Trade policy
Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.
Summary AI, written in advance
1 M considers trade policy to be crucial for prosperity and that one should stand firm on free trade and openness 1. M argues that the government is working to strengthen the EU's competitiveness and reduce bureaucracy 1. 2 M criticizes S for wanting to stifle the business sector with regulations 2. 3 S emphasizes the importance of fair trade where the benefits come to everyone 3. 3 S wants to increase exports, deepen the EU's internal market and implement more free trade agreements 3. 4 5 6 S demands that the government reform the support for short-term work to secure jobs 4 5 6. 7 KD emphasizes that the EU is the most important trade platform and wants to modernize the WTO 7. SD wants a free and rules-based trade policy but warns against excessive regulation within the EU. SD wants more free trade agreements, including with Taiwan. SD wants better support for Swedish companies through competition review and export promotion programs. 8 SD argues that the government has done a good job with the Implementation Council and the Simplification Council 8. 9 SD wants to simplify regulations and consider how far environmental requirements should be pushed 9. 10 L emphasizes the importance of rules-based free trade and wants Sweden to join the euro cooperation 10. V is against the Mercosur agreement as it lacks mirror clauses and risks undermining health and the environment. V wants a modernized trade policy with proper requirements and argues that the government contributes to crimes by not terminating the trade agreement with Israel. 11 C wants to strengthen the transatlantic relationship by reducing barriers and simplifying trade between the EU and the USA 11. 11 C advocates for a digital trade agreement and a radical reform of the WTO 11. 12 MP wants the EU to continue to set environmental and climate requirements in bilateral trade agreements 12.
Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.
Speakers (16)
- Ann-Charlotte Hammar Johnsson (M)
- Aida Birinxhiku (S)
- Ann-Charlotte Hammar Johnsson (M)
- Aida Birinxhiku (S)
- Ann-Charlotte Hammar Johnsson (M)
- Aida Birinxhiku (S)
- Lili André (KD)
- Johnny Svedin (SD)
- Aida Birinxhiku (S)
- Johnny Svedin (SD)
- Aida Birinxhiku (S)
- Johnny Svedin (SD)
- Louise Eklund (L)
- Lorena Delgado Varas (V)
- Elisabeth Thand Ringqvist (C)
- Nils Seye Larsen (MP)
Ann-Charlotte Hammar Johnsson (M)
Madam Speaker! Trade policy is on the agenda. This is a motion report.
Trade has historically been one of the most important engines for Sweden's development and prosperity. It has created jobs, growth, and innovation, but also bonds of friendship between countries, which in turn has contributed to peace and stability. In a time of global unrest, with war in our neighborhood and growing protectionist trends, it is more important than ever to stand firm on the principles of free trade and openness.
Since Sweden became a member of the European Union in 1995, our economy has developed strongly. Over 60 percent of our foreign trade today takes place with other EU countries. The EU's internal market has made it possible for Swedish companies to grow, export, and compete internationally.
During 2023, Sweden exported goods worth over 1,150 billion kronor to other EU countries. It is important that we remind ourselves of this. Despite a faltering global demand, Swedish export companies have shown great resilience and maintained an export share of 1 percent of the global market. This is no coincidence but a result of a purposeful policy where we Moderates have been leading. We have consistently worked to strengthen the internal market and remove trade barriers.
Being a part of the EU means that we have access to a market with over 400 million consumers. Our companies are spared tariffs, unnecessary trade barriers, and bureaucratic red tape when they export goods and services to other member countries. This gives us strength and stability but also influence. But of course, there is more to demand.
In a time when protectionist winds are blowing ever stronger globally, we cannot take these successes for granted. Therefore, it is important that we have a government that actively pushes to strengthen the EU's competitiveness and negotiates new free trade agreements. An economically strong Europe is not only good for our welfare – it is a prerequisite for our security and stability in an increasingly restless world.
In a world where different and often self-contradictory messages have been issued from the USA, the government has worked to promote free trade together with the EU. This has led to concluded negotiations on a long-awaited trade agreement with the Mercosur countries, namely Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay. A modernized agreement has also been reached with Mexico. These agreements open new markets for Swedish companies and create new opportunities for exports and investments together with these countries.
In a time when the US trade strategy seems to change daily and global trade barriers risk increasing, it is crucial that we continue to work with bilateral agreements. The Moderate-led government sees the importance of securing more free trade agreements. One such agreement is a free trade agreement between the EU and India, which is a central actor in the global economic landscape and a key player.
It is also good that we deepen our cooperation with Japan, an important trading partner and ally. Sweden is participating in the World Expo in Osaka 2025, and this provides a platform for Swedish companies, who get a unique opportunity to showcase their innovations and strengthen their competitiveness in Asia.
One of the government's most important priorities is to strengthen Sweden's international presence. Our embassies and consulates are not just diplomatic symbols; they are tools to promote Swedish interests, support our companies, and create collaborations.
A new consulate general has been opened in Houston, Texas – one of the USA's most dynamic growth regions, with strong connections to energy, defense, IT and life science.
Since 1 January 2024, there has also been a Swedish consulate general in San Francisco, the heart of the world's fifth largest economy. The state has long constituted a hub for technological innovation, green transition, research and industrial development, the IT industry, AI, and more.
There is also an establishment of centers for cultural and creative industries such as video games, fashion, film, design and music. The Swedish interests in the state are large and growing. At present, there are over 100 Swedish companies represented, which together create more than 44,000 jobs in California.
Madam Speaker! By upgrading the consulate general in Brussels to an embassy, we underscore Belgium's importance as a key partner in the EU. The opening of an embassy in Senegal strengthens our presence in French-speaking West Africa, a region with growing economic potential.
Sweden is actively working within the World Trade Organization, WTO, to promote rule-based global trade and resolve trade conflicts, but in a time of increased protectionism and global uncertainties, it is also important that we work in parallel with bilateral trade agreements. It gives us more legs to stand on and secures Swedish companies' opportunities to reach new markets.
In order for Sweden and Europe to remain competitive, smart regulations are required, not more obstacles. Therefore, the Moderate-led government has introduced an implementation council that shall ensure that EU rules are not over-implemented in the country – that is what we call gold-plating – so that Swedish companies receive a greater workload than their competitors. They shall not have that.
A simplification council has also been established, which has just started, where experts will continuously work out proposals to reduce the bureaucracy that burdens Swedish companies. This is particularly important for our small and medium-sized enterprises, which we call SMEs, which often lack the resources to handle complex regulatory frameworks. These companies are the backbone of our economy, and their everyday lives are made more difficult when new rules are added to already existing rules and the bureaucracy grows uncontrollably.
Our position, Madam Speaker, is that regulations should be predictable and as simple as possible. That is the goal.
Aid and trade are two sides of the same coin. Swedish aid plays an important role in improving living conditions, but we also see an opportunity to create synergies between aid and trade. When countries can engage in trade, it creates income and opportunities for own businesses that generate development.
A clear example is the green transition, where Swedish companies are at the forefront with innovative climate solutions. We have also ensured to reform the aid agenda and strengthen Business Sweden's presence in low- and middle-income countries, precisely to create these synergies between aid and trade.
Sweden will hold the presidency of the Green Climate Fund in 2025. This will give us an opportunity to streamline international climate aid and simultaneously promote Swedish companies' climate-smart solutions globally. This is a concrete example of how we use our international engagement to both strengthen Swedish competitiveness and contribute to a better world.
With that, Madam Speaker, I would like to vote in favor of the committee's proposal.
Aida Birinxhiku (S)
Madam Speaker! Thanks to the member for the speech!
We are currently in a very uncertain time. This applies to the highest degree also in the area of trade policy. In recent times, this has manifested in the form of threats of tariffs on steel and aluminum, which risk hitting Swedish exports and the Swedish economy hard.
The Moderate Minister for Foreign Trade has stated that preparations are underway within the EU and that various tools may become relevant, albeit without specifying what type of tools they might be. But of course, it is not enough to only talk about what measures the EU should take. Sweden must also have its own toolbox to protect Swedish jobs and Swedish competitiveness in these uncertain times. I believe the member can agree that there is a great deal of concern among Swedish households and companies regarding what is happening in the world right now.
We Social Democrats have demanded that the government act promptly to secure Swedish jobs, among other things by reforming the support for short-term work. There are ready proposals on the government's table, which are welcomed by both unions and employers and which this government can move forward with.
My question to the member is: Why are the Moderaterna not implementing these proposals? What is the Moderaterna's and the government's plan to secure Swedish jobs and Swedish competitiveness in light of the uncertain trade policy times that we find ourselves in right now?
Ann-Charlotte Hammar Johnsson (M)
Madam Speaker! Thank you, Aida Birinxhiku, for the question!
It varies very much from day to day. It is clear that a government sits with a panel of different thoughts on how to move forward in different situations regarding where this will land. We see that a country with which we have very many trade connections, that is to say the USA, on a daily basis makes different statements that one must contend with.
A proposal from the government will be presented, when that day comes, regarding exactly what will happen.
With that said, one makes these bilateral agreements. Sweden is therefore not standing still, but rather one acquires different legs to stand on so that one is not dependent on a single path forward. That is what is important for Sweden. That is how Sweden has worked all the time and will continue to work.
Aida Birinxhiku (S)
Madam Speaker! Thank you to the Member for the answer! I note, however, that I did not receive any answer regarding how the Moderates and the government will proceed with the proposals on the reformed support for short-term work or whether it will be possible to do this at all.
It is clear that this is very important in order to be able to secure Swedish jobs and Swedish competitiveness in the uncertain times we find ourselves in. This was a system that we put in place during the pandemic and which resulted in that tens of thousands of Swedish jobs could be saved, despite the prevailing economic situation.
Madam Speaker! I must also say, now that I have this exchange of remarks with the member, that more bilateral agreements are welcome and that efforts are being made for the EU to enter into more free trade agreements. But at the same time, we must think about how we strengthen our own industry's competitiveness. There is a lot of talk about competitiveness but little workshop.
Much is said about regulatory simplification, that one should simplify and make it easier for companies to do the right thing. But in practice, it always leads to that instead one delays and weakens the transition that is absolutely crucial for Sweden's trade and for securing Swedish jobs and Swedish competitiveness.
I would say that it is a greater threat than the Trump administration's tariffs that we have emission searches, a record-high unemployment, bankruptcies skyrocketing, and a jerkiness in our appropriations for research and innovation. I think that the government should focus on that instead of attacking a social democratic trade policy that has served Sweden well and focus on changing the goal formulation.
We have great challenges in Sweden that this government needs to move forward with. If we are to move forward with just securing Swedish jobs, I believe it is about a proposal that we have presented: that one actually reforms and gets in place better support for short-term work.
Ann-Charlotte Hammar Johnsson (M)
Madam Speaker! We can begin with this, with the uncertain world in which we live.
If you have different messages on different days in a world that is changing, perhaps not so quickly in activity but in rhetoric, you also need to take a stand on this.
I do not share the member's idea that Sweden should be tightened in any way. That is what the Social Democrats have pushed: that one should do so much at home that one suffocates and tightens one's own business life. These are proposals that make it so that one should go ahead. One should do things and matters that make it so bureaucratic and rule-based that it becomes difficult for the small and medium-sized companies that you say you protect to move forward.
That is why I am very grateful that we have a bourgeois government that is currently at the helm and steering in these restless times. What has been said is exactly what one says to others: Sweden first – anything else is unacceptable.
Here, it is a matter of getting the business community on board and making smart proposals that allow us to move forward. Competitiveness will be a word that accompanies us all the way. That is what we work with in the EU. That is what we work with when it comes to the trade agreements there. We are pushing to maintain free trade in a very unstable world. We are working so that the WTO can maintain its work and continue. To hold on and endure is important.
We agree on trade policy. I hope that the Social Democrats stand firm on this with free trade, competition, and a rules-based world.
Aida Birinxhiku (S)
Madam Speaker! We find ourselves in a restless, uncertain and insecure time. This applies, as said, to the highest degree also in the area of trade policy.
We find ourselves in a rapidly changing world where protectionist forces are growing, geopolitical tensions are increasing, and global competition is hardening. This places increased demands on our trade policy.
But to move forward, we must begin by looking backward. We must understand that trade, innovation, and a strong welfare society have constituted the cornerstones of Sweden's prosperity and have been the key to Sweden moving from being one of Europe's poorest countries to one of the world's most prosperous economies.
Therefore, we must continue to stand up for the openness and free trade that our prosperity and our welfare depend on. We must also continue to stand up for a fair trade policy, which means that the benefits of trade can come to everyone. It is a prerequisite for maintaining trust in free trade, especially in times of increased protectionism.
Therefore, I can only regret that the government, in a time when this is more important than it has been in a long time, chooses to abandon that goal.
Madam Speaker! When we look back, we understand why Sweden must stand up for free, sustainable and fair trade. Hopefully, it will help us move forward in a rapidly changing world.
In worrying times, we in Sweden and the EU need to be able to protect strategic interests and strengthen our trade. To do this, the Swedish starting point should be that international trade and international cooperation also contribute to increased resilience.
When global competition intensifies, new demands are placed on our trade policy. We need to become better at both strengthening existing Swedish areas of strength and positioning Sweden as a leading partner in the areas that drive future prosperity. We simply need to become better at taking advantage of our strengths, not least in the form of an attractive innovation system, a sustainable business sector, and a unique ability to collaborate between politics, academia, the business sector, and trade unions.
With the right policy, Sweden can take a leading position in the green and digital transition that is now being carried out and thereby ensure that the jobs, investments, and prosperity of the future end up in Sweden.
The biggest threat to this right now is not the Trump administration's tariffs. Instead, it is about that Sweden has moved from being an example in the climate transition to now being unique in the EU by combining record-low growth with record-high emission increases. It is about the fact that we have record-high unemployment, bankruptcies that are skyrocketing, a declining investment rate, and a volatility in the appropriations for research and innovation.
This is currently the greatest threat to Sweden's investments, jobs, and growth.
Madam Speaker! Our trade policy must reflect the future that we want to build, not the uncertainty that the government's passivity has created. To do this, we Social Democrats have formulated five objectives for Swedish trade policy.
Firstly, Sweden's trade must increase and our economic relations must be strengthened. We need to increase Swedish exports, which account for almost half of our GDP and upon which our prosperity is therefore dependent. Swedish imports are also crucial to secure the supply of important input goods and lower prices for consumers and companies.
The basic conditions for this are established through the EU. The EU's internal market is not only Sweden's home market but also the world's largest borderless economic cooperation. Therefore, Sweden must be a clear voice for the internal market to be deepened, developed, and adapted to new conditions.
Equally important is that the EU continues to pursue an open trade and investment policy towards the rest of the world. Critical dependencies should generally be managed through the diversification of value chains and more deepened partnerships in order to limit the negative effects for the internal market as much as possible.
A central part of this is precisely that the EU is entering into new free trade agreements. The importance of building open and resilient trade connections in our uncertain world cannot be overstated. Therefore, I would like to, Madam Speaker, move for the approval of our reservation 7, which concerns precisely this.
Sweden also needs to be a voice for the EU to complement free trade agreements with other types of agreements and trade cooperation, particularly in the growth markets and within strategically important sectors.
Even countries within the WTO that wish to go further in specific areas shall be able to do so in order to modernize the rules that are important for Swedish companies, for example the global e-commerce rules.
The multilateral trading system with the WTO as its basis is being challenged in several ways today and needs to be modernized and strengthened, primarily by re-establishing a functioning dispute settlement system.
I also want to particularly emphasize that the EU must stand united in its support for Ukraine. This also applies to the trade area. Sweden must be a clear voice to strengthen trade with Ukraine and stop the circumvention of the sanctions against Russia. The Swedish government needs to do much more to ensure national sanction compliance, which we Social Democrats have presented several concrete proposals on previously.
Madam Speaker! Secondly, we want Swedish companies to increase their exports and reach new markets. State export promotion is crucial for Sweden to be able to increase its presence in the fast-growing markets outside the EU, facilitate market access, reduce risks, and promote long-term partnerships.
For small and medium-sized enterprises, the regional export promotion, which the previous, Social Democratic-led government took the initiative for, has been of particularly great importance. The investment in regional export centers and export cooperation must be developed to create more jobs and growth throughout the country so that all of Sweden can grow and export.
For the third, Sweden shall be a strong voice for free, sustainable and fair trade, which we believe should be the parliamentary mandate for trade policy.
Sweden has a long tradition of conducting a successful policy where trade, development cooperation and a strong protection of workers' rights as well as high climate ambitions go hand in hand.
In practice, it is about several things. It is about promoting social dialogue and good working conditions and developing the global partnership Global Deal. It is also about the implementation of Agenda 2030 and the Paris Agreement, removing trade barriers for climate-smart solutions and increasing the Swedish export's contribution to global climate benefit. It is about politics that build equal and competitive societies.
There is, as has been said, no reason to deviate from the trade policy that has served Sweden well.
Madam Speaker! For the fourth, we must use Sweden's leadership in innovation to strengthen our trade. This requires, among other things, outstanding research and innovation environments, more international collaborations, and a holistic approach to increase the commercialization and export of Swedish innovations.
Madam Speaker! Finally, and for the fifth time, we must use Sweden's leadership in innovation to also attract international investments, top-tier expertise, and visitors.
An open investment climate means not only new jobs but also new markets, skills, and capital. At the same time, it is important that we have a well-functioning system for screening foreign direct investments in protected areas.
Madam Speaker! With these objectives, we can pursue a trade policy where Sweden's trade grows and benefits everyone, where we tackle the challenges in the world through free, sustainable and fair trade, and where we strengthen our welfare, create more jobs across the country and invest in that which builds our country stronger for generations to come. That is how we build a fairer and wealthier Sweden.
Lili André (KD)
Madam Speaker! As a member of the Christian Democrats, a party that is part of the government, I would like to begin by moving for approval of the committee's proposal and rejection of all motions.
In a time of increasing protectionism and uncertainty in world trade, Sweden must continue to be a strong advocate for free trade, innovation, and competitiveness. Trade policy is not solely about economics today; it is a central part of our security, stability, and global position.
For us Christian Democrats and for the government, the EU is our most important trading platform and a decisive actor in the global economy. Through the EU, we negotiate trade agreements with strategic partners, which create better conditions for Swedish companies. These agreements provide mutual access to, among other things, markets, reduced tariffs, and sustainable development.
To ensure Sweden's and Europe's long-term prosperity, the government works for a trade policy based on openness, innovation, and strategic partnerships. Sweden therefore actively works to strengthen the EU's role as a global trade partner and ensure that European companies have the best possible conditions to grow internationally.
In addition to the EU, the World Trade Organization, WTO, plays a central role in ensuring a rules-based and predictable global trade. But the WTO faces major challenges today, and Sweden is therefore actively working to modernize the WTO so that the organization can handle new trade areas such as digital trade and sustainable value chains. We will continue to be a driving force within the EU to strengthen and reform the WTO so that we can ensure sustainable and stable trade conditions globally.
Madam Speaker! The EU's internal market is one of our greatest assets. Free movement of goods, services, capital, and people creates growth and jobs. Studies show that the EU's GDP is 9 percent larger thanks to the internal market and that up to 56 million jobs are dependent on it.
The government therefore appears to be purposefully committed to strengthening and streamlining the internal market. It is crucial for Europe's long-term competitiveness to counter fragmentation and remove regulatory red tape, inefficient governance, and barriers to labor market mobility.
In order for our Swedish companies to be able to compete internationally, they must have access to the right support and resources.
Madam Speaker! Sweden has a new foreign trade strategy – the strategy for Sweden's foreign trade, investments, and global competitiveness. The strategy contains overarching goals as well as a number of sub-goals that will be followed up during the coming years. Here, the international business of our small and medium-sized enterprises plays a major role.
What is worth highlighting from the strategy is that we are now making it easier for small and medium-sized enterprises to access information about the business opportunities that the EU's free trade agreements offer. By creating a clear and unified entry point for advice, financing, and support, we are creating better conditions for their internationalization.
Industry expertise should be utilized within Team Sweden's advocacy work to strengthen support for companies, with a particular focus on service companies and digital operations. Stronger protection for intellectual property rights is also crucial for Swedish competitiveness.
Madam Speaker! With significant societal challenges, intensifying global competition, and rapid technological development, the government and we Christian Democrats have finally landed on the fact that we shall take a strategic and unified grip on the area of intellectual property rights at national and international levels. It is with pleasure that I can highlight today that the government is now commencing the work of developing a direction for intellectual property rights.
Madam Speaker! Sweden has unique expertise in digitalization, green transition, and climate-adapted solutions – areas where our companies can contribute to both economic growth and sustainable development globally. To maximize the opportunities, state export promotion must be business-oriented, demand-driven, and long-term, with the companies' needs at the center.
To attract strategic investments such as sustainable energy, new industrialization, and digital innovation, a deepened cooperation between authorities and actors within Team Sweden is required. Among others, Invest Sweden, Business Sweden, and other relevant organizations have an important role to play in this work.
Madam Speaker! It feels secure that Sweden is a country that advocates for and purposefully works for free trade, innovation, and competitiveness. Our economy is dependent on an open trade policy where Sweden's companies are given the conditions to grow internationally and where the companies' needs are central in the development forward.
With this, I would like to once again move for approval of the committee's proposal and rejection of all motions.
Johnny Svedin (SD)
Madam Speaker! I want to begin by stating that I stand behind all of the Sweden Democrats' reservations in the Committee on Industry's report 13, but for the sake of simplicity, I move for approval of only reservation 9.
Madam Speaker! This week I attended the European Parliament Week in Brussels, where I, among other things, listened to Professor Mario Draghi, who wrote the report on the future of European competitiveness. There, simplified bureaucracy and regulatory frameworks are, among other things, discussed as important measures to strengthen the EU's competitiveness, something that we Sverigedemokrater have long pointed out is important.
Draghi expressed with great clarity that Europe's leaders cannot wait to implement these measures and urged promptness.
With this said: Sweden's prosperity and future growth are strongly dependent on an open, free and rules-based trade policy. We live in a time when global value chains are constantly changing and when trade partners can represent both opportunities and challenges.
The Sweden Democrats see trade policy as one of the most important tools for strengthening Swedish competitiveness, creating new jobs and promoting innovation.
Our trade policy rests on three pillars: free trade, fair competition and strategic partnerships. We are fundamentally positive towards free trade.
Trade in goods and services reduces protectionism, increases the exchange of ideas and knowledge, and contributes to economic growth.
Through membership in the EU, we have access to the internal market, which is an advantage for Swedish companies and export industries. But we must also be vigilant against anti-trade tendencies within the EU, where excessive regulation risks stifling companies' competitiveness.
We want Sweden to work for more free trade agreements with strategic partner countries.
When it comes to trade relations with the USA, we need – even if the USA administration is to introduce tariffs that affect the Swedish steel industry – to continue working for a deepened cooperation through a fundamental trade agreement where we remove both tariff and non-tariff trade barriers.
A free trade agreement between the EU and Taiwan is also a priority. It would strengthen Sweden's role within high-tech sectors.
Madam Speaker! We in the Sweden Democrats oppose distorted competition and market support. Today we see how economically powerful nations such as China and the USA drive protectionist agendas where state subsidies favor domestic companies at the expense of fair global trade.
We consider it important to review and potentially limit direct investments from regimes that do not share our democratic values – particularly China, Iran, and Russia. This review is crucial to ensure that the investments do not threaten our national security interests and undermine our principles of human rights and the rule of law.
We want the government to strengthen the WTO's relationship with the business community and work to ensure that China is not given unfair advantages within the WTO system.
We also believe that Sweden's companies must receive better support to compete globally. A competition review is needed where we examine obstacles for Swedish companies both in the internal market and internationally. Therefore, we would welcome an export and industry promotion program for the tech sector, which we believe will strengthen our position within the industries of the future, with, for example, strengthened protection for intellectual property rights, simplified bureaucracy, and regulations.
Madam Speaker! Free trade must never occur at the expense of Swedish industry. We must always prioritize real growth for the Swedish economy when we enter into trade agreements. This includes countering non-tariff trade barriers in trade agreements, especially with advanced economies where tariff levels are already low. We shall strengthen Swedish export opportunities by prioritizing products high up in the value chain.
Madam Speaker! In conclusion, I want to say that the Sweden Democrats stand for a trade policy based on growth, competitiveness, and strategic wisdom. Sweden must not be naive. Sweden shall be a strong voice for free trade, but never at the expense of our own economic interests. We want to see more free trade agreements, strengthened export policy, and a sharper strategy against unfair competitive conditions.
Sweden, as an exporting country, has good conditions to succeed both within the union and outside the EU's internal market.
Aida Birinxhiku (S)
Madam Speaker! Thank you, the member, for the speech!
Since I did not receive an answer in a previous exchange, I would like to also direct this question to the Sweden Democrats, who, after all, are the largest party in the government support.
As I mentioned earlier, we Social Democrats have demanded that the government act promptly to secure Swedish jobs and Swedish competitiveness in this uncertain global situation, among other things by reforming the support for short-term work. It was a system that we put in place during the pandemic and which meant that tens of thousands of Swedish jobs could be saved. Now it needs to be improved and put in place. There are already finished proposals on the government's table that are welcomed by both unions and employers.
My question to the member is whether the Sweden Democrats have demanded that these proposals be implemented. What type of measures have the Sweden Democrats demanded that the government take to secure Swedish jobs when our exports face major challenges and trade policy uncertainties, not least in the form of threats of tariffs?
Johnny Svedin (SD)
Madam Speaker! Thank you, Member, for the questions!
When it comes to the short-term support for the labor market, I cannot answer that. It is not within my area of responsibility. I have no information on it. I therefore request to be allowed to get back to you.
When it comes, however, to favoring our work in Sweden, it is partly about simplifying regulations. I think we do that by influencing the government, for example when we review regulatory letters to agencies to make it easier for companies to obtain permits for various things and when it comes to the industry. That is one way to handle it.
I think the government has done a good job. They introduced the Implementation Council and the Simplification Council, which will also make things easier for the companies. Through that, they might be able to get better profits and hire people.
Aida Birinxhiku (S)
Madam Speaker! The Member or one of the Member's colleagues in the Sweden Democrats are welcome to return to how they view the proposal to reform the support for short-term work. But I find it difficult to draw any other conclusion than that there does not seem to be any plan from either the government or the largest party in the government coalition for how to secure Swedish jobs in this uncertain situation. It does not directly alleviate the palpable anxiety that currently exists among many Swedish households and companies.
It is positive that one wants to make it easier for companies to do the right thing. But I go back to the Swedish jobs and the Swedish workers. What message do the Sverigedemokraterna, as the largest party in the government base, have to the government in those issues? What demands for concrete measures are being driven towards the government? Are there no concrete measures that need to be put in place, according to Sverigedemokraterna, to secure Swedish jobs in light of the trade policy challenges we face?
Johnny Svedin (SD)
Madam Speaker! Thank you again, the member, for the questions!
It is clear that we have our views ready on how we want Sweden to stand strong in international and also European competition. We still think, for example, that the part regarding bringing in qualified labor needs to be developed. It is not quite fully investigated when it comes to permits and faster processes for bringing in qualified labor.
We have been very active there and are pleased that a process is at least underway. It will certainly be possible to grant permits much faster for the qualified labor immigration that we need in Sweden and do not quite have today. For that reason, I feel no concern.
From a business perspective, we need, just as I said in my speech, to increase trade by simplifying regulations. We also need to consider a bit how far we should push the environmental requirement, in order to make it easier for companies to be competitive not only within the EU but also outside the EU.
It is a question that our party is happy to drive and review. It must not be burdensome, but rather it should facilitate things for the companies. The green transition, for example, is in some ways positive, but it cannot be positive when it becomes too heavy for the companies to drive. One must also give the companies a chance to breathe in this context.
Louise Eklund (L)
Madam Speaker! As my Moderate colleague began by saying, it is in times like these that we, friends of free trade, need to stand up for rule-based and open trade. Precisely to strengthen the growth and resilience of our Swedish economy during these turbulent times, it is more international trade and more cooperation with the rest of the world that we need. For me as a Liberal, it is completely self-evident to emphasize the importance of free trade not only for our prosperity but also for a stable world order and for free individuals.
We see, as has been emphasized here several times earlier, that protectionism is increasing and that voices are being raised for Europe to also become increasingly independent of the rest of the world. I believe that it is a dangerous path to take. It is correct that we and our European neighbors need to break the dependence on China and Russia, but we must at the same time stand up for a Europe that is open to the rest of the world, which is open to global free trade and which stands up for the rules-based international trading order. This also applies in times of global unrest and when trade policy is used more and more as realpolitik.
Madam Speaker! I was so pleased when my Social Democratic colleague highlighted the historical perspective. As a historian, I become very excited. I have myself looked in the rearview mirror to be able to assess where trade policy has led Sweden. Between 1870 and 1970, Sweden's standard of living per capita increased nearly tenfold. This rapid increase in growth brought with it enormous opportunities to improve the general welfare and living conditions in the country as a whole. No other European country had the same development as we had in Sweden during this period.
A key factor in this was Sweden's early and strategic commitment to opening up for international trade. We adopted a free trade policy and pushed through structural reforms that strengthened property rights and promoted freedom of enterprise. With this, we created the conditions for increased specialization and increased efficiency in the Swedish economy – specialization, never self-sufficiency.
These reforms that were implemented laid the foundation for Sweden's economic upswing. We were a country struggling against poverty. Half of northern Sweden was starving. Half of southern Sweden, one tenth, emigrated. We were drained of labor and of young people. From that, Sweden developed to become one of the world's most successful and advanced economies. By increasingly integrating into global trade and then systematically investing in research and education, Sweden was able to increase its economic production and finance the welfare state that I believe we all here in the chamber have had the privilege of being a part of.
This can sometimes be good to remind oneself of. It is remarkable that both I as a liberal and my social democratic colleague highlight the same things, even if we perhaps emphasize different parts of it. Free trade has very few enemies. Everyone benefits from it.
Transparent and clear regulations, accessible markets, ambitious free trade agreements, effective trade promotion, and a well-functioning multilateral trading system are the conditions we need for Swedish companies to be able to continue to export, grow, and create jobs in Sweden. It is also the condition, as we can remind ourselves, for us to also be able to continue to have welfare in Sweden and have a stable world order and free individuals in general.
In conclusion, Madam Speaker, I would like to remind that the Eurozone countries are Sweden's most important trading partner. The euro is used today by 350 million Europeans. Unfortunately, we do not belong to them. The euro would simplify things for Swedish companies, strengthen Swedish competitiveness, and strengthen Swedish growth. It is no secret that the Liberals want Sweden to join the euro cooperation. I believe that it is the single most important measure we could take to further strengthen Swedish trade.
Lorena Delgado Varas (V)
Madam Speaker! Finally – trade policy! It is late in the evening, but it is an important issue. We from Vänsterpartiet are passionate about trade policy. How could we not be? As a country, we are dependent on trade. Trade has historically, as many have pointed out here in the speaker's chair, been the action that has bound us together.
Trade can of course be a tool to develop societies forward and contribute to the economy, but it can also be a tool that forces countries to overproduce to meet economic goals. Here in Sweden, we have a great responsibility as a European country, as a country that champions democracy, human rights, and environmental issues. In that, trade can be a fantastic tool.
When two parties have negotiations and the balance of power is skewed because one party has an entire union behind it, with somewhat stable economies, well-thought-out laws, relatively low corruption, and substantial economic and technological power, one can perhaps contribute to making that balance of power a bit fairer. We know that it is the best way to create sustainable trade relations. The worst thing we can do is to contribute to deepening or cementing injustices and economic and social differences. This applies both here and globally. But unfortunately, that is what we do with our trade policy. We cement differences between countries and between continents.
The other day I spoke with people who have ties to the Mercosur countries. They asked why the Left Party is against the Mercosur agreement when the leaders of the Mercosur countries are for it. We are against it because it is a bad agreement. It is bad for both the Mercosur countries and for us here in Europe. The Mercosur agreement is not good for workers, neither here nor there. It lacks a mirror clause; agricultural production in the Mercosur countries does not need to have the same standards as the European. This means that production there can use pesticides, antibiotics, and hormones that are prohibited here. This will, of course, lead to a risk that we import harmful food. In the end, we undermine our own health. At that point, we have already participated in undermining the health and lives of workers and indigenous peoples in the Mercosur countries.
But what if we were to set higher requirements, so that we do not risk human lives or the environment! If, for example, a pesticide is banned in Europe due to risks to health and the environment, Vänsterpartiet argues that we perhaps should not export it or agree to its use in the production that we then import to Europe. And why should the animals on the other side of the world not have the same animal welfare as the animals here in Europe? By setting higher requirements, we can drive development and prosperity forward, not only here but also in other countries.
The Mercosur agreement is made to benefit a few economically, but for many it will not lead to improvement but rather to a worsening of living conditions. Transnational companies will continue to exploit. This agreement is devastating for small-scale farmers, both here and in the Mercosur countries. The agreement is favorable for large corporations that practice monocultures and large-scale production, not for companies that work with sustainable agricultural methods. This is achieved by increasing the volume of various products that can be imported to Europe through favorable tariffs, but the consequences are not taken into account. What will be the consequences of Brazil significantly increasing the volumes in soy and meat production? Well, larger areas of land go to that production, and more rainforests in the Amazon are threatened. With that, the conflicts between companies, indigenous peoples, and environmental activists also increase. Indigenous leaders have been murdered because of the large corporations' economic interests; it is happening even today.
The large volumes that are imported make it difficult for European farmers. They lose the opportunity to receive reasonable payment for their production. In itself, the EU has put forward a compensation fund, a guarantee fund, for the farmers who are affected by this. But is this really how we are to work? European farmers want dignity. They want reasonable pay for their products, which they produce according to our high standards and with sustainable farming methods. They do not want compensation. Should we not have a system that strengthens our farmers?
These agreements therefore contain very little that will actually provide a better standard of living for people in the Mercosur countries or in Europe. What they do instead is secure the profits of large corporations. They also maintain the power imbalance between countries in all that it entails.
We from Vänsterpartiet would like to see a trade policy that becomes the spearhead for improving the lives of people, animals, and the environment on both sides regulated by the agreement and that accelerates the transition by setting proper requirements and strengthening democracy building all around the world. It is time to modernize the trade policy and pave the way for the Swedish companies that are at the forefront of it.
In the chapter on human rights and trade policy, I argue that the hypocrisy must stop. We cannot continue to favor countries that commit crimes against humanity because our economic and ideological interests carry more weight.
We have said it regarding Russia and China, and we say it also regarding Israel. Because some parties have been irresponsible over time, we have Swedish companies operating in countries where crimes were committed, and we support these countries' actions directly and indirectly. With that, we also contribute to these countries' power in an imperialist context.
Now that Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians, we stand with a generous trade agreement with Israel that strengthens their economy. But we still do not hear a single word from the Swedish government about terminating the trade.
There must be reasonable purposes for trade between countries, and it cannot solely be economic interests. To persist in having relations with a country that has murdered over 18,000 children, which creates famine by blocking aid efforts and which murders everyone from healthcare workers to journalists is not sound.
We must use trade policy to stop genocide. Just as one stops trade with Russia, we must stop trade with Israel. What the government does by not wanting to stop the trade agreement with Israel is to contribute to Swedish companies being complicit in the genocide.
I have previously highlighted an example. It is quite sad to see Volvo's vehicles being used to demolish Palestinians' homes.
Let us contribute to a fair trade 2.0. It is a trade that strengthens countries, human rights, the environment and climate, and that strengthens the companies that drive development forward so that we can achieve our climate and environmental goals. That is how we support these companies. That is how we create competitiveness, innovation, and transition for them.
Elisabeth Thand Ringqvist (C)
Madam Speaker! I would like to begin by moving for approval of reservation 6 under point 2.
Trade policy is a political area that has moved from living in the cupboard under the stairs to sitting at the head table. Those of us who have worked with these issues for a long time know that it is the very track upon which international trade runs.
Right now, it is not autumn leaves and sunbeams on those tracks. No, now we have a trading partner who is taking hold of the switches and completely changing course. We do not know if it is temporary or if we are heading far out into the unknown.
The USA is Sweden's largest trading partner outside the EU. When it comes to goods exports, the USA is the third largest country after Norway and Germany. Service exports have grown enormously and are almost on par with goods exports. This concerns consultancy services but also intellectual property rights from our Swedish unicorns such as Spotify and Mojang.
Madam Speaker! Sweden, the EU and the USA have much in common. One very important thing is that we, as elected representatives, want to do as well as possible for our own inhabitants. That distinguishes us from dictatorships where power is maintained by oppressing one's own people. It is also in our democracies' interest to make the world safer, even if we currently have very different views on how it is best achieved.
Since the US Vice President was recently in Europe and chose to deliver a speech directly to us, I think I will simply use the same method. But we are in the Swedish Riksdag, so I speak through the Speaker and stick to Swedish. The last part will be handled by AI.
Madam Speaker! Vice President Vance recently spoke in Munich about how the oppression during the Soviet era stifled freedom of speech and made it impossible to tell the truth. The Vice President pointed out how the Soviet system led to stagnation, inefficiency, and a lack of innovation.
Here, one can actually draw a parallel to trade issues. Protectionism, especially in its most extreme form, creates similar problems. When countries turn inward, when they isolate themselves from competition and new ideas, they lose the ability to develop.
The Soviet Union could never compete economically with the West, because their system was built on control and coercion and not on freedom and competition. We saw it in the planned economy of that time. We see it today when protectionism leads to more expensive products, less innovation, and weaker economies. Free trade is the opposite of the Soviet model. It is built on freedom, on choices, and on letting the best idea win.
I know how the country stands. I see and hear the same frustration all around Sweden as the vice president does in the USA. When globalization closes factories and jobs move outside the country's borders, it first becomes quiet, and then the anger comes.
I hear business owners who do not understand why laws become incomprehensible when they come from Brussels. But free trade is not about giving power to bureaucrats in Brussels, Geneva, and Washington. It is about giving power to entrepreneurs, workers, and consumers. It is about giving people the freedom to choose the best, regardless of where it comes from.
It has been difficult to avoid that the current administration wants the USA to be strong. Does the USA want to continue to be a world leader in innovation? Should American workers still have a future? Should the USA still be the country where entrepreneurs want to build companies? Then the answer is not walls and tariffs. The answer is more trade, smarter trade and freer trade.
The USA was built by pioneers and risk-takers, primarily from Europe. They understood that the future belongs to those who step on the gas and not those who put it in reverse. We must hold fast to that very spirit.
I want Sweden to take the lead in the EU to strengthen the transatlantic economic relationship, reduce barriers and simplify trade so that the EU and the USA can continue to be a global engine for innovation and growth together.
We would, with good will, and perhaps with some methods from the startup world, be able to remove unnecessary regulations and all tariffs between our countries. The tariffs – except for those that are now proposed on steel and aluminum – are quite low. But they are large in volume, and they create an enormous amount of extra work for both large and small companies.
Removing the tariffs between the EU and the USA would strengthen both of our economies. American farmers would, of course, get better access to the European market. European companies could invest and sell more in the USA, and we would create more jobs on both sides of the Atlantic. We could also implement a digital trade agreement so that we can cooperate where the future is.
I know that the EU has made it unnecessarily complicated to share data. The new regulations are perceived as legally secure. Smaller tech companies from the USA ignore Europe as a market. It is too complicated.
If we create a digital trade agreement between the EU, USA, and the UK, we can together become the global standard for the trade of the future. We can lead in AI, cybersecurity, and cloud services instead of letting other countries dictate our terms.
Finally: I understand the frustration over the WTO's inability to handle countries like China and India in a fair way. But leaving the WTO would make trade even more unpredictable, and all large corporations know that.
Instead, we should radically reform the WTO and create a WTO 2.0 where democracies join forces to set new standards for global trade and stop counting China as a developing country.
I am convinced that we have the best interests of our fellow citizens and voters in mind both in the short and long term. With some unconventional tools, we can achieve more together. Thank you for your attention!
Nils Seye Larsen (MP)
Madam Speaker! It is happening again! This is the second week in a row that I have the honor of giving the final speech of the evening. I am, of course, glad that there are still brave listeners left in the chamber.
Sweden is a small, open economy and a democracy that is dependent on international trade and on our global environment. Precisely for that reason, I want to begin by speaking about the extremely serious situation we find ourselves in, which is developing and worsening day by day. Europe is gathering in crisis meetings and emergency meetings to try to manage the rapidly changing global environment we are in.
It is a situation that threatens our democracies with direct and open influence and pressure from the USA's new political leadership. It is a serious situation for our security and our peace work, which is now being affected as the large countries – the former global superpowers – have chosen to sit down together and negotiate without Europe's participation. The American leadership has now chosen to rely on the totalitarian regime that initiated the illegal and heinous war in Ukraine.
This also threatens our international trade relations. We need to rethink, and it is a harsh awakening. I am thinking, for example, of Alexander Stubb, who in an interview spoke about how we in Europe may have been a bit naive for a bit too long. He mentioned the three dependencies: We have been dependent on Russian energy for far too long, we have been economically dependent on China, and we have been security-dependent on the USA. It is time for Europe to wake up and find its way forward. And I am firmly convinced that we will find a way forward – even if it takes time – because Europe is a collection of open, free democracies and sovereign states, small as well as large.
Europe has built and created both prosperity and peace through its history of trade between countries. I hope that the EU has the ability to contribute to peace and security globally by us being able to work more independently with trade agreements and relations with our surrounding world.
I can note from the motions that exist and the motions that have been submitted that the Sweden Democrats have over time made a successive change of position both when it comes to international trade, which one now suddenly speaks quite warmly about, and when it comes to the EU and its open market, which one suddenly seems to think is good.
I naturally welcome this, while at the same time I expect a clarification from the Sweden Democrats specifically on where one stands when one has previously had such good relations with the political leadership in the USA, which now so obviously threatens Europe both in terms of peace and security, but also commercially.
We are also in a serious climate situation. We can state that the climate crisis is worsening and that what we are doing is by far too little. Here, Sweden could have continued on the path where we played a decisive role. We could have been an example in the climate transition. Through trade and by developing our industry and our business life with the combination of requirements and support and investments, Sweden could have been an example. We could have developed even more products that are in demand by our global community. We need to continue on that path.
The EU plays a decisive role here. I see in many of the committee texts how the majority in the committee reasons. They stand behind this and think that the EU should continue both with its demands regarding trade and environmental– and climate considerations and with the industrial premise and Fit for 55. I want to be clear that Fit for 55 is not a step in the right direction but a smaller step in the wrong direction. The situation is acute, and actually much more should be done.
It is positive that the majority in the committee texts stand behind that the EU in its bilateral trade agreements shall push for environmental and climate requirements and that we shall continue to work with the transition of our industry. But we also need to ensure that these majority parties stand firm on this in the EU and in the European Parliament, which has an important role both in the climate transition and in our trade agreements.
I still want to point out what I have heard so many times when people talk about how we are to increase Europe's competitiveness and Swedish competitiveness. We are to be able to work better, they say. There is a tendency to view Mario Draghi's report on competitiveness as an excuse for why we must simplify and reduce the requirements.
I want to be clear that I support the work of reducing bureaucracy. But to use a frequently recurring bourgeois expression: to set demands is to care. I stand by the fact that we need to continue to have a demand-setting in our industry. We need to have the combination of demand-setting, investments, and support, because innovation and industrial development are also what can drive our development forward. That is how Sweden has developed successfully, and that is how we shall continue.
It is also important there, precisely to secure the long-term nature of our transition in the specifications we have towards our industry, that we have the courage to push forward that type of requirement-setting in our bilateral agreements. We shall push for that EU has such a requirement-setting.
It is important that the EU continues to work in a long-term and purposeful manner. What we do not want is the Tidö government's short-term policy. It must not force our business sector into a short-term perspective, because then we will be in a bad position. We need long-term thinking, and we need to tackle the major challenges we face.
I believe in the EU and Sweden, and I believe that we have the opportunity to play an important role in the development of our trade relations and in setting demands towards other countries and other trading partners. So we can ensure that we continue to be leading and driving the necessary climate transition.
Madam Speaker! I move for approval of reservation 2 under point 1, and I also, of course, stand behind our other reservations.
The deliberation was hereby concluded.
Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.