The Commission's work programme 2023

Linnéa Wickman (S)

Madam Speaker! As we now in the Swedish Parliament are to debate the Committee on Foreign Affairs' report on the European Commission's work program for 2023, we do so in a time of crises. We have crisis and war in Europe with great human suffering, and inflation and high energy prices in its wake. We have a need for recovery after years of a pandemic that has also increased inequality. We also, of course, have the ongoing climate crisis.

The fear and the uncertainty regarding the future are greater than they have been in a long time, and it has become even clearer how events in our global environment affect our everyday lives. Rarely has it been so important that Sweden is an active voice in the world, and in that regard, the EU is our most important platform. The sum of our countries together is, in fact, far stronger than we are individually when it comes to meeting the great and interconnected challenges of our time.

It is in this time of crisis that we are to debate the European Commission's work programme, where the Commission sets out its political priorities for the coming year and the legislation that it intends to submit.

For Sweden's role in the EU, it is also a particularly significant year. In just a few weeks, Sweden's presidency in the EU will begin. I look forward to taking part in the government's priorities ahead of the presidency, which will be presented next week. I have very high expectations, and I believe the Swedish people also have, that Sweden will lead the way and be offensive in issues concerning climate and environment, the principles of the rule of law, and the social pillar. Our country will play a central role in helping to set the agenda in the Council of Ministers but also in ensuring that many important negotiations between the EU's member states reach their goals during 2023, not least in the area of climate and environment.

Madam Speaker! In my speech - which is my very first here in the Swedish Riksdag - I want to highlight and comment on the priorities in the work program that we Social Democrats see as particularly important for the EU work to focus on in the coming years.

The work program is, of course, dominated by managing the serious consequences that Russia's unjust and illegal invasion of Ukraine has had – primarily for Ukraine's hard-pressed population, but in the long run also for the people of Europe and for the entire world. It is positive that the commission emphasizes the importance of continued unity among the EU's member states and determination to meet the Russian aggression. Only by acting together in the European Union can we act sufficiently strongly.

It is a matter of destiny for the EU when a war rages in Europe. There should be no doubt that the political, economic and military support for Ukraine is strong and unanimous - in Sweden's Riksdag and throughout the EU.

In this context, I particularly want to point out the importance of Sweden, during its presidency, also paying attention to the situation in Belarus and the work for strengthened and sharper EU sanctions directed against the illegitimate regime there, which oppresses its people and directly assists Putin in the war. We must not forget Belarus in the shadow of the war in Ukraine.

Madam Speaker! The work program is largely based on the political guidelines presented by the President of the European Commission. One area is the European Green Deal and particularly the Fit for 55 package with legislation so that the EU can reach the goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55 percent by 2030. New initiatives that have been presented are, for example, to reform the electricity market by decoupling the price of gas from electricity prices and to develop a market in Europe for hydrogen by supporting investments in a European hydrogen bank.

The need for the former proposal hardly needs to be commented on. Russia's energy war against Europe demonstrates the need for electricity prices not to be directly affected by gas prices. But it also shows that the time must be over where we continue to be dependent on fossil energy from non-democratic countries. It is about our climate and the incredibly high electricity bills that are now affecting Swedish households, but it is also about – which we are now painfully experiencing – our resilience in crises.

That is why I am very positive about the initiative to strengthen the development of green hydrogen. I am particularly pleased by this because it is precisely in my home county of Gävleborg, in Hofors, where Sweden's largest facility for local production of hydrogen on an industrial scale is currently being built by Ovako and a number of other Swedish industrial companies. It is an important part of significantly reducing the industry's climate impact and strengthening green industrial jobs in Sweden and in all of Europe. Here, Sweden and the Swedish export-dependent companies are at the forefront. Sweden can, in the EU, work for both a strong climate leadership and for Swedish competitiveness.

Madam Speaker! Another area in the Commission's political guidelines is a new initiative on democracy in Europe. There, the importance of defending fundamental rights and common values is pointed out. In the work program, it is highlighted that a package of measures shall be presented to defend democracy through, for example, stronger protection against foreign influence and combating corruption, and that the Commission intends to act decisively against violations that undermine the EU's values and fundamental freedoms.

All of this is central to the EU's future. The EU started as a peace project and should be a union not only for the market and for trade but for the people. Democracy and human rights are in decline in many places, and the work to ensure that the EU's member states are rule-of-law compliant and democratic is crucial.

Next, I want to mention the Article 7 procedure against Hungary in connection with a member state seriously disregarding the Union's values. Large amounts are frozen while the country is being scrutinized. Here, we Social Democrats expect the right-conservative Swedish government, during the Swedish presidency of the EU, to maintain the pressure so that the process is completed. It cannot be that high demands and criteria are set for countries that want to become members of the Union, but that human freedoms and rights are allowed to be restricted once the countries are already inside the warmth. That is not how an EU intended for all citizens acts.

In conclusion, I would like to move for approval of the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

In this speech, Johan Büser, Tomas Eneroth and Matilda Ernkrans (all S) concurred.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Rasmus Giertz (SD)

Madam Speaker! The Commission has presented its work programme, in which the Commission's political priorities, actions and legislative initiatives for the coming year are set out. The Committee on Foreign Affairs has reviewed the programme and presents the review in its report.

The Commission's work programme for 2023 contains 43 new political initiatives based on the six overarching objectives in President Ursula von der Leyen's political priorities 2019-2024.

Madam Speaker! This year's work program is unique in more than one way. It is influenced by Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine but also by the skyrocketing inflation and the energy crisis. The work program also contains proposals from the conference on Europe's future. From a Swedish perspective, this work program, together with the previous one, is of particular interest, as the implementation of the work programs will largely affect the agenda for Sweden's presidency next year.

In the position regarding enabling the Council to adopt certain decisions within the common foreign and security policy by qualified majority instead of by unanimity regarding matters concerning sanctions and human rights, the committee refers to a Swedish orientation on the issue that received support during the consultation with the EU Committee on 16 September 2022. During this consultation, the representatives for Sverigedemokraterna registered a dissenting position with the meaning that Sverigedemokraterna opposes changes to the requirements for unanimity in the Council. This was the reason for Sverigedemokraterna's special statement.

Even though a qualified majority can facilitate decision-making, the fact that not all member states stand behind the decisions can also undermine their significance and cause problems in the implementation of, for example, sanctions. Such treaty amendments would also involve an additional transfer of power from Sweden to Brussels.

Madam Speaker! It is no news that the Sweden Democrats are the Riksdag's most EU-critical party. The Sweden Democrats have long championed the issue of a referendum on EU membership and the issue of renegotiating the Swedish terms for membership. Now the Sweden Democrats have, as is known, a more constructive stance towards the Swedish membership.

The Sweden Democrats believe in and embrace cooperation. However, it is not the same as wanting to transfer more power from Swedish elected politicians to the politicians and bureaucrats of other countries, whom we can neither elect nor remove. The starting point for European cooperation must be to solve problems and meet commitments, and for that, a strong conservative voice is required within the European Union.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Ann-Sofie Alm (M)

Madam Speaker! I vote in favor of the proposed decision in the committee's report.

The work program is characterized by what is described as a collision of crises, and Europe is truly in a dark time of crises. What is meant is, of course, Russia's brutal war of aggression against Ukraine but also the energy crisis, which is breaking down entrepreneurship and economic strength, as well as the threat to the principles of the rule of law. The program is named A Union standing firm and united. The name shows the will that Europe has to solve these crises in the only possible way: through unity and decisiveness.

"We have no electricity. We have no heat. But we have our freedom!" The words come from a worn and exhausted but happy Ukrainian who has just been liberated from the brutal Russians, who occupied his city without regard for human life or human rights. The heroes of freedom are standing in the trenches in Ukraine right now. Our Ukrainian sisters and brothers are trying to make life work while the air raid sirens sound and electricity is rationed. Ukraine's people are fighting for their lives. They are fighting for all our future and freedom. Ukraine's cause is ours.

Russia thought that Ukraine would be an easy prey. Russia thought that the aggressive invasion of Ukraine would split us in Europe and in the Western world. Russia was wrong. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has instead made us stand more united than ever.

The European Union was formed from the horrors of the Second World War to preserve peace. We managed it that time, and we will manage it now. The European journey must continue for the sake of peace, for the sake of freedom, and for the sake of the people of Ukraine.

Crises have shaped Europe into what it is today. We have had a financial crisis, a migration crisis and a pandemic and now have a bloody war at the same time as we have an energy crisis.

In times of crisis, the EU must be able to keep a cool head but a warm heart. The long-term – to stand strong after the crisis – is just as important now as it was before Russia invaded Ukraine.

Europe now has four contemporary issues of destiny.

The first is Europe's security, and the second is the climate transition. To demonstrate global leadership for the climate is one of the EU's most important tasks. The EU is one of the world's most important climate actors, and the world needs the EU's awareness, expertise, and knowledge through the climate transition. It must, however, be based on free will and drivers, and there must be respect for every country's sovereignty.

The third fateful issue is Europe's competitiveness. It lays the foundation for our welfare, our innovative power, our climate work, and our security. EU's internal trade celebrates 30 years. EU's strength is its trade, for it builds peace, understanding, freedom, and community. But if EU's competitiveness is to be able to increase, the regulatory burden for its actors must decrease.

The fourth fateful issue, Madam Speaker, is to nurture Europe's community of values, which rests on the rule of law and on respect for the individual's civil liberties and rights. The EU cannot and shall not tolerate that individual states violate the fundamental principles of freedom, and the EU shall have the right to condition disbursements of common funds on requirements that the principles of the rule of law are respected.

Member states that restrict freedom of the media, the independence of courts, or the rights of LGBTQ persons shall face strong opposition. Sweden shall be a strong voice for all LGBTQ persons' right to live as registered partners throughout the EU, and we shall be a strong voice against antisemitism.

Madam Speaker! Increasing awareness of the importance of defending fundamental rights, democracy, and our shared values is important, which the Commission emphasizes in a new initiative on democracy in Europe. It includes, among other things, initiatives to protect democracy in the EU from hidden foreign influence and to combat corruption.

It is problematic that the council has until now been forced to make decisions in full unanimity regarding foreign and security policy, for example regarding human rights and sanctions. It is therefore very welcome that the committee takes a positive stance toward such issues being able to be decided by qualified majority instead.

Naturally, not everything in the Commission's work program can be mentioned here today, but the Committee on Defence has highlighted some issues that are particularly important. I would like to mention here a strengthened cybersecurity competence, the Union's civil crisis preparedness, and a more resilient food supply.

Madam Speaker! There is no doubt that the EU will continue to provide concrete military, economic, humanitarian, and political support to Ukraine. The Commission's proposal for macro-financial support during 2023 is therefore welcome. And even though I believe that the EU should not take joint loans, it is in this situation highly justified to stand together for the principles of peace, freedom, and the rule of law.

It is equally natural to provide military assistance in the form of training of Ukrainian soldiers, as well as to prepare and implement further sanctions against Russia. If these sanctions are not followed, one should ensure that, within the framework of international law and EU law, assets can be frozen to be used in the reconstruction of a free, democratic, European Ukraine.

Ukraine shall win the war. Ukraine shall win the peace. Russia shall lose the war.

It is going to be very interesting to work with EU policy from A to Z with our new government. The EU should do what it is good at, namely creating freedom, mobility, security and community, and at the same time leave national and local politics alone.

On December 14, we will receive the details regarding the Swedish presidency when the Prime Minister comes here to the chamber. I look forward to that, and I am convinced that we all in here together will strengthen Sweden's position in the EU, as well as the EU's position in the world.

I would like to thank the Foreign Affairs Committee's secretariat for the solid work that has been performed and for your patience. I would also like to thank my colleagues in the committee and, of course, the Speaker with the staff. I wish you all a blessed third Advent.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Ilona Szatmári Waldau (V)

Madam Speaker! Russia's war against Ukraine characterizes the commission's work program. Through joint efforts, the EU's member states have given their support to Ukraine, both militarily and monetarily, and introduced sanctions against both Russia and Belarus.

To support Ukraine in the reconstruction, the Union plans to take out a joint loan that will go to Ukraine, which will be granted a long grace period and repayment period. Together with the loan for the recovery fund, the EU has incurred debt with repayments several decades into the future. Vänsterpartiet did not stand behind the construction of the recovery fund, but we fully share the new commitment to support Ukraine.

What concerns us most is how Sweden will handle its costs for the loan. Costs may arise for interest if the costs are not contained within the EU's own budget, and costs will arise if Ukraine is unable to repay the loan when the time comes. The right-conservative government has stated that in that case, it shall be offset against the already trimmed aid budget. Unfortunately, the former Social Democratic government also expressed that support to Ukraine would be counted as aid.

Russia's aggressive attack on Ukraine has not only affected Ukraine and Europe. It has affected the entire world with rising prices and shortages of food. It is therefore more important than ever now to support those who, due to poverty, have difficulty getting food for the day, and not to do the opposite by reducing the aid budget from two sides.

All countries, except Hungary, agree to support Ukraine with this loan. Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is using Ukraine to pressure the EU to pay out the included support to Hungary. The Commission took too long to implement the decided sanction possibilities for countries that do not follow democratic principles. Now the Commission is clear that support shall not be paid out to Hungary until Hungary has made the required changes.

The Commission writes in its action plan that it will continue its work to uphold the EU's democratic values and institutions. It welcomes the Left Party, and we assume that neither the Commission nor the Council will yield to Hungary.

Russia's aggression against Ukraine has not only had consequences for the world's food supply. It has also had major consequences for Europe's energy supply. Only now is the pace of the transition towards renewables increasing. A transition that several countries should have started several years ago.

The Commission is working on reforms of the European electricity market. In those reforms, Swedish prices must be included. Sweden has been able to transition and must therefore be able to access electricity at Swedish electricity prices, not electricity prices driven up by a continent that is dependent on oil and gas.

Within the framework of the Green Deal, the Left Party wishes to express criticism regarding the delay of the review of the REACH chemical regulation and the direction that the review has taken. It is clear that the Commission has allowed itself to be influenced to an all too great extent by the chemical industry and that consideration for the industry may come to overshadow concern for health and the environment. This is reflected in that the initiative is now stated to aim at securing innovation and competitive advantages for the business sector in the EU, in addition to protecting health and the environment, which was the primary purpose according to the previous work program.

Prompt monitoring and powerful regulation of chemicals is urgent to prevent dangerous chemicals from spreading. The review of Reach should also lead to a gradual reduction in the use of animal testing. The Commission should have included necessary reviews of several other complementary regulations for poisons and chemicals in its work program. Carbon dioxide emissions also need to decrease at a faster rate than what has been decided. 55 percent by 2030 is not enough. The climate should have been given even greater weight in the work program.

The Commission emphasizes that there is a need to strengthen the European social market economy. Some examples of what is meant are also presented. Vänsterpartiet welcomes that the Commission and the European Council have also started working on welfare issues in recent years.

For far too long, the union has been built on a market economy that has been for the free movement of companies and capital. At the same time, social reforms must be carefully scrutinized - just like all other reforms - so that they do not restrict national self-determination. Supranationality within the EU must decrease, not increase.

Another proposal from the Commission is a second set of own resources. Here, it is positive that the Swedish Riksdag is united in that new own resources should not be introduced. We can, however, note that the Swedish Riksdag has said that before, but that the majority has nevertheless given its approval, as for example with the plastic tax a couple of years ago.

The Commission's action plan contains both sweet and salt. There is much to object to and much to agree with. I therefore refer to the Left Party's specific statement in the committee but naturally move for approval of the committee's proposal that the Riksdag shall submit the report for public record.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Madam Speaker! This is a debate in anticipation - in anticipation of Sweden's presidency of the EU during the spring and in anticipation of Ukraine regaining power and control over its entire territory. It is a debate and a work program that follows the strategic agenda for the Commission 2019-2024 with four main priorities: to protect citizens and freedoms, to develop a strong and powerful economic base, to build a climate-neutral, green, just and social Europe, and to promote Europe's interests and values in a global context.

Madam Speaker! The work program has truly been subjected to tests and a need for prioritization. In 2020, COVID arrived, which placed Europe and the EU before new tests and challenges but also showed the strength in that we can hold together and solve common problems. What began as a major challenge ended with us showing the strength in cohesion and in acting collectively.

After – or rather during – the ravages of the covid pandemic in the world and in the EU, in 2022 Putin's and thus Russia's imperial dreams led to the brutal military attack on our peaceful and democratic partner country Ukraine. On February 24, the agenda changed for us and for the entire EU. There were weaknesses that showed themselves once again, but also a strength that developed. This showed the importance of the EU having the ability to truly stand up when our common values are challenged and attacked. Ukraine is today defending with its lives and with all its might the values that have built our countries and our EU, the EU that the Ukrainians so intensely and for so long strived to become a part of.

The work program has five sections. But all those sections, as well as our upcoming EU presidency, are overshadowed by Russia's military attack on Ukraine and the crises that follow in its wake, whether it concerns energy, inflation, climate, or authoritarian states' attempts to become Trojan horses in all our multilateral orders to undermine and subvert the opportunities for all of us to act.

It is correct regarding the green and digital transition, which must also include a new way of thinking. It represents an opportunity for all of us and for the EU to not only become globally competitive but actually also become globally leading. It is an important part, as the EU has had such a role, and it is a role that the EU must manage even in this time.

The green commitment is important. It also concerns independence from Russian fossil gas and oil, but not only Russian. One must learn from the example of Russia and learn what it can mean to become fossil independent, but it is not just about Russia. I must say that it bothered me when I saw the commission chair speak in Baku about Azerbaijan as an important and valuable country to work closely with. It is one of the countries that challenges the values that the EU stands for. It is a matter of drawing lessons from lex Russia even for the future.

A Europe prepared for the digital age naturally requires better conditions for self-sufficiency. We hope to be able to see more reuse. One example in Sweden concerns LKAB and the slag heaps which contain so many opportunities for us and Europe when it comes to transitioning in a sustainable way. It is also important to highlight small and medium-sized enterprises and the supply of skills, which is a challenge not only in Sweden but in the entire EU and Europe.

These were some of the points contained in the five sections.

A cohesive EU is also a stronger Europe in the world. It is fundamentally about the values that have built up our countries: freedom, democracy, and a functioning rule of law. That a new initiative on democracy is being made is important for us and for the EU as a whole. It is also important that the EU itself is able to stand up for our values by reforming decision-making, reducing the risks of corruption and destabilization, and standing up for that our candidate countries make progress and are not given new conditions along the way.

It will be important for the entire EU and for the Swedish presidency next spring with support for results. The democracy lock must be used. Magnitsky sanctions need to be complemented with work against corruption and systematic money laundering.

Decision-making in certain areas of foreign policy must transition to qualified majority. We have seen what happens otherwise. Lex Hungary and Lex Bulgaria are a couple of the recent examples, but there are many more to learn from. Hungary blocked support for Ukraine yesterday - obviously for completely different reasons than that they wanted to defend our values.

It is important that we are able to show that exceptional measures are required in exceptional situations. This also applies to us in Sweden. I belong to a party that has been opposed to the EU borrowing funds to build up these types of new funds. But in such an exceptional situation, the EU must manage to stand up so that Ukraine can survive economically. We need to take our share of the responsibility and not just believe that it is the USA that will bear the entire cost. It is fundamentally about the EU's mission and vision to build peace, freedom, and reconciliation on the foundation of democracy and the rule of law.

Madam Speaker! I move for approval of the proposal in the report. I have a hope that in the coming year, greater interest will be shown by the parliamentary committees when we handle the work program.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! The European Commission's work programme is a strategic tool intended to help the European Commission achieve its goal of creating a stronger, more sustainable and inclusive Europe.

The program is divided into five sections, where the first describes the many crises that all have their basis in Russia's unjust and illegal war of aggression against Ukraine. It is an attack on the international legal order but also daily on Ukrainian civilians who desire nothing more than to shape their own lives in peace and freedom.

Ukraine is therefore fighting today for the freedom of all of Europe and needs our support and Europe's unity. The Commission marks this in the first section on support for Ukraine, in order to reduce the member states' dependence on energy as well as to promote investments and reforms through the recovery instrument.

Many European institutions and directorates have been involved in the development of the work program, but also the member states. This year, however, another body has had a great significance for the design of the document. It is Europe's future conference, The Conference On the Future of Europe. Its proposals and recommendations are listed under section two of the five sections.

The Future Conference was an attempt at a more deliberative process where a number of citizens in the union were invited to citizen panels on issues that concern all our futures. The purpose has been an attempt for the union to better address issues that its inhabitants feel stand highest on the agenda. Subsequently, these issues have been discussed together with EU commissioners, government representatives, EU parliamentarians and national parliamentarians, labor market partners as well as regional and local representatives, to name a few. As one of the delegates, representing the regional level, I have been able to follow this process very closely.

The final result of the conference is a number of proposals and recommendations designed to help the EU meet challenges such as democratic decline, economic inequalities, and environmental degradation. If this experiment has been successful, it remains to be seen when we conduct an evaluation of the whole.

Most of the proposals and recommendations do not require treaty changes. Despite this, much of the aftermath has concerned the requirements for a convention that is intended to propose such changes, including regarding the voting in the election to the European Parliament with a pan-European constituency and possibly also an EU president. This is something that is not appreciated from a Swedish perspective and is probably also not compatible with our constitution.

The third section reflects von der Leyen's political direction for Europe, a green deal, an economy for people and that we shall be equipped for the digital age. It is also about the promotion of a European lifestyle, that Europe shall be stronger in the world and a new initiative on democracy.

The fourth section describes more the focus on the Commission's continued work with better legislation and compliance with EU law.

In the final fifth section, the ability of the EU to be relevant to the public is highlighted, and that should be part of the driving force for the work. There is a great deal that affects us.

It is not only the EU Commission that is affected by the work program, and not only the inhabitants of the EU, but it also affects the surrounding area very much. I have previously mentioned Ukraine. Yesterday, we had, as an example of this, a visit to the Riksdag by Moldova's Minister of Foreign Affairs Nicu Popescu and Belarus' rightful leader Svetlana Tikhanovskaya. Together with a number of people, also in this room, I had the opportunity to deliberate with these individuals about what the EU can do moving forward to strengthen the situation for people even in the surrounding area.

Finally, the work program is also very important for the upcoming Swedish presidency. I believe and have also heard here today that there are many who, together with me, look forward to listening to the Prime Minister on December 14 when the priorities of the Swedish presidency are finally to be presented here in the chamber.

With Hungary's announcement yesterday that it does not want to support the support package for Ukraine that has now been presented, we see that there is much left to do. This applies both to the support for Ukraine and to working on the process regarding the principles of the rule of law.

But there are also good things to look forward to. It feels secure that next year we will also get to be part of celebrating that the internal market turns 30 years old. It is truly worth mentioning.

Madam Speaker! The debate in the EU often tends to swing between two extreme positions. Either we end up in the ditch where EU cooperation is reduced to being about technicalities, or we hear cries that the EU should take ever larger steps towards a European superstate that shall replace Europe's nations. We must find a middle way. The EU shall do what the EU is best at, or as we Christian Democrats usually express it: the EU must be just right. The EU can be that with the help of the work program. But we will constantly need to monitor and correct when the course leaves the goal.

With that, I support the committee's report. I thank everyone who has participated in the debate.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 12.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)