacturers can find their first buyers, and from there they can reach out on social media across the whole world at a reasonably low cost.

But the authorities who, under the collective name Team Sweden, work to help companies enter international markets still have a limited understanding of how they should reach these small companies and support them in their immediate global work. This is important.

World trade will increase by 70 percent during the next six years. The largest part of this, almost 90 percent, will be in a south-to-south direction and not, as we are used to, from north to south. In 15 years, even 70 percent of the growth in GDP will be outside the OECD countries. Therefore, it is important that we also focus on the markets that are quite far from Sweden.

Small and medium-sized enterprises are mentioned twelve times in the government's Strategy for Sweden's foreign trade, investments and global competitiveness. Startups and scaleups are mentioned once each.

Large companies are, of course, crucial for Swedish exports. They have the volumes, and it is they who have built Swedish prosperity. I will be a bit kind. Innovation has a prominent place in the strategy, as does export that benefits the green transition. But clearer action was needed from the government's side when it comes to providing support and increased conditions for small and medium-sized enterprises regarding exports to the EU's internal market. Above all, entry points were needed regarding how they should reach the fast-growing markets outside the EU.

With this, I move for approval of reservation 31 under point 15.

Mr. Speaker! The World Trade Organization, WTO, is in need of a proper reform. It became even more apparent when I had the opportunity to follow the negotiations on-site in Abu Dhabi earlier this year. On the agenda was the continued acute need to reduce fishing subsidies so that they align with the global sustainability goals. It was also about improving the conditions for fair global trade with agricultural products and about getting order on how industries should be subsidized, if they are to be. Industries should not be working so much with subsidies.

All this failed, partly because national election campaigns were in place on the inside of the WTO negotiations. It is noted that 40 percent of the world's population - including in India, USA, Bangladesh and South Africa - will vote before the year is over. In that case, it is more important to go home to one's voters and say that one has saved domestic industry. It is, of course, a short-term gain for the country's economy but not at all what is needed in the long term. But the short term is enough if one wants to win the next election.

What surprised me most, however, was the heated debate about tariffs on electronic services, i.e., the fact that many countries, with India at the forefront, want to introduce the possibility of having a customs duty on downloads of software, games, and music. A few more countries have joined this line and argue that without this extra possibility for taxation, the opportunity for small companies in developing countries to participate in global digital trade is reduced.

According to all logic, it is exactly the opposite. Small companies are dependent on global and regional trading platforms and, for that matter, a well-functioning payment system where banks do not impose excessively high fees. That is what it needs to be for trade to function in a good way, even for the very smallest companies.

Now the WTO has two years to come up with a solution. For Sweden, it is important. 6 percent of our exports come from the tech industry. The tech industry has gone from 11 billion to 140 billion in export value in just 20 years.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden and Swedish companies are working hard to reduce their emissions. This means that Sweden is far ahead of many other countries. Even though the government's policy today works against this, we are still in a good position. This is good, because it reduces Sweden's emissions. At the same time, emissions are lowered around the world when Swedish products and services replace others produced with dirty technology.

This takes me back to Åre Skidfabrik. They conducted an analysis where their carbon footprint was compared with the same production in China. It was a four times larger carbon footprint in China than it was at the factory in Åre. They have actively worked to get there.

At the same time, their work means that they and many other companies that take the climate challenge seriously are affected by unfair competition when other countries refrain from necessary climate regulations and pump money into the carbon-soaked fossil industry. It must become an advantage to do what is best for the climate.

Therefore, it is pleasing that the carbon border adjustment mechanism - an incredibly complicated term - also known as a climate tariff, has now taken its first step. But the responsibility is currently divided between Naturvårdsverket and Tullverket, and the information on how the system is to function is very complicated. The companies experience it as a heavy regulatory burden. This must be made simpler. I strongly urge the government to ensure that the authorities make it easy for the companies to do the right thing.

Mr. Speaker! World trade faces enormous difficulties when populists want to build walls around their own countries for short-term gains. We know that Sweden is dependent on the best possible conditions when it comes to trade agreements. Therefore, I am fundamentally pleased that we, across party lines, are quite in agreement on the basic principles of Swedish trade policy.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! On behalf of the Green Party, I would like to begin by moving for approval of reservation number 3.

For us in Miljöpartiet, trade policy is a tool to ensure that we get a sustainable world. We believe that Sweden should be a leading country in terms of free, fair and sustainable trade that leads to economic development for all parties. Climate, environment, human rights and also the conditions for animals and ecosystems need to be considered in trade policy.

And with that, we also see that aid policy can go hand in hand with a trade policy and thereby contribute to us reaching the global sustainability goals in Agenda 2030. We can build robust societies both here in Sweden and in other parts of the world, combat poverty, ensure a climate transition where we reduce emissions sufficiently fast to avoid the most serious consequences of climate change and also adapt to the future climate we face. Sweden should therefore push for a more sustainable trade policy both globally and within the EU.

Mr. Speaker! In its new foreign trade strategy, the Government has highlighted that it wants to take advantage of the business opportunities that arise through the green and digital transition. The Government also highlights in the strategy that Sweden's position as a prioritized partner for green and digital transition globally shall be strengthened.

This sounds very good, but unfortunately we also see in this area that the government says one thing but does another.

The government has, since taking office, pursued a policy in Sweden that increases greenhouse gas emissions. They have not delivered in terms of the conditions that Swedish companies demand in order to be able to carry out their climate transition - this concerns electricity in the near term, skill supply, and faster permit processes.

The government has, at the EU level, instead of strengthening sustainable trade and the conditions for it, opposed and diluted EU legislation aimed at increased sustainability within all companies' entire value chains.

We in Miljöpartiet see that when we work globally, within the EU and in Sweden for increased sustainability in companies' entire value chains, we also contribute to strengthening Swedish companies' competitiveness, to innovation and business development and thus also to good economic development.

Swedish companies today do a lot of good, both regarding workers' rights and regarding the environment, climate, and human rights. But they compete today with companies that exploit the environment and nature and use forced or child labor in other parts of the world. Within the EU, we have the opportunity to actually set requirements for companies not to violate human rights and not to commit gross environmental crimes. In this way, we get a more level playing field for companies to compete on, while simultaneously protecting the people and ecosystems affected by these crimes.

With that, we see that a free, fair and sustainable trade that strengthens climate, environment, human rights and all the global sustainability goals in Agenda 2030 also strengthens Swedish trade and Swedish competitiveness. It is what we in Miljöpartiet want to work for, and that is why I view with dismay how the government says one thing but unfortunately in action opposes this sustainable trade policy.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(A decision was to be taken on 4 April.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)