Nordic cooperation including the Arctic

Maria Stockhaus (M)

Madam Speaker! It is an honor to open the debate on the Nordic countries and the Arctic. Nordic cooperation has always been important, but in the time we are now in, it is more important than ever.

The Nordic family belongs to the oldest and most extensive regional collaborations in the world. We in the Nordic region have much in common, for example, common values, a society that is egalitarian, extensive welfare systems, and strong social security systems. Not least, we in the Nordic region have what many call the Nordic gold, the trust in one another, as a fundamental pillar in the Nordic cooperation.

We gather here in a time of profound global transformations. Democracy is being questioned. The climate is changing at an ever-increasing pace. Security policy tensions are rising in our immediate vicinity and beyond. In the reality we live in, Nordic cooperation is not only desirable but also necessary.

Since the formation of the Nordic Council in 1952 and the Nordic Council of Ministers in 1971, we have built up a cooperation model based on common values such as democracy, equality, human rights, and trust between citizens and institutions. Nordic cooperation belongs, as mentioned, to the oldest and most extensive cooperations in the world. It is important that we deepen this cooperation, not least considering how the world around us looks. It is important that we work strategically, think long-term, and be concrete.

Madam Speaker! The security situation in the Nordic region and the Baltic Sea area is today the most unstable in decades. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has redrawn the map both in terms of security and morally. In response, Finland and Sweden have chosen to fully integrate into Nato, which in turn has opened up for even closer defense cooperation within the Nordic region.

We must now build up our common defense capability, strengthen civil preparedness and coordinate our security policy. Through Nordefco, through bilateral agreements and within the framework of Nato, we need to cooperate on exercises, cybersecurity, intelligence work and total defense.

The Nordic Council has also worked out and decided on a recommendation to establish a Nordic defense commission. The recommendation has been sent to the Nordic Council of Ministers. The question, however, is whether it is reasonable to limit such cooperation to only the Nordic countries. There are other like-minded countries around the Baltic Sea that we also need expanded cooperation with. It is no longer sufficient to think nationally. We must think Nordic but also include other allied and neighboring countries.

Security is not only military. It is also about supply chains, energy systems, social cohesion, and democratically resilient societies. The well-established Nordic cooperation in both the Nordic Council and the Nordic Council of Ministers is a strength. We have established channels for communication and cooperation, which is an asset in these turbulent times.

Madam Speaker! The climate challenge is the defining issue of our time. The Nordic countries have the potential to be a global leader in the green transition. Our countries have already shown the way through fossil-free electricity production, circular economy, and innovation within green technology.

A Swedish priority in the environmental and climate area is that the Nordic countries shall continue to be a strong and clear voice to promote effective solutions in international environmental and climate negotiations. Sweden has prioritized highlighting the business sector's role in climate adaptation work and the transition to a fossil-free transport sector.

We also need to strengthen Nordic cooperation to prevent and combat the spread of invasive alien species, prevent waste crime, and limit the spread of not least PFAS. Emissions and environmental problems know no borders. Cooperating to find solutions is the only way to meet the challenges we face.

Madam Speaker! Within the Nordic cooperation, the Arctic has taken on a much more prominent role. Climate change hits fastest and hardest here, with melting ice, changed ecosystems, and increased geopolitical interests. The Arctic is no longer an isolated periphery. It is a strategic region where environment, security, economy, and indigenous rights meet. It is also a region where several of our countries have direct responsibility. I am speaking here of Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland, and Denmark, through Greenland and the Faroe Islands.

That the Arctic is strategically important is clear in the international debate – now more than ever. The Trump administration's actions regarding Greenland can, even if it is strange, be seen as a clear example of the Arctic's strategic importance. The Nordic Council has clearly signaled against the USA's and Trump's strange actions towards Greenland. It is the Greenlanders who shall decide on Greenland's future.

We must safeguard the Arctic as a peaceful area of cooperation. This means standing up for international law, ensuring the influence of indigenous peoples, and guarding the environment. It also means actively participating in dialogues on security policy and geopolitics in the region, especially at a time when Russia is militarizing its northern borders and interest from global powers is increasing.

Madam Speaker! Let us not forget the soft values. Language, culture, and education have always been supporting pillars in our Nordic cooperation. In a time of increased polarization and social fragmentation, we need to invest even more in what binds us together. The Nordic Council of W เยouth and our Nordic prizes are important parts of our Nordic cooperation. For example, young people from all over the Nordic region get a chance to meet at summer camps on Utøya every year, and the Nordic prizes highlight, among other things, Nordic authors and filmmakers. The Nordic Council of Youth and the Nordic prizes strengthen and build the future Nordic identity as well as deepen the popular anchoring in our cooperation.

Madam Speaker! Nordic cooperation is not a nostalgic project, but it is a strategic tool to meet the future. It is a responsibility, a promise and an opportunity. We have a duty to develop it, not least for the next generation. A stronger Norden is a safer Norden. An integrated Norden is a more sustainable Norden. A more present Norden in the Arctic, in Europe and in the world is a more important Norden.

I vote in favor of the proposal in the report.

(Applause)

In this speech, Ann-Sofie Alm (M) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Heléne Björklund (S)

Madam Speaker! Today we are debating Nordic cooperation. It is a cooperation that is not only functional and successful but also very identity-creating and culture-bearing.

I want to start by saying congratulations on the day to our neighbors down there in Denmark, because it is Denmark's Constitution Day today. I also want to move for approval of reservation 6.

I want to proceed by praising the wise colleagues in the Committee on Foreign Affairs, who have decided to stand behind the proposal for a Nordic defense and security commission. In the Nordic Council, we have members from eight parliaments. We have decided in full unanimity to stand behind this. We have also proposed it to our governments.

We want the defense and security policy commission to consist of parliamentarians from the eight parliaments, and the commission's task is to present a report with political priorities in the field of defense and security that can serve as a basis for continued work. Naturally, coordination shall take place with the different governments, but the most important ambition is the anchoring in the parliaments. Think of what a tool for quick decisions the Nordic governments would get if the eight Nordic parliaments had a common overview of both threat pictures and what needs to be done! It would also be a sharp signal to Russia and other antagonists.

The Commission could, for example, carry out a security policy analysis of the area around the Arctic. Maria Stockhaus also spoke about the security work there.

This reinforced cooperation would, as said, also be sharp for the governments.

I am sending this signal to the Minister for Nordic Cooperation now, so perhaps I will refrain from taking the floor. Such a cooperation would be good for both Sweden and the Nordic countries as well as Sweden's government.

Let me once again praise the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and I move to approve the Committee's proposal to notify the Government that it shall work towards the appointment of a Nordic defense and security policy commission.

Madam Speaker! This year, Sweden holds the presidency of the Nordic Council. It is a responsibility but also an opportunity.

I particularly want to raise an issue that sometimes falls into the shadows of the general debate but never in the Nordic Council: border barriers. Despite our calling the Nordic region the world's most integrated region, many encounter border barriers daily. This applies to everyone who works, runs businesses, studies, or travels as tourists in the border regions. Yet, there is still no transport minister council. A unanimous Nordic Council says that such a council is needed to coordinate logistics, traffic, and infrastructure. But the Swedish government denies us this.

For example, there is no uniform solution for cross-border public transport tickets. It is a bit strange and sad that one can travel across all of Europe with an Interrail pass but can hardly travel between Malmö and Copenhagen within one and the same ticketing system. If we are to achieve the vision that Sweden's Prime Minister has established and stood behind—that the Nordic countries should be the world's most sustainable and integrated region—we need to solve this issue, so I am also forwarding this.

Madam Speaker! The Nordic region is a role model in the world. We have a common history and a strong cultural heritage, and our values are based on democracy, equality, and solidarity. Our societies are built on the principle that no one should be left behind, whether it be people or countries. We are some of the world's wealthiest countries, not only economically but also socially, and globally, equality in the Nordic region is unique. All of this has built the Nordic region strong and wealthy. Globally, the Nordic region also has the highest proportion of women in work, and we should be proud of that. But these values and traditions are not self-evident; instead, we must continue to fight for them.

Naturally, we want the Nordic region to continue to be a progressive force both internally and internationally, and even though we currently have a great focus on defense and security, education, climate, the labor market and culture must not be forgotten.

Madam Speaker! Nordic cooperation has served Sweden well. It has built bridges between seas and mountains and between languages and cultures. In times of war, crisis, and climate threats, this cooperation is needed more than ever. Let us therefore not only talk about safeguarding the cooperation, but let us further develop it by deepening defense cooperation and breaking down more border barriers. I know that with the lessons we have drawn from the pandemic and the crisis, we can strengthen Nordic cooperation and realize the prime ministers' vision of becoming the world's most sustainable and integrated region.

As part of the vision work, many initiatives are now being made for a greener Nordic region and a responsible climate policy. This is good and important. One example is the Nordic ecolabel Svanen, which continues to develop criteria for good climate choices. The Nordic labor market and economic development depend on us taking the lead in these issues.

Ulf Kristersson's government has said that the vision remains firm. We think that is good, and we are proud of it. But then the Swedish government must also take responsibility for realizing the vision. This applies to both the green transition and the removal of more border barriers. I return to the question of a transport minister council, but I believe it has become clear what the Nordic Council thinks.

As chairperson of the Swedish delegation, I would like to thank the members of the delegation. We always find good solutions and are pragmatic and reach consensus when needed, which I truly appreciate. We have a good tone, and the commitment is immense. I do not believe any other Nordic delegation can measure up to the Swedish delegation when it comes to activity and commitment. I am glad that I get to represent the delegation.

I also thank Minister for Nordic Affairs Jessica Rosencrantz for her commitment to Nordic affairs.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kjell-Arne Ottosson (KD)

Madam Speaker! To those of you in the gallery, I would like to say that although representatives from two different parties have spoken, one might think they belong to the same party. I represent a third party, and during my speech, you might perhaps think it is the same party again. So it can sound when it comes to Nordic issues, for here we are very much in agreement. The problem, however, is that this agreement is not reflected in decisions taken in the Riksdag or in things implemented by the government. Here we have a common struggle to undertake regardless of party.

Madam Speaker! At the beginning of March, I had the pleasure of being in New Zealand. It was a fantastically interesting trip with a group of parliamentary colleagues. It is not possible to get further away from the Nordic countries than that, at least not on the globe. The politicians we met there were clear that, despite the great distance, they wanted closer contact with the Nordic countries. In an uncertain world, New Zealand feels a great sense of solidarity with the Nordic countries, even though we are on the other side of the earth and the time difference is twelve hours – which can lead to some challenges if we are to cooperate. This shows how incredibly important Nordic cooperation is and signals that we in the Nordic countries should strengthen our cooperation even further.

I do not sit on the Committee on Foreign Affairs but am a member of the Swedish delegation to the Nordic Council. I have therefore not been involved in the drafting of this report. But I note that the focus for the motions is, unfortunately, let me say, security, defense and climate, and that depends on the global situation. We all probably wish that it were not so and that the focus was on the core issues in the Nordic cooperation, namely to dismantle border obstacles and ensure that we work even more closely together.

Ahead of Sweden's presidency in the Nordic Council this year, the Swedish delegation presented a program, and I am pleased that we, with joint efforts, managed to establish a good program with a clear focus on the Nordic Council's core activities.

We shall focus on what concerns the removal of border barriers. It shall be about everyday benefits for Nordic citizens, about the Nordic community and Nordic cooperation. The Prime Ministers' vision, which we have heard mentioned earlier, shall also in the future be the guiding star. That we have been able to agree on this is very good. It is still that which makes the Nordic Council work for "the right to life".

The Nordic Council has made several good decisions over the years, but the challenge is that the Nordic Council adopts recommendations. We cannot decide for each country's parliament. The problem is that many of the recommendations remain as mere recommendations. Even if we are completely in agreement when we make decisions in the Council, the decisions do not become reality in the respective parliaments. We should find some way where the Nordic Council's decisions gain greater weight in the national parliaments.

I do not know how we should do this. It is perhaps the Committee on the Constitution that should handle such a question. But I believe it would serve us all well if we could find another way regarding the decisions.

Madam Speaker! Another challenge is, once again regardless of government, how we are to get our cabinet ministers to really take ownership in the issues where they should take ownership. Jessica Rosencrantz has already received praise from the rostrum, and I can join in that praise. It was exactly the same during the previous parliamentary term when Anna Hallberg from the Socialdemokraterna was Nordic Minister. In the debates we had then, especially during the pandemic, we never heard any minister generate so much praise from all parties in the Riksdag, from right to left. Anna Hallberg received a huge amount of praise for what she did. But the problem was that Anna Hallberg "only" was Nordic Minister. It did not carry enough weight. It was only when ministers who stood higher in rank came into play that things happened.

Jessica Rosencrantz and I have previously spoken about how we should move forward in this issue. Now the Nordic ministers have received a stronger mandate so that they can push forward in the issues, but we must get our trade ministers on board. How do we do that?

Madam Speaker! Another issue we have discussed in the Nordic Council is common Nordic solutions versus bilateral solutions. From a Nordic perspective, we would like to see common Nordic solutions, so that the Nordic region is treated in the same way.

Last year, a new Öresund Agreement was concluded, and it is very good for those who commute between Denmark and Sweden. But for me, who usually when I do not have this assignment commute between Sweden and Norway, that agreement does not help. It is a challenge. We must find ways to common Nordic solutions, not least regarding the labor market, tax, person and absolutely – and I am the first to sign on this – infrastructure.

Now that all Nordic countries are in Nato – not least considering the security situation – there may be the opening required to achieve more cooperation regarding infrastructure. I must have it recorded in the minutes that Heléne Björklund said that the Swedish government refuses to let us appoint a ministerial council for transport infrastructure. I want to point out that the previous Social Democratic government did so as well. I was just as critical then as I am now. It doesn't matter that it is my own government; I am still critical.

The challenge, Madam Speaker, is that many live in the Öresund region, but our border areas otherwise are sparsely populated. Many of the issues do not affect that many people, but for those they do affect, they are crucial. These issues are part of everyday life.

Imagine that a border were to run along Drottninggatan or along Riddarfjärden in Stockholm's ström. If you are to cross from one side to the other – yes, then you have the problems. That is how it is for those of us who live and work in the border areas. We live as if the border does not exist, but it is there and causes trouble.

Everything we can do to facilitate everyday life is truly valuable. It is time for me to conclude, even though I would like to say more. I note, however, that my speaking time is beginning to approach its end. We must not forget that it is the everyday issues that are absolutely most important. It is again those that give the Nordic Council its legitimacy and its right to exist.

We had a visit from – I believe – Föreningen Norden. They showed a PowerPoint presentation about major events in Nordic cooperation. The latest event was 1975, which is the same year I was born. And I turn 50 this year! We should soon do something about this. We must take bigger steps to achieve even closer cooperation so that Norden truly becomes the world's most integrated region by 2030.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Angelika Bengtsson (SD)

Madam Speaker! I also want to begin by saying: Congratulations, Denmark, on Constitution Day!

I vote in favor of reservation 3.

Nordic cooperation is the world's oldest of its kind. The Nordic Council was formed in 1952, has 87 members, and represents five countries and three self-governing territories. Nordic cooperation took a hit during the pandemic but recovered relatively quickly. Since last autumn, it has become even stronger and more cohesive after Greenland became a hot topic of discussion internationally. This demonstrates our community and strength. We stick together and show support when the storms blow. We learn from our mistakes to stand firmer afterwards.

The Helsinki Accords entered into force in 1962, have been revised several times and were up for discussion at the autumn session in Reykjavík. According to the agreement, the cooperation covers social and legal issues, culture, economy, business, communications, environment and security. But our world today looks different than it did 70 years ago.

We are members of Nato, and we are in a completely different security policy situation. External threats are now a subject we often discuss – unfortunately. Unfortunately, we are forced to discuss the security situation when Russia commits its war of aggression in the Nordic region, when the current American administration wants to buy parts of the Nordics, or when China shows interest in infrastructure through both tactical and sensitive investments.

In other words, it is good that the Helsinki Accords are now being reviewed so that they can be revised to become even more relevant in light of today's world. I would therefore like to mention our specific statement in the committee report where we refer to our follow-up motion.

Madam Speaker! We see how the Arctic and the Barents region are changing and becoming more of a geopolitical hotspot and accessible as a result of climate change and Russian and Russian-Chinese interest. To meet these challenges and opportunities, it is of great importance that the democratically minded Arctic countries cooperate and create a common infrastructure plan. Such a plan can include improved transport, communication, energy, and environmental protection with a focus on facilitating both the local population and industrial actors. Our view is that an overarching goal for the vast majority of nations in the area around the Arctic should be that the area shall continue to be a stable and prosperous low-tension area.

Here I also want to mention the icebreaker Oden. Even though a new icebreaker lies outside our area of responsibility and outside consideration, it obviously affects our presence and not least our resilience in the Arctic.

The Sweden Democrats will not be the party that slows down the work to produce a new Oden, on the contrary. We see great value in Sweden continuing to be a world leader in research in the Arctic, especially in the time we live in now.

Oden – or Oden 2.0, perhaps one should say – is also so much more than just an icebreaker and a research vessel. The new icebreaker will be able to assist with, for example, infrastructure projects and a security that is of great value to all of us in the region.

Madam Speaker! In the report, we have succeeded in obtaining a united committee regarding our motion that the Nordic countries should establish a joint defense and security commission. We are grateful for the responsiveness the committee has shown – we live, as said, in a world where we need to cooperate even more in the field of defense and security. It is also for reasons of relevance and logic that we in the Nordic region cooperate on the defense area. We stand very close to one another in several essential areas, which in turn creates a powerful advantage.

Madam Speaker! Many times proposals have been placed on our table that have made me wonder if they are of Nordic benefit. It is therefore very welcome that the Helsinki Agreement is finally being reviewed. As my colleague said in last year's debate: "Perhaps it is high time for self-criticism. Perhaps it is so that we all, including my party and my party group, need to take to heart the failure to carry out the Nordic Council's core mission and reflect on our part in this. Perhaps it is so that everyone needs to tone down other proposals and instead value the Nordic benefit higher and concentrate our time on clearing just the border obstacles."

We sit on mandates from our parties which we received from our voters, the Nordic citizens. It is for them that we devote our time to reaching the goal of becoming the most integrated region before 2030. To get there, we need to collectively tackle all the rules that make life more complicated and create border barriers between us. It is unfortunate that, in the current situation, we do not review new legislation based on exactly which border barriers we create with the new legislation. We test everything coming from the EU for subsidiarity. Perhaps we should introduce that from a Nordic perspective as well. We discussed this briefly in the committee when we met Föreningen Norden yesterday, and it is something I will take with me moving forward. The goal must be to have external border barriers, not border barriers within the Nordics. That is how we reach our goal of being the most integrated region, because it is wonderful to live in the Nordics. I want to live, I want to live in the Nordics.

(Applause)

In this speech, Staffan Eklöf (SD) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! We are now debating the Nordic countries and the Arctic and a number of motions in connection with this.

The Nordic cooperation is unique and the world's oldest cooperation of its kind. It is an important cooperation, and we must not only safeguard it but also try to further strengthen and develop it.

I fully agree with the vision that the Nordic region shall be the world's most sustainable and integrated region. It should, of course, be easy to live and work in the entire Nordic region. Therefore, the work of removing various border barriers must continue to be prioritized. But we must not be satisfied with this – we must continue to intensify the work in the Nordic region in various areas, not least when it comes to the climate, but also strengthen the Nordic culture from a broad perspective.

The Nordic countries are relatively small, but together we are a significant force not only in our own region but also globally. We have a high level of education, invest heavily in research and innovation, and work together to reduce the consequences of climate change, even though more must be done there.

We are also one of the world's most equal regions. It is naturally something we should be proud of, but we cannot be satisfied. We see that equality is under attack and is even receding in the Nordic countries. As nationalistic and right-wing populist forces gain ground, the right to one's own sexuality and identity is challenged. This is also noticeable here in Europe. For example, it is noticeable in how trans people's rights and the right to abortion are being questioned. The Nordic countries have good opportunities to cooperate to strengthen hbtqi people's rights both in the Nordic countries and in our neighboring countries and globally. We could also investigate how women from countries with limited rights to abortion in their home countries could receive subsidized help in Sweden and other Nordic countries.

The Nordic countries could do significantly more on the global arena. For example, with joint forces, we could work more strategically to meet the cuts and the erosion of international aid that is currently taking place and in that way contribute more effectively to eradicating poverty in the world and giving people a dignified life.

The Trump administration's catastrophic management of American aid has extensive consequences all over the world. But it is also possible to see a change within the EU, where an ever larger part of the aid goes to issues that are important for internal reasons. The Nordic countries have good opportunities to be a counterweight to this development. Sweden should act so that the Nordic countries can find a common strategy to meet the cuts in aid and the attacks against support for equality, sexual and reproductive health and rights, and hbtqi people. We must, however, begin by setting a good example and returning to allocating 1 percent of gdp to international aid.

Another important global issue where the Nordic countries must show leadership is the climate issue. We must, with joint efforts, protect the Arctic's sensitive flora and fauna. Oil and gas extraction in the area would have devastating environmental consequences and contribute to increasing greenhouse gas emissions. But it can be prevented.

In 2016, the EU and 24 countries, including Sweden, decided to establish the world's largest marine reserve in the Ross Sea in Antarctica. Commercial fishing and mining activities have now been prohibited for 35 years forward. It should be seen as an example in the work to save the Arctic.

We want a marine protected area to be established in the Arctic and that the restrictions for activities in the area shall also include a ban on oil and gas extraction. It is absolutely necessary if we are to protect this sensitive nature.

To increase security and reduce tensions in the Arctic, we should work towards establishing an Arctic convention that entails a demilitarization of the region. After the First World War, the Svalbard Treaty was drafted, a treaty that regulates the international law and political status of Svalbard and Bjørnøya. Today, the treaty is signed by over 40 states, and in several parts, it could serve as a model for a future agreement on the Arctic.

Svalbard has been administered by Norway through the Spitsbergen Treaty for a hundred years. The agreement contains military restrictions which, among other things, mean that no bases or military installations shall be present there and that the archipelago may not be used for purposes of war. It is a position that must be protected.

Security policy tensions can also be converted into mutual cooperation. Sweden is, for example, through the Arctic Research Secretariat, a member of several international organizations that work with research and research infrastructure in the Arctic. It is an important work.

Another important security policy issue is the availability of supplies and food. We saw during the pandemic that our preparedness was not sufficient. In Sweden, we only produce half of everything we eat ourselves. The corresponding share for Finland is 80 percent. That makes us very vulnerable.

An increased degree of self-sufficiency would make us better prepared for crises and extreme weather as well as reduce our import dependence. It would also give us the conditions to strengthen both the production and consumption of sustainable food, that is, food that is to a greater extent plant-based, locally produced, organic and, in the long run, fossil-free.

We mean that the government should take the initiative for a sustainable Nordic food strategy in order to increase the self-sufficiency rate and reduce the dependence on imports in the individual countries and in the Nordic region as a whole.

We want to see attempts with regional centers for fossil-free produced emergency food in order to restore the supply preparedness. We therefore propose that a pilot study be carried out where agricultural high schools test producing emergency food in a sustainable way.

The document also mentions how the Nordic ministers have agreed to consider closer cross-border civil cooperation in matters concerning preparedness and resilience. This is important and necessary, not least when it comes to transport infrastructure. Functional communications are ultimately a total defense issue but also a climate issue. We must have a railway that functions significantly better than today, both nationally and between the different Nordic countries. That we use the railway to a greater extent for both passenger and freight traffic is, as stated, also an important issue for the climate. We therefore believe that Sweden must work to develop the cross-border railways within the Nordic cooperation.

Finally, I want to raise a very important issue, namely the issue of nuclear weapons. Nuclear weapons are the most destructive weapons of mass destruction that humanity has invented. The international community has so far failed to either stop the proliferation or get the nuclear-weapon states to disarm. Instead, billions are invested in the modernization and development of nuclear weapons. Research has shown that there is a lack of preparedness to handle the devastating consequences of nuclear weapons, should they come into use.

With and by Sweden's accession to Nato on March 7, 2024, the Swedish stance on nuclear weapons changed in practice. Nuclear weapons are a fundamental part of Nato – Nato is a nuclear weapons alliance. Our neighboring countries Denmark and Norway, for example, made statements regarding nuclear weapons in connection with each respective country joining Nato. Finland has a ban on nuclear weapons, and even in connection with the DCA agreement, they made reservations. We lacked such markings in connection with Sweden's accession to both Nato and the DCA agreement and regret that the government did not make any such markings.

It is an illusion to believe that nuclear weapons make us safer. Nuclear weapons are not a protection against international conflicts and wars. In reality, nuclear weapons are an enormous threat to Nordic and global security. A single nuclear detonation would likely kill hundreds of thousands of civilians and harm many more. Radioactive fallout could contaminate large areas in several countries for an indefinite period.

Vänsterpartiet argues that Sweden should naturally sign the UN nuclear weapons convention, that the Nordic region should be entirely a nuclear-weapon-free zone, and that Sweden should adopt legislation on a ban on nuclear weapons on Swedish territory. Sweden can, if the political will exists, be a country that, despite membership in Nato, becomes a strong voice for human rights, peace, and disarmament. In the time we live in, such a voice is more important than ever.

The Nordic Council has actually – for quite some time, but still – recommended that the Nordic countries establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone. Perhaps it is time to start realizing that recommendation.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kjell-Arne Ottosson (KD)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Lotta Johnsson Fornarve, for the speech! I actually hadn't intended to request a reply, but in the end, I still couldn't restrain myself.

This was a good eight minutes of agitation from Vänsterpartiet. We got a clear sense of what is Vänsterpartiet ideology. Lotta Johnsson Fornarve has every right to speak about what she wishes from the rostrum. But this is still a debate about Nordic cooperation. I heard very little about Nordic utility. I heard nothing about tearing down border barriers but very much about other political issues that are close to Vänsterpartiet's heart – it is clear.

Unfortunately, I must say, we often see the same in the Nordic Council when we meet there – in debates and in member proposals from the Nordic Green Left, which is the name of the party group that the Left Party belongs to, it is very much about things that constitute the Left Party's ideology and very little about Nordic cooperation and Nordic benefit.

My question to Lotta Johnsson Fornarve is: Do not Lotta Johnsson Fornarve and Vänsterpartiet see in what way the Nordic Council is to be used? It is not to spread Vänsterpartiet's ideology, but it is a way to cooperate more closely in the Nordic region. That is the basis: that we are to come closer together and work better together, not that any parties are just to spread their ideology.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! I want to begin by moving for the approval of reservations 6 and 7, as I forgot to do so in my speech.

Thank you for the questions, Kjell-Arne Ottosson! I began my speech by saying that I consider Nordic cooperation to be an important cooperation and something that must be protected, strengthened, and developed, that I share the vision of the Nordic region as the world's most sustainable integrated region and that we must work to tear down more border barriers and for everyone to be able to live and work in the Nordic region. I therefore agree that the Nordic region is an incredibly important cooperation arena.

But I do not think that one always has to take the rostrum to speak about everything one agrees on. There were a number of motions in connection with this report, and I chose to raise some of our motions. They are, for example, about our desire to develop climate work and strengthen the Arctic, but also about the question of the Nordic region as a nuclear-weapon-free zone.

I think it is important to point out the differences and also that we believe the Nordic countries could do much more than what is being done today. Much of what is being done is very good, but there are opportunities to develop and improve Nordic cooperation. The Nordic countries as a common force could do much more globally.

When we now see the large cuts in aid, the Nordic countries, for example, could work strategically together to counteract them. I believe that would be extremely effective. It has been done before within the Nordic cooperation – why not again?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kjell-Arne Ottosson (KD)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Lotta Johnsson Fornarve, for the answer!

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve is completely right that we should safeguard, strengthen and develop the Nordic cooperation and that the Nordic region is an important arena for cooperation. Yes, we shall have a debate. It is completely right; that is why we are here. But again, as I said in my speech: When we know what the Nordic Council's foundation is, what issues the Nordic Council is actually supposed to work on and what gives the Council life, it becomes very strange when it is instead used as a megaphone to push out one's own ideology. As I said, we unfortunately often see, not least in the Council, how Nordic Green Left uses this method when it concerns policies that one cannot get through at home, in its own parliament. Then one comes with the proposal to the Nordic Council to try to get it in that way. It is very clear that it is precisely Nordic Green Left that has that approach.

They are free to do so – it is perfectly correct. But we see, firstly, that it does not lead forward. It leads to debate, but then it does not lead to anything more. The best would be if we all, from left to right, could cooperate on the issues that truly belong in the Nordic Council. It is about Nordic benefit, about facilitating studying and working across borders and commuting across borders, and about ensuring there are no problems with taxes, pensions, health insurance, unemployment insurance, and the like when things happen in working life. That is where we have a job to do, because it is this that truly affects the ordinary border dweller, who commutes across the border every day or lives at the border. That is where we can make a difference together.

I also want to call for that support from Vänsterpartiet and urge you to really take action on those issues so that we become an even clearer force pointing out which path the Nordic Council should take.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Kjell-Arne Ottosson, for further supplements!

I naturally agree that there is very much that we agree on and can cooperate on to strengthen Nordic cooperation, not least when it comes to the possibility of working in all the Nordic countries and removing different border barriers. We do not differ on that, but we think roughly the same on most areas. There may be some differences, but there is certainly much we share the same view on when it comes to how we can strengthen Nordic cooperation. Not least when it comes to strengthening civil defense, for example, we are quite in agreement on the importance of working together.

This is an issue that we have raised in the Nordic Council and which we also constantly raise here. I do not think it is correct that we, so to speak, avoid raising these issues in the Swedish Riksdag. We raise the issues that we consider central and important. This also applies to the communications, for example: improving the railway between the Nordic countries. It is something that I believe we also agree on.

There are many issues where we agree. When it comes to improving climate work, I also believe we are in agreement. I therefore do not think it is quite correct that we would be in disagreement on many different issues.

However, we must take the opportunity to raise the motions we have written in connection with the committee report and drive the issues where we believe Norden could do even more. Since we are an important force together, we could do much more, also globally. It is an issue that Norden benefits from – if we work more together on the international arena. It is about, for example, strengthening international aid. And it is about meeting the large cuts that have now occurred, not least regarding aid to women and girls. It is very important that we try to counteract this.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna Lasses (C)

Madam Speaker! I, too, naturally wish to observe Denmark's Constitution Day.

Madam Speaker! It has been a year since the Riksdag last debated Nordic cooperation. We can say, at the very least, that the world's political face has changed. Some things remain. Russia's war against Ukraine has not subsided, but rather the opposite. Added to this is Russian hybrid warfare with threats and propaganda, especially in the neighboring countries. Right-wing populists still have a grip on Europe, and the USA has received a government that can, at the very least, be perceived as capricious.

The world order is, to say the least, changing, and democracy is being questioned. Countries such as China are taking another step forward on the stage in all areas, not least through military presence in the Arctic region.

It can be difficult to keep up with all the fluctuations, and often we have woken up in the morning to a somewhat different reality than the one that applied the evening before.

In the perceived chaos, the stable situation in the Nordic countries is a security to safeguard, develop, and defend. Nordic cooperation is simply particularly important in this time. But we must not forget that Nordic cooperation should also include the Baltic countries. We can therefore say that Nordic-Baltic cooperation is simply particularly important in this time.

Sweden's accession to Nato signifies a new opportunity in Nordic-Baltic defense cooperation, where we jointly contribute to increased defense and increased stability in the Baltic Sea region and in the Arctic.

It is not possible to talk about security and the Arctic without talking about that which is perhaps most decisive for both our time's actions and future generations' opportunities. Climate change is a fact, and it is happening here and now. It affects us at the northern latitudes in a very clear way. Cooperation here is crucial. A united Nordic voice can make a big difference for real, even globally.

With security in focus, the Centre Party wants to see a new, clear, tangible and for the time relevant Arctic strategy.

Then we must not forget the Nordic defense cooperation within Nordefco, which, despite the cooperation within Nato, is still highly relevant. During 2024, a new vision for Nordefco was put forward. But 2024 was, as said, a different world. A revision needs to be made, not least when it comes to matters of materiel.

Madam Speaker! Sometimes it strikes me how distant the corona pandemic feels. But I remember, Madam Speaker, how everything changed in an instant, how we were met with empty shelves when we wanted to buy pasta and toilet paper, and how we organized shopping assistance for isolated families and the elderly. Bags were left on the stairs, and one hurried away after ringing the doorbell.

It was undeniably a different world. Above all, it was a world where the borders between our Nordic countries were, at times, completely closed. And not least, the skepticism toward the Swedish, in the context of the liberal, strategy was great from other countries.

Despite the experiences from the corona pandemic and despite that we know more pandemics will come, relatively few measures have been taken so that we, in the event of a new pandemic, can avoid borders being closed again or obstacles concerning compensation systems and the like making life difficult for the citizens of the Nordics. Therefore, work should be ongoing aimed at developing a thoroughly worked-out plan for how the Nordics can handle this type of crisis in a good way in the future. It is typically the kind of thing that falls within the core tasks.

Madam Speaker! It is impossible to overemphasize how important Nordic cooperation is, not only militarily but also in several other crucial areas. One such area is food security.

The Center Party welcomes the efforts that have been made regarding food preparedness. But more is needed, not least considering that the updated Swedish food strategy is far from the concrete action plan that we should have and that our citizens deserve. The Center Party therefore considers that the Swedish government needs to work towards a complementary joint strategy for food preparedness within the Nordic cooperation, a strategy that clearly translates the so-called Karlstad Declaration into practical action.

In addition to food security, we want to highlight the development potential in collaborations concerning education, culture, and not least transport. Culture and education are the pumping heart of the psychological defense and cannot be overestimated when it comes to the defense of democracy but also trust and cohesion, which several of you have touched upon.

A conscious and developed cooperation is required when it comes to railway and road, both for the transport of people and to strengthen competitiveness and safety. The Nordic region is to a very high degree an area that is dependent on smooth transport from the major ports – and there, the railway plays a key role.

Madam Speaker! Summer is just around the corner, and with it comes the travel. Many of us choose the train to travel around Sweden, the Nordics, and Europe. We who are regular train travelers are very aware of the shortcomings and the need for a common planning. I will just say: the main lines. It is about Stockholm–Oslo – not to mention Stockholm–Copenhagen and further out towards the rest of Europe. Sweden is actually right now a bit like a roadblock in what could be both a fast and efficient route for both people and freight, especially when the tunnel between Denmark and Germany opens.

And so it is this with the reluctance to create a common ticketing system that works. If we in the Nordic countries could crack that nut, we could perhaps gradually get more European countries on board.

Madam Speaker! I know that we all in here fundamentally share the view on the importance of Nordic cooperation, the Nordic-Baltic cooperation and security in the Arctic. It is important, and it is good that we do it. But times are changing, and that requires development and updating. One thing is the Helsinki Accords, which have been mentioned, which is one of the foundations of the cooperation. It is good that it is being reviewed now. It was last updated in 1995, and back then it was indeed a different world or perhaps a different universe – with walls that had fallen, with hopes for the future and with faith in a more respectful relationship with Russia. But that was then.

A message to the government is, naturally, that one should step forward further and take initiative, lead, and go first.

With this, I move for approval of the Centerpartiet's reservation number 2, which among other things highlights the importance of a common and active food preparedness.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! The Nordic cooperation is the oldest cooperation of its kind, and we are keen that it is prioritized and further strengthened. The Nordic Council and the Council of Ministers shall be a mobilizing force for deepened cooperation. The vision of the Nordic region as the world's most sustainable and integrated region shall continue to guide the cooperation and create added value for the inhabitants of the Nordics.

It should be easy to live and work in the entire Nordic region, and the work of removing more border barriers shall be prioritized.

But it is also required that we do not lose momentum in the green transition because it is harmful to our planet in the long term and also reduces the competitiveness of Sweden and the Nordics.

Sweden needs to build security together with other countries, especially Finland but also other Nordic countries and our Baltic neighbors Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. We particularly want to strengthen Nordic cooperation within crisis preparedness and civil defense, as our challenges and crises will likely coincide in the future. Not least in the border areas, it is important that authorities and other organizations can cooperate seamlessly during a crisis or, at most, a war. Therefore, cooperation is important in both planning and exercise.

Madam Speaker! Life in the Arctic faces great challenges, while political interest in the area continues to increase. Global warming has hit the Arctic and its inhabitants particularly hard. The climate and environmental changes are dramatic in the area. The ice is melting and affecting the biodiversity and the living conditions for the population in the region. The indigenous peoples are particularly vulnerable, especially since they often do not own the land they cultivate.

Miljöpartiet wants to see an international ban on the extraction of natural resources in the Arctic and the seas outside. It is crucial for continued stability in the Arctic that the states concerned manage their claims to the continental shelf through the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf and accept the advisory outcomes of the assessment.

In the same way, it is central that the right to freedom of navigation along the Northeast and Northwest Passages in accordance with the law of the sea is upheld and that disputes regarding restrictions on the freedom of navigation in these sea routes can be resolved through diplomatic means.

Sweden and the EU should contribute to demilitarization and sustainable development in the region. Therefore, it is important with a well-functioning international cooperation and a continued and reinforced dialogue with Arctic and non-Arctic actors in the region.

Madam Speaker! Solidarity with all the world's people is one of the Miljöparti's cornerstones. It is deeply regrettable that the prevailing social climate in Sweden is increasingly departing from this principle, both in the form of fewer people fleeing war and persecution being granted asylum and by the reduction of aid. We have a fundamental humanitarian responsibility to offer a haven for those who are forced to flee because of their struggle for basic freedoms and rights, which we ourselves often take for granted.

Students often stand at the forefront of the struggle for democracy and human rights despite the persecution and arrests by totalitarian regimes. We have seen this recently in Iran and previously in, for example, Belarus, Hong Kong, Myanmar, Turkey and Nicaragua just in recent years.

Students who demonstrate or otherwise fight for basic civil and political rights are persecuted with risk to their lives, but they are also punished in more subtle ways by being excluded from education.

Ten years ago, a so-called Students at Risk program was established in Norway as a way to offer a sanctuary to democracy activists in need of protection, to escape regimes and simultaneously complete their studies. The Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Norway's colleges and student movements collaborate in the program and jointly identify suitable candidates and offer them a place at Norwegian colleges. The program aims partly to offer a sanctuary to complete studies, and partly to strengthen the activists in their continued struggle for greater freedoms and rights in their home countries.

A similar program exists in Germany. It is high time that Sweden follows suit and establishes a Students at Risk program. Even though the Norwegian initiative is noteworthy, its scope is clearly limited; only about 20 people are offered protection each year through the program.

According to an evaluation from the Norwegian student movement and a report authored by the European Students’ Union, one of the bottlenecks to being able to offer more democracy activists support is that it is difficult to match the participants with relevant training in a language they master. Therefore, we believe that a Students at Risk program should be introduced at the European level as well.

Madam Speaker! With this, I move for approval of reservation 9. I thank you for your attention.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Jessica Rosencrantz (M)

Madam Speaker! Honored members! I want to begin by thanking you for the great Nordic commitment, which I know exists in this chamber among many of you members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and not least among the members of the Nordic Council, with whom I have reasons to discuss the Nordic issues specifically at recurring intervals.

Several have been involved in this, but it is undeniably more important than ever that we cooperate across borders to solve many of the problems we face. We say it often, but the Nordic cooperation is truly unique in its breadth and its depth. It is built on a foundation of shared values and regional solidarity.

Our countries are consistently ranked among the world's strongest democracies, which underscores our commitment to security, the principles of the rule of law, and human rights. Together, we have economic, political, technological, and military strengths that make us a global force to be reckoned with.

We live today in a world where there is once again war on our continent. Russia continues its brutal war of aggression against Ukraine, with immeasurable human suffering as a result. Authoritarian states all over the world are advancing their positions. The world order we have long taken for granted is shaking at its foundations. And the economic openness that has characterized the last decades is in sharp decline.

In this world, it is a must to safeguard the cooperation with our partners and allies in the EU and in the Nordic region. Here it may be appropriate to point out that there is no contradiction between the Nordic and the European cooperation. The choice is not between the Nordic or Europe. A strong Nordic region that also cooperates within the framework of the European institutions is good for us all.

In this cooperation, it is particularly important to be able to maintain a close and trusting dialogue in the Nordic and Nordic-Baltic circle. Our cooperation makes it possible for us to be flexible, responsive, and proactive when it comes to tackling new challenges. This has been clear, not least during the recent turbulent months. Already intensive contacts have become even closer.

Last year, Sweden was the chair of the Nordic Council and the Nordic and Nordic-Baltic informal foreign and security policy cooperation N5 and NB8. This constituted an important platform for driving forward the Nordic and Nordic-Baltic cooperation.

The Swedish presidency took its starting point in a safer, greener and freer Nordic region with a special focus on an integrated Nordic region without border barriers. We were many ministers who had a common responsibility to achieve a good and result-oriented presidency.

The Chairmanship was characterized, among other things, by a closer exchange of experience and knowledge in issues where the Nordic countries face common challenges, such as organized crime, preparedness, and the effects of climate change. Issues that strengthen Nordic competitiveness and that make it easier to live, study, work, and run businesses in the entire Nordic region have been prioritized, while work has been carried out to drive a green and digital transition.

Sweden's and my main focus during the presidency was an integrated Nordic region without border obstacles. I am particularly proud that during the Swedish presidency we have strengthened the work on border obstacles through the adoption of a new program for free movement in the Nordic region. The program implies, among other things, that our cooperation ministers receive a clearer political ownership of the work and that coordination is improved between different actors, such as border and information services. It lays a good foundation for the continued prioritized work of removing border obstacles and increasing integration further, not least in the digital area.

Last year, important bilateral agreements were also concluded in connection with the work on border obstacles. Sweden and Finland decided, in connection with the joint government meeting in September, that experts in both countries shall initiate a dialogue on improved routines for the exchange of population registration data. The first step is a joint analysis of needs and possibilities which is to be completed during 2025.

A double taxation agreement was also concluded between Sweden and Denmark. The agreement makes it easier to work on both sides of the Öresund, which creates conditions for more jobs and higher growth.

Both agreements are concrete steps to promote integration between our countries and our populations. It is a good example of how we can work to increase integration in the Nordic region and can hopefully provide inspiration for continued work in these areas.

I also want to highlight the prime ministerial declaration that was adopted in connection with the Nordic Council's session in Reykjavik to accelerate the work on digital mobility. In the declaration, it was agreed to task the national authorities with removing legal and practical obstacles for so-called identity matching in another country.

The purpose is that one should be able to use one's own bankID – or equivalent e-identification – in digital contacts across borders. Here, we will continue to be driving for progress. I will continue to keep the work for an integrated Norden without border barriers high on the agenda at the Nordic level but also bilaterally and nationally. It is about tearing down border barriers, but it is also about not building up new ones.

On July 1, I will participate in the 25th-anniversary celebration of the Öresund Bridge. We want to use this jubilee year as a lever to further facilitate things for those who live and work in the Öresund region.

I also want to bring up the Nordic-Baltic cooperation, which several have touched upon. From the Swedish side, we see great potential in an expanded Nordic-Baltic cooperation in a number of different areas. The Baltic countries are like-minded in many areas and face the same challenges as we do in the Nordic region.

During the chairmanship year, we took a number of initiatives to intensify Nordic-Baltic cooperation within the Nordic Council, including regarding social issues and health issues, crime in the working life, as well as the protection of cultural heritage in crisis.

We also laid the foundation to support the establishment of a Nordic-Baltic AI center. It is to be a virtual center intended to constitute a platform to strengthen regional cooperation in both existing and future collaborations linked to AI development.

The Nordic-Baltic cooperation is also, naturally, a central platform for security policy cooperation around the Baltic Sea, which has developed and intensified over the past year due to events in our global environment.

Under our chairmanship in N5 and NB8, the focus was on strengthening security policy cooperation in the region, standing firm on the regional unwavering support for Ukraine, and securing continued global support for Ukraine and the rules-based world order.

The joint work during the year has contributed to the Nordic-Baltic region becoming an even more important international actor, not least regarding the support for Ukraine. For example, a Nordic-Baltic expert group was launched during the presidency in support of Ukraine's EU accession.

Many of the initiatives that we in Sweden took during our chairmanship are now being taken forward by the joint Finnish and Ålandic chairmanship in the Nordic Council, by Finland as the coordinator of N5, and by Denmark as it leads NB8 this year. It is about cooperation and exchange of experience in both formal and informal structures at different levels.

The government is working to forge even closer ties with our allies and partners, not least in the Nordic region and around the Baltic Sea, to take responsibility for European security through support for Ukraine and to stand guard over our prosperity, our competitiveness, and the principles of the rule of law, which we see being challenged in several places. The goal is clear: A freer, greener, and safer Nordic region and Europe. Thank you all for the cooperation regarding this!

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Kauppinen (S)

Madam Speaker! I would like to begin by moving for the approval of reservation number 6.

I also want to turn my gaze toward that which binds us together across borders, across seas, across time: Nordic cooperation, the Baltic Sea region, and the Arctic.

The Social Democrats have long pushed for a stronger Norden, not because it sounds nice in a festive speech but because it is necessary. In a time of war, climate crisis and geopolitical tensions, we need to stand closer to our neighboring countries than ever before.

The Nordic cooperation is the world's oldest and one of the most successful. It has laid the foundation for peace, freedom and welfare. But our task is not to look backward, but to take the cooperation into the future.

We Social Democrats want to see the Nordic region as the world's most sustainable and integrated region. This requires that we tear down more border barriers so that people can live, work, and study freely in all of the Nordics.

We want the Nordic Council and the Council of Ministers to have more power to make joint decisions. We want to strengthen Nordic cultural cooperation, which binds us together beyond the formal.

But most importantly: Children must be at the center. In every Nordic country, children should grow up safe, with equal opportunities for education, care, and faith in the future. Letting the child's perspective permeate the cooperation is not a symbolic gesture. It is an obligation.

We must not forget our shared sea, the Baltic Sea. It unites our countries, but is also an ecosystem under pressure. The EU's Baltic Sea Strategy gives us tools to act, but they must be used. Clean water, living coastal communities, and security in the surrounding area are not self-evident. It is something we must defend and develop.

The same applies to our security policy. The changed situation in Europe requires more cooperation, not less. We therefore welcome a Nordic defense and security policy commission and are pleased that the Social Democrats' motions on this appear to be approved with broad support in the chamber. With that comes a decision on a referral to the government. We need joint planning, coordination of resources, and a clear message about Nordic solidarity.

So, to the question of the Arctic, our near-region with global significance. There, the ice is melting rapidly. Climate change is not theory – it is reality. At the same time, we see great powers increasing their presence, and international law is being pushed back.

Sweden must be a clear voice for peace, sustainability, and respect for indigenous peoples. We say it clearly: No to oil and gas extraction in the Arctic! It is incompatible with our climate goals and a threat to one of the world's most sensitive environments. The EU led the way in Antarctica. They drew the line and said: Here, nature must come before the market. Now it is our turn in the north.

Madam Speaker! The generation that sits in our schools today will live with the consequences of our decisions. They will ask us: When you saw the ice melting, why did you not do more? When you knew what was at stake, why did you not dare to say no?

We cannot meet their gaze with talk of growth curves and raw material shortages. We must be able to say: We did what we could. We set limits, and we chose to protect that which cannot be recreated.

It is our duty not as politicians but as fellow human beings to leave behind a world that is livable. Therefore, I say today: Let us stand up for the Arctic, the climate, and future generations!

Madam Speaker! In times like these, we need leadership. We need the courage to make decisions and the strength to stand up for cooperation, solidarity, and faith in the future.

The Nordic region, the Baltic Sea, and the Arctic are not three separate areas. They are three keys to a secure and sustainable future. Sweden has the opportunity to lead. Let us take that chance together!

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Staffan Eklöf (SD)

Madam Speaker! The first speaker today began by emphasizing that the global situation may require that the successful Nordic cooperation extends to a slightly larger circle, including around the Baltic Sea. As the next to last speaker, I join in that.

In my capacity as chairperson of the Swedish delegation to the Baltic Sea Parliamentary Conference, BSPC, I would like to say a few words about BSPC's activities over the past year and some thoughts regarding the cooperation. For those who are not familiar with BSPC, I can say that it is the forum for the inter-parliamentary Baltic Sea cooperation. The Nordic countries are included here as an active part of the association.

Every year, a conference is held that brings together parliamentarians from ten national parliaments, seven regional parliaments and the European Parliament, representatives of inter-parliamentary organizations as well as observers. Russia is not included since the country infamously invaded Ukraine. Work is ongoing throughout the year in the working group and in the standing committee.

The purpose of the cooperation is to promote parliamentary dialogue in the Baltic Sea region at both national and regional levels and to influence the development of the cooperation conducted by the governments through the Council of the Baltic Sea States.

The goal is to promote environmentally and socially sustainable development in the region. The cooperation contributes to increased information exchange and network building between parliamentarians from the Baltic Sea region. Now that Russia is no longer involved, the Baltic Sea's security issues have come into focus.

The work is taken up by cooperation both generally and in certain selected areas, which vary over the years. Currently, BSPC has a working group that, for the second and final year, is analyzing cooperation in the area of energy supply and interconnection for sustainability and security. During the year, the work has increasingly been about security, including when it concerns the destruction of cables on the seabed.

Madam Speaker! BSPC is a consensus-driven organization that has no formal power. Joint resolutions are made, where we strive for as much consensus as possible. The work in the Swedish delegation is good, which is yet another proof that the Swedish parties can cooperate across party lines for the best of Sweden and the Baltic Sea. It is, in my opinion, an immensely important ability in the reality we live in now.

The common approach and the effort to understand one another is also the hallmark of Nordic cooperation. I hope that we can spread that Nordic spirit of voluntary cooperation to this slightly larger circle.

But I also want to issue a warning to ourselves so that our Nordic successes do not go to our heads. It must not happen that we try to force our view on the matter on those to whom we extend our hand. The strength of Nordic cooperation is built on thinking less about one's own and more about the common. The intra-Nordic tolerance must also apply to those we turn to outside of the Nordics.

If one forgets the respect for national sovereignty and that it is a prerequisite for closer cooperation of the Nordic type, one has lost one's way. We can, of course, continue to work for our important values nevertheless, and we do not need to compromise on them either.

With this said: I am happy and grateful to be the leader of the Swedish delegation to the Parliamentary Baltic Conference, and I would like to wish both the delegation and other colleagues a happy summer.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Eric Palmqvist (SD)

Madam Speaker! When I now enter this debate, it is with a confession: When I grew up in Malmö, I actually never thought of Sweden as an Arctic nation. For a young boy who saw Copenhagen on the other side of the strait and was closer to Germany than to the Gällivare in which I have lived for nearly two decades, the idea of Sweden as an Arctic nation was simply not present. This is not unique in itself, but it likely applies to the average person. Therefore, I find it easy to understand that many of the Riksdag's 349 members also miss this in their political everyday lives.

Madam Speaker! If it had been permitted and customary to use props here in the Riksdag's debates, I would now, in the manner of a geography teacher, have displayed a large map for you all. But it would not have been the map with Europe in the middle, but a map view that in another way illustrates where in the world we are located and why the Arctic issues are relevant to us.

If one views a world map with the North Pole at the center and follows the Arctic Circle, one gets a good picture of what the Arctic actually looks like and which countries and seas are in the Arctic region. This map view makes it easier to understand the geopolitical aspects that prompt various world leaders' statements and increased political interest in the Arctic.

One should, for example, consider which of the Arctic countries are like-minded and, diplomatically expressed, less like-minded in an uncertain world where increasing competition for raw materials is a fact.

We must also understand that the Arctic concerns us – geopolitically, in terms of security policy, trade policy, and not least from a research policy perspective. Therefore, the investment in a new research icebreaker is of great importance, as previously mentioned here in the debate.

One must also keep in mind in this context that the Nordic part of the Arctic, including the Swedish part, is far more developed and populated than is the case in several other Arctic nations. We rarely think about it. But believe me, in my contacts with representatives from other Arctic nations within the framework of the Arctic Parliamentary Conference, I notice that they are highly aware of this. They often see us as a more important player and actor in Arctic issues than many Swedes are actually aware of.

Madam Speaker! Since my speaking time is limited to four minutes, I conclude by giving the members of the chamber and any listeners a task to deal with, either at home in the chamber or already here and now, with the help of their mobile phones.

Bring up any map. Place the North Pole in the center of the map image, look at the land areas and the oceans north of the Arctic Circle, and then ask yourself whether Arctic issues should be attributed less or greater relevance in everyday politics. I know at least what I think.

(Applause)

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(A decision was to be taken on 10 June.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)