Kammarkoll

Search everything said in the debates of the Swedish Riksdag

← To the search

The National Audit Office's report on regional development policy

8 February 2023 · 19 speeches · M, MP, S, KD, SD, V, C

Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.

Summary AI, written in advance

The debate concerns the Swedish National Audit Office's report on regional development policy. M believes that people should be able to live and work in all of Sweden through purposeful work 1, wants more permissive mining legislation 1 and a fossil-free energy policy where nuclear power is central 2. S argues that regional policy responsibility should be reviewed 3, wants to expand the presence of the Public Employment Service 3 and emphasizes that welfare is the foundation of regional development 3. KD believes that the government has the right priorities for innovation 4 and that the state should allocate funds for rural development 4. SD wants companies to be able to develop on their own strength 5 and proposes that the property tax for industry be regionalized 5. V wants to promote competitiveness 6, invest in the transport sector 6 and introduce Sweden prices 6. C believes that the regions should have as much responsibility as possible 7. MP wants to strengthen the countryside through investments and welfare 8, advocates for leasing checks for electric cars 8 9 10 and argues that the government's narrowing of the investigation directive for renewable electricity production worsens the conditions 8. SD argues that electric cars entail an enormous cost burden for municipalities 11 and that offshore wind power is extremely expensive 12.

Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.

Speakers (19)
  1. Mats Green (M)
  2. Elin Söderberg (MP)
  3. Mats Green (M)
  4. Elin Söderberg (MP)
  5. Mats Green (M)
  6. Monica Haider (S)
  7. Mats Green (M)
  8. Monica Haider (S)
  9. Mats Green (M)
  10. Monica Haider (S)
  11. Lili André (KD)
  12. Eric Palmqvist (SD)
  13. Lorena Delgado Varas (V)
  14. Elisabeth Thand Ringqvist (C)
  15. Elin Söderberg (MP)
  16. Eric Palmqvist (SD)
  17. Elin Söderberg (MP)
  18. Eric Palmqvist (SD)
  19. Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mats Green (M)

The Swedish National Audit Office's report on regional development policy

Mr. Speaker! I would like to begin by moving to approve the committee's proposal.

Mr. Speaker! The National Audit Office finds that the previous government's organization, management, and follow-up of the regional development policy have provided weak conditions for effective, unified state action to achieve the policy's goals.

Mr. Speaker! For us Moderates, it is a self-evident matter that people should be able to live and work in all of Sweden. People and companies should be given the opportunity to grow and develop regardless of whether one chooses to settle in the city or in the countryside. For this to work, it needs to be simple to start companies, among other things. Transport must be efficient, and municipal self-government needs to be strong.

We Moderates see the potential and the development opportunities for the Swedish countryside. Here, good ideas and entrepreneurship grow. But to reach the potential, a purposeful effort is required to remove obstacles and clarify the opportunities in the countryside. By making it easier to start and run businesses even in the countryside, we can create more opportunities for people to live, grow, and work in all of Sweden.

Mr. Speaker! Naturally, a multitude of different things must change. We need to open up for new and fantastic opportunities where Sweden's different parts and regions can benefit from their own strengths, riches, and assets without first being driven by decision-makers in Stockholm to then potentially come back in parts in the form of grants and support.

A type of business that is often found in the countryside but has long been opposed is microbreweries, cider mills, vineyards, and distilleries. More and more such companies are being established in Sweden, and it is unequivocally positive. But a major problem for these companies is that they are not allowed to sell their produced goods on-site because farm sales are not permitted in Sweden yet. Sweden is, moreover, the only country in the EU where this is not permitted. A regulatory framework that enables farm sales of alcohol should be reviewed for the sake of the companies but also for the sake of the countryside.

Another industry with enormous potential for Sweden in general and obviously for the countryside and the regions in particular, especially Norrland, is the mining industry. What northern Sweden has that a large part of the rest of Sweden does not have is many of the Swedish mines. The mining industry supplies both Sweden and other countries with metals and minerals, in particular the minerals needed to meet the climate challenge.

Dysprosium is such an example. It is also found near Gränna in Jönköpings län, where I live. It is an earth metal with an extremely high degree of magnetism that is needed, among other things, for wind turbines. For those who think that Sweden's energy challenge is best managed with wind power, it should be a self-evident matter that dysprosium is also mined in Sweden. Let me however note that I do not believe that Sweden's energy challenge will be able to be solved with wind power alone.

Mr. Speaker! If one believes in environmental technology and wants Sweden to maintain its leading position, it is important that we obtain more permissive mining and mineral legislation. Above all, the mining industry also means that one adds strong regional growth and also jobs outside the large cities - something that one can sometimes feel is lacking in the Swedish debate, especially when it concerns the mining and mineral industry.

We can also observe that the previous government did not prioritize the mining industry. From having belonged to the top ten among attractive mining countries, according to the Fraser Institute's ranking, which is the current ranking regarding the mining industry in the world, Sweden has lost about twenty places in recent years and now plummeted to just below rank 40. It is not sufficient, Mr. Speaker, if one says and means that one should be a leading country when it comes to the climate challenge.

The mining industry and mineral extraction are obviously not only important for meeting the climate challenge but also for Sweden's security, preparedness, and self-sufficiency. We will then not become dependent on minerals from countries without democracy, such as the despot Putin's Russia, or from countries with atrocious working and environmental conditions.

Becoming a leading country in terms of the climate challenge, growth, and prosperity is also about the unreasonably long and unpredictable permit processes, which lead to investments often being lost in their entirety and jobs and economic growth being lost. It is a development that Sweden does not need or can afford, especially not when mining has such an important role in the climate transition.

Therefore, the permit processes must be shortened and become significantly more predictable. One way to achieve this is to limit the number of authorities that act on behalf of the state in permit cases.

We also need to get rid of the absurdity that different government agencies appeal what other government agencies have decided. It is not acceptable. The state must, above all, sort out its own mess.

In an investigation presented in the autumn, it was proposed that mining operations should transfer funds to municipalities so that they can use these to build the infrastructure needed in connection with the mining operations and for other initiatives. It is only right and reasonable that revenues from mining operations partially come to the local community. Above all, this is for the benefit of the local community, because in this way, local acceptance for the mining operations is increased. Sweden also becomes less vulnerable.

Mr. Speaker! Local acceptance is important even in another issue that ranks high on the agenda right now: electricity production. This is particularly relevant when it comes to wind power. Therefore, the government has given the investigation Strengthened incentives for expanded wind power an additional mandate to clearly propose how the operators should compensate municipalities affected by wind power expansion. In this way, municipalities are compensated for the fact that the local population and the environment are significantly affected by such expansion. We also say that it is important to take greater consideration of both local interests and the local environment when it comes to the wind power expansion that is ongoing on a large scale across all of Sweden.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden's regions, municipalities, cities and localities all have different conditions and face different types of challenges. In large cities, the problems do not always manifest in the same way as they do for us who live in smaller communities in the countryside. The opportunities in the countryside, outside the metropolitan regions, are not the same as in the middle of the city bustle.

I am certain that the Moderate-led government, together with our coalition partners, will change the course here. Sweden is simply a large country. We will take advantage of that and ensure that people can live, reside, and work in all of Sweden.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! I thank Mats Green for the speech.

Mats Green speaks about mines and says that we have a great need for minerals and metals. Miljöpartiet sees that there is a great potential in utilizing the minerals and metals that have already been excavated. To achieve this work, political measures are needed so that it becomes more profitable to extract and utilize these minerals and metals.

What do the Moderates and the government intend to do to improve the conditions for extraction and recycling from already excavated materials?

So, regarding the permit processes. There are very good conditions in Sweden to achieve smooth and legally secure processes with maintained good work for the environment and where the rights of the local population are defended. It is therefore regrettable that neither the Climate Justice Inquiry's nor the Environmental Assessment Inquiry's proposals are included in the government's list of propositions for the spring and that the focus instead lies on completely different measures than those that could quickly and easily make these processes smoother.

In his speech, Mats Green also mentioned the need for incentives for faster wind power expansion with connections to both permit processes and the local population. When Miljöpartiet was in government, we commissioned an incentive study, but the government has now chosen to limit this study so that it may only present proposals that the wind power companies themselves shall cover the costs for. This will reduce the conditions for incentives among the local population and furthermore increase the costs of wind power expansion.

Why is the government doing this?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Mats Green (M)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, Member Elin Söderberg, for the questions regarding the mining and mineral legislation! I find it interesting that it is now being said that Miljöpartiet wants to improve and expand the possibility to extract and recycle minerals, since Miljöpartiet has been the single largest opponent to this. During the time that Miljöpartiet was part of the government, Sweden plummeted in the international mining rankings. The sinner wakes late, but it is good that the sinner now seems to have woken up.

What does one need to do then to increase the incentives and opportunities to mine minerals in Sweden? Naturally, there are a number of different measures that must be taken. It involves, on the one hand, making it more profitable for the local community. It also involves starting to address the clumsy and completely misguided interpretation of the Environmental Code that we have received here in Sweden, where no consideration is taken for our and the climate transition's need for, above all, rare earth metals. I cannot list here and now all the measures that will become necessary, but the work has already begun. I believe it is important that the work both begins and ends with the fact that one reviews and changes the Environmental Code. I suspect, however, that we will not agree with Miljöpartiet on this.

When it comes to wind power and increased incentives for this, the problem is that we have had extremely large incentives for companies – large corporations, often foreign-owned – to start and operate wind power in Sweden. The problem is therefore not that we have too poor incentives but rather the opposite. This should be seen against the background that wind power will not be able to solve Sweden's energy challenge. We need to have a balance between the power sources; that is how it is. This implies certain consequences for wind power but also certain consequences for nuclear power.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Mats Green actually clarifies in his answer the major differences between the Green Party's industrial policy and the Moderates' industrial policy. For us Greens, the green transition must be precisely green. We shall ensure that we have good environmental protection in the transition and that it does not damage our waters and our local environment, which can affect our health. The transition shall be both environmentally and socially sustainable. This is extremely important.

Miljöpartiet has worked actively to create the conditions for the green industrial transition to be able to get started. Now we see it gaining momentum. We want to see continued leadership to take this transition all the way to completion. Then, throughout the entire journey, it must be precisely environmentally and socially sustainable. The Moderates instead advocate for a 20th-century industrial policy which instead can complicate problems that we have been burdened with for many years.

We see that we need an industrial policy for the future. When we are to shorten the permit processes, we should also do it in a good way. What the industry demands are parallel processes, that the authorities can work more in an advisory capacity, and that we, through dialogue, cooperation, and joint planning, can achieve significant shortenings in the permit processes. Instead, Mats Green sticks to the Environmental Code. The government will therefore take measures that do not solve the need for shorter permit processes and which instead create additional problems.

I want to see that the green industrial transition becomes truly green. I want to see that it becomes environmentally and socially sustainable and that we reduce emissions fast enough so that we meet the Paris Agreement.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Mats Green (M)

Mr. Speaker! Above all, the industry wants shorter and more predictable permit processes. This is something that Miljöpartiet has very effectively opposed during eight years in government, but now everything is to be done in a few months.

I agree with the member on one point: There is a world of difference between the Moderates' industrial policy, where we believe in industry, and the Green Party's industrial policy, where they want to punish it out of the country.

When it comes to the industry's transition, it is essential to have an energy system that is sustainable and that produces electricity – a clean, cheap, and stable electricity production, and not the reality that we had to deal with when Miljöpartiet sat in the government. The oil-fired Karlshamn plant burned as much oil during two years as had been burned previously during the last twenty years combined. It is therefore part of the effects after eight years of red-green energy policy.

I would have welcomed it if you had joined the line that we now have, namely that we shall have a fossil-free energy policy that also ensures that we can reclaim the position that has always been and must become Sweden's, that is to say a country where there is good access to clean, cheap and stable electricity production. In that case, nuclear power and predictable electricity production are A and O. But we saw the effects of the previous government's energy policy. That was why it was necessary to fuel the Karlshamn plant with twenty times as much oil in two years as during the previous twenty years combined. That says everything, Mr. Speaker, and that is why we have already had to begin the work with a completely new course for Sweden, especially regarding the electricity and energy policy.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Monica Haider (S)

Mr. Speaker! It is almost a bit liberating to hear Mats Green speak so passionately about wind power. It is almost completely fantastic. Then came a dash of nuclear power at the end. I was waiting for it. He hardly mentioned it in his speech. It would also be interesting to hear what the Moderaterna and the government intend to do to reduce the number of authorities affected by the permit processes. That was a new proposal.

But that was not what I intended to ask Mats Green about, Mr. Speaker. My question instead concerns the companies, which are the cornerstone of regional development in the countryside, and everywhere, so that we can develop. Today, both companies and private individuals are suffering from very high electricity prices, which we have touched upon. We private individuals know now that we will receive our money at the end of February and the beginning of March, but the business owners have still not received any notification as to when their electricity support will be paid out. In an interpellation debate some weeks ago, the Minister for Energy answered that a state aid notification would be made to the EU shortly, as that needs to be done before the support can be paid out. The question then is: Has this state aid notification been submitted, and when will the companies receive their electricity support?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Mats Green (M)

Mr. Speaker! I apologize if I was unclear. I am not exactly standing here trying to sell you on wind power, but I can live with it being interpreted that way. I am not against wind power, but the ambition was perhaps not quite to sell you on it. I promise and swear that I will be significantly clearer and not so subtle in the future when it comes to just wind power.

Regarding the electricity price support for companies, which Monica Haider asked about, I would have wished that I could answer the question of when the supports can be paid out. Unfortunately, I cannot do that, but the work on this is ongoing day and night in the Government Offices and at the relevant authorities. I will also unfortunately not be able to comment on when one can expect the EU Commission's review of the applications, for example regarding the reinforced electricity price support for energy-intensive companies at 2.4 billion in addition to the ordinary electricity price support for companies. I unfortunately cannot specify a date for this right now, other than that it will naturally need to happen as quickly as possible. I share the frustration that many business owners have, and which Monica Haider obviously also has, that it has not come out yet, but I will not be able to give an exact date.

One must also have some respect for Svenska kraftnät's difficulties in finding a system and a principle for the electricity price support that allows it to be fast while simultaneously needing to be legally secure. As a business owner, one should be able to know what support one is entitled to and be able to have it reviewed if one believes that the wrong support has been received. But I do, therefore, share the full frustration regarding the fact that the support must be paid out as quickly as possible.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Monica Haider (S)

Mr. Speaker! I must admit that I did not believe it was true either. I actually thought I heard wrong, which I apparently did. But I could not help but point it out, because it was positive that you spoke about wind power as something positive, Mats Green, even offshore wind power and not just onshore wind power.

Regarding the corporate support, the member was clear that one cannot say when or if it will be approved, but during the election campaign, a high profile was maintained and electricity price support was promised, quite quickly as well. One should have understood already then that it is complicated to pay out support to companies and private individuals.

I actually have no more questions. It was interesting to hear you speak about wind power, and I look forward to the next debate.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Mats Green (M)

Mr. Speaker! It feels a bit tedious to have to once again correct Monica Haider's overly positive view of my statements, but as far as I know, I did not mention the offshore wind power. But I gladly accept a discussion about that as well.

I have absolutely nothing against wind power. However, there may be certain reservations in my position that I obviously need to be clearer about for the future.

When it comes to the electricity price support for companies, no one has ever said that it is not a complicated issue. We have been clear that we intended to present an electricity price support and a high-cost protection before November 1, and that was also done. Then I am, again, the first to regret that it has taken so much time.

In some parts, it is about the previous government's time allocation to Svenska kraftnät being far too generous. We had to cut a large part of the time to produce a proposal faster. It would not have gone faster with anyone else, but having said that, I am the first to regret that it has taken far too long to issue the support to our companies. Again: It is absolutely crucial that this support is issued as quickly as possible in all parts, in full.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Monica Haider (S)

Mr. Speaker! Today we are debating the Committee on Enterprise's report NU8, the National Audit Office's report on regional development policy.

We in the Social Democrats stand by all our reservations in the report, but for the sake of time, I move for approval of only reservation 1 in the report.

We mean that regional policy considerations should always be taken into account during the localization and reorganization of state agencies, something that is not always clear in regulatory letters and directives. As the report describes, the regional policy development responsibility is also not clearly defined, which hinders cooperation between regions and agencies. Therefore, the regional policy responsibility should be reviewed.

We want to remind of our proposal for 4.8 billion for compensation for high fuel costs, which was unfortunately rejected here in the Riksdag.

Mr. Speaker! Regional development policy is important for the whole of Sweden to hold together and for us to have equal conditions to live, reside, and work in all of Sweden. For this to become a reality, we must have a welfare system that works, regardless of where in our elongated country one lives, and equal schools, healthcare, and elderly care – simply a strong society.

Right now, the war in Ukraine is ongoing. We see their suffering, and the consequences of the war are appalling. Russia's war of invasion has had major consequences in Europe, with sky-high gas prices and very high prices for fuels but also increased inflation. This has obviously had consequences for electricity prices throughout Europe and in Sweden. This affects regional development.

The National Audit Office recommends that the government investigate the regional development policy. We all know that the regional development policy is difficult to define. Regional development is everything and nothing. The National Audit Office also points out that in regulatory letters and other assignments, it is necessary to ensure clear objectives, requirements, and expectations regarding the state agencies' cooperation with each other and with the regions.

I attended the County Administrative Board of Kronoberg's oversight council on Monday, and there we discussed how differently it works in different counties, which is not good. In this year's regulatory letter, the mandate includes, among other things, good administrative practice and that one should balance different societal interests from a state-wide holistic perspective and work cross-sectorally. But then the cooperating authorities must also have this mandate.

The report also says that the regional development policy has been developed and that improvements can be seen in the cooperation and coordination of the implementing actors. This is good, but there is obviously more to be done.

Mr. Speaker! The Government agrees in part with the Swedish National Audit Office's observation but notes that the Act on Regional Development Responsibility and the Ordinance on Regional Growth Work regulate state agencies' participation in regional growth work. The Government has also stated in the national strategy for sustainable regional development throughout the country that coordination between the state agencies and a well-functioning cooperation between the regions and the municipalities is crucial to achieving the goal of the regional development policy.

The previous government took measures for clearer governance within rural development and skills supply, which are important for regional development.

Regarding the point about short-sightedness in assignments or offers, it is problematic. We can see this in this year's budget, where the government, for example, removes two-thirds of the appropriations for nature conservation, which means that nature reserves will not be able to be maintained or the fight against invasive species will not be able to continue. These assignments were carried out by private contractors who will now lose assignments and income, and those contractors are located in the countryside.

The National Audit Office also points out that impact assessments are rare. The previous government has evaluated the effects of, for example, the business-supporting measures within the programs for the European Regional Development Fund, and Tillväxtanalys has also evaluated the transport subsidy. The evaluation was completed on 31 January.

Mr. Speaker! The report also deals with a number of motions from the general motion period. It is everything from support for rural traders and relocation of agencies to compensation to municipalities and neighbors for wind power. I hope that the new government continues on the path taken regarding the relocation of state jobs. It does not start so well with the payment agency that is to be located in Stockholm instead of in Södertälje, as was decided.

In order for the whole of Sweden to develop, jobs and companies are needed. If these are in place, the possibility for regional development increases. A functioning labor and skills supply throughout the country is a prerequisite for this. We see that the right-wing parties do not prioritize this but instead carry out the cuts at Arbetsförmedlingen. There, we want to expand the presence across the whole country, especially where unemployment is highest. We also want more labor market training, extra services, and adult education.

The transition support that we introduced will be an important piece of the puzzle as the labor market changes. There were a few of us at Teknikföretagen last night, and it was one of the issues they raised and think is good. Many have already applied for transition support.

We also want more service offices throughout the country. In the situation we are in now, all measures are needed so that we can prepare for the future but also to meet the demand for labor that already exists. In the public sector, we see a large shortage in certain professional groups, and as I began my speech with: Welfare is the foundation of regional development policy. If it does not exist, there will be no regional development. Here, for example, Äldreomsorgslyftet would have been important. But it was removed in the right-wing parties' budget.

We need a policy that is adapted to the different conditions that exist in our elongated country. Sweden's rural areas are actually different. What is the same is the need for welfare so that we can live, reside and work regardless of where in the country one lives. We need a strong society and a safer society.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lili André (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I would first like to express my approval of the committee's proposal for a decision.

Sweden's innovative power is a completely crucial future issue. Therefore, it is extremely important that we both continue to invest in research and improve the opportunities to move from idea to reality and growing companies.

Swedish entrepreneurship consists almost exclusively of small and medium-sized enterprises. 99.9 percent of all Swedish companies have fewer than 250 employees and are classified as small and medium-sized enterprises. Together, these companies do not only constitute a major employer, but they have also been identified by both the EU Commission and the European Parliament as the growth opportunity of the future.

In the EU's economy, small and medium-sized enterprises are a cornerstone, and EU policy aims to increase their competitiveness. Among other things, the European Regional Development Fund contributes to this goal. And the regional development work is largely financed with project funds.

We have received a report on regional development policy from the Swedish National Audit Office. The report shares the Swedish National Audit Office's observations and recommendations, as well as the need for interventions within regional development policy so that the goal of this policy can be achieved.

The authorities' assessment is that, overall, there is a lack of clarity, long-term perspective, and a holistic perspective in the government's management and organization of the measures.

The National Audit Office points out that the regional development responsibility is not clearly defined and that short-sightedness hampers the opportunities for long-term learning. There is also no agency with overall responsibility for regional development within the state administration.

Mr. Speaker! Here, the state's governance of regional development policy is important, where effective, unified state action is a must. And the current government with the Kristdemokraterna will take this responsibility.

For us Christian Democrats, it is about ensuring that the welfare system functions, that the conditions for living, working, and residing in all of Sweden are improved. The business sector shall be given good conditions to strengthen competitiveness, create jobs, and contribute to green innovations and thus to the transition to a sustainable development.

The goal of the regional development policy is development power with strengthened local and regional competitiveness for a sustainable development in all parts of Sweden's beautiful land.

The Government identifies five priorities for the strategic area of innovation and renewal as well as entrepreneurship and business across the country. It is about transition through strong regional innovation systems and smart specialization. It is about a competitive, circular and bio-based, as well as climate- and environmentally sustainable economy. It is about taking advantage of the opportunities of digitalization. It is about a good business climate with good framework conditions and well-functioning capital supply. And it is finally about internationalization, investment promotion, and increased exports.

These are incredibly important areas to stimulate in our regions.

Regional development policy and the Swedish implementation of the EU's cohesion policy are closely integrated. In Sweden, the European Regional Development Fund shall contribute to the transition to a sustainable regional development by supporting regional development momentum, the competitiveness of the business sector, and employment.

The regions also base their regional development work on the regional development strategy that is developed in each county. It is a strategy that shall contribute to cross-sectoral cooperation between the counties and between actors at local, regional, national and international levels. It shall form the basis for the structural fund program and shall be developed in close cooperation with the relevant municipalities, county administrative boards and other state agencies.

Mr. Speaker! The regions manage their affairs on the basis of local self-government, which means an independent and free right of decision-making for the regions. But the state has a responsibility to ensure that regions have good and equal conditions to provide an efficient welfare service of good quality. From the government's side, measures can therefore be taken for clearer governance by allocating funds for national initiatives, which we Christian Democrats also do, through rural development, broadband, and skills supply.

I want to emphasize the importance of well-functioning cooperation between state agencies, regions and municipalities, as well as consultation with the business community and civil society organizations.

The government's development and management of regional development policy shall be coordinated with rural policy, policy for sustainable urban development, and environmental policy. There shall be opportunities so that measures within the policy areas complement each other and contribute to promoting synergies. Here, state agencies have an important role in the implementation of measures within these policy areas.

To achieve the goals for rural areas and cities, it is important to have a breadth of measures across many expenditure and policy areas - cross-sectoral governance of resources within many expenditure areas as well as regional consideration of structural differences, for example differences in urban structure and localization patterns, demography, socioeconomics and business.

When it comes to reinforced regional development, we Kristdemokrater work for good access to commercial and public services, financial capital, culture, healthcare, education and competence, as well as for an equality perspective to be integrated. We Kristdemokrater are pleased that the government is now highlighting these development areas for the regional development policy in order to strengthen cities, urban areas, as well as sparse and rural areas.

Mr. Speaker! I move that the Riksdag place the letter in the records.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Eric Palmqvist (SD)

Mr. Speaker! About two months ago, we debated expenditure area 19 on regional development here in the chamber. Unlike then, we have a number of reservations in today's report, but I will content myself with moving for approval of reservation 11.

A not too bold guess from my side is that we here today will hear a number of members rave about regions in Sweden that perhaps are not highlighted as often in the political debate. When we talk about regional development, we all seem to agree that all of Sweden should live, and it is nice that we are at least in agreement on the substance.

Today's debate takes its starting point from the report that the National Audit Office has submitted to the government after auditing the regional development policy and how effective it has been. But as is customary in such contexts, the various parties' motions from the general motion period that bear on this policy area in this debate are also addressed, which means that it will likely be more about regional development policy in general than the conclusions in the report itself. I think that this can be an interesting and educational accompaniment for those who may be sitting in the gallery and listening or for those who are listening to this debate on SVT Forum.

Mr. Speaker! When I say that we, regardless of party affiliation, agree that all of Sweden shall live, it is my view that the differences between the parties rather concern how we view the conditions of our different regions today and in the future, as well as how we best strengthen those regions that face the greatest challenges. If both the current situation and the target goal differ, it is perhaps not so strange that we land slightly differently in our political proposals.

I did not intend to say much about the National Audit Office's report in today's debate, but there is one thing it establishes that I want to point out. In the report, it confirms something I have said several times before when this policy area has been debated, namely that it is difficult to delimit and determine what constitutes regional growth policy. This is because, in principle, almost all other political decisions affect the conditions of different regions to some extent in one way or another.

It is like this: Some of our regions are doing great, with a growth that is more than sufficient, without us actually needing to do much for it to be so – while other regions find themselves in a much more vulnerable position. Here, somewhere, one can begin to unravel differences in perspectives on, for example, the metropolitan regions and the more rural-dominated ones.

My and the Sweden Democrats' conviction is that people and companies out in our regions primarily want reasonable conditions to develop on their own and by their own strength. These should be reasonable and long-term conditions that embrace the drive and entrepreneurial spirit that exists in many places in the country – conditions that do not make people and companies that have established themselves far from the termini in SL's line network into losers.

We do not only believe, but are convinced, that reasonable conditions create a foundation for pride and a belief in one's own region. There is a difference between, on the one hand, being negatively affected by political decisions that are then compensated through various grants and subsidies, and on the other hand, being given fundamental good conditions from the start. A policy that for a long time has put the country's rural areas as an exception reinforces the image of a struggling and depleting countryside among the public, even though nothing could actually be more incorrect.

If we delve into this reasoning, we however end up in questions that are not primarily what counts as regional growth policy, Mr. Speaker - just as the National Audit Office also points out.

I have had the privilege, both in my previous professional life and in my life as a politician, to visit people and companies throughout the country, from Kiruna in the north to Trelleborg in the south and from Haparanda in the east to Strömstad in the west.

I have seen factories that manufacture cars, mobile phone systems, meatballs and apple juice. I have seen companies that manufacture concrete house elements and manufacturers of next-generation industrial machines and solar panels. I have seen sawmills, mines and Esrange, our own rocket launch base outside Kiruna. I have met entrepreneurs who distill whisky and others who manufacture jam. In my meetings with these companies, it is often astonishing how similar the accompanying messages actually are.

No matter where in the country one goes, the high inflation is currently being described as a problem. It is an inflation that is rooted primarily in two things: the consequences of a senseless energy policy and the skyrocketing transport costs. Regardless of the situation, all our companies require transport in some or several stages, and whatever they manufacture or sell, they are almost without exception more or less affected by the high electricity prices which are a consequence of having thrown a modern and well-functioning energy system into disarray.

It is often said that a weak krona is at least good for our export companies, but it has gone so far that even they are suffering - not least because they are often dependent on components that are imported or because the business is conducted in another currency or with fixed prices during the contract period.

Mr. Speaker! There is hardly any doubt about the importance of Swedish industry for regional development. Where there is industry and jobs, there are also usually conditions for public services and housing construction. One can say that industry provides jobs that generate tax revenues which finance schools and healthcare. Historically, this has also given municipalities with heavy industry great advantages as the working population, that is, the tax base, has lived in the area.

In line with the fact that modern industries have been largely automated and people have had the opportunity to commute, we nevertheless see several examples of municipalities with prosperous industries that today still struggle with a declining tax base. It has been a long time since the sawmills, hydroelectric power stations, and pulp mills teemed with people, which means that the municipalities no longer receive a particularly large share of the cake despite the operations running at full capacity – simply because the tax system we apply is not designed based on contemporary conditions.

The Sweden Democrats' position is consistently that it would be appropriate to in one way or another compensate the municipalities or the regions for this. Our proposal has been to regionalize the property tax for industrial and power production units. Such a reform would provide a welcome supplement to all our regions, not least the Norrland counties. In this context, I want to emphasize that we naturally honor the budget agreement we have with the Tidö parties, but we would wish that one at least considered such a model or let the possibility of implementing it be investigated.

What is the alternative, Mr. Speaker – impoverished municipalities that become increasingly desperate and allow themselves to be exposed to fortune seekers?

Nearly a hundred years ago, there was a religious movement in my home county of Norrbotten called the Korpelarörelsen. It gained a foothold primarily in Tornedalen, and many tragedies unfolded in its wake. Overall, one can say that it was people who lived, if not poorly, at least very simply, and who, thanks to devoted preachers, came to give away both their homesteads and their bank books in anticipation of being collected by the silver ark that the Lord sent out to lead them to salvation. It is a silver ark that, by the way, has not arrived yet, in the year 2023.

One can, of course, ask what we can learn from this sad story and what it has to do with regional growth policy. Yes, one lesson we should draw is that a strained economy often makes us susceptible to messages that are too good to be true and thus causes us to make decisions in conflict with rational thinking. It is nothing strange but highly human, and it applies even to us decision-makers. We are also human beings.

Mr. Speaker! It is therefore my conviction that a regional growth policy is not only important for ensuring that companies and other operations in the country have reasonable conditions, but it can also contribute to making our politicians in all the country's municipalities more resilient against things that sound too good to be true. If it then concerns promises of jobs linked to the manufacture of unreasonably heavy-treaded bicycles made of plastic, the establishment of facilities that manufacture fuels that no one demands anymore, or industrial initiatives that require more energy than can reasonably be offered within the foreseeable future, these are of secondary importance in this context.

Regional growth policy is therefore not just about making investments, but about making the right investments and giving people, companies, and decision-makers in all our municipalities and regions the best possible conditions for the future. Despite everything, all of us here in this chamber agree that all of Sweden shall live.

In conclusion, Mr. Speaker: When I began refining my speech for this debate, I had so many tracks to choose from. I had intended to speak about the support for commercial services in the countryside, farm sales and differentiated alcohol tax, defense establishments, increased exploration rates, digital infrastructure and the fact that we now belong to the countries in the EU that have the worst 5G rollout as well as even more about our neglected infrastructure - but my speaking time is not sufficient for that.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lorena Delgado Varas (V)

Mr. Speaker! The National Audit Office has audited the government's organization, management, and follow-up of the regional development policy.

Our goal in the area of regional development is development power with strengthened local and regional competitiveness for sustainable development in all parts of the country. There have been different strategies to achieve the goals; the latest came in 2021 and applies to the period 2021-2030.

Regional development policy shall, among other things, be part of the implementation of Agenda 2030 and promote equality, integration, diversity and other social dimensions needed to build a strong society. It shall promote a better environment, promote the energy transition, create conditions for jobs in more and growing companies and strengthen productivity in the business sector. It is about comprehensive plans that move across different political areas.

In this report, it has been noted, among other things, that more clarity and straighter directives are needed. The authorities need clearer directives on cooperation, as cooperation is needed at different levels. It is also pointed out that a specific authority needs to be given the responsibility of having the total picture of the regional development policy. Part of this is ongoing work, and we from Vänsterpartiet will, of course, follow it closely.

It can be stated that one often promises a lot, but it is not much that happens. If the whole country is to live, which most parties - if not all - agree on, we need to invest. We need to invest in the transport sector, in trains and in electric vehicles. We need to have a healthcare system that extends across the entire country. People should not have to stand in queues for several years - sometimes for decades - or be forced to take out loans to have somewhere to live. This is the basis for being able to achieve the goals.

We in Vänsterpartiet have, among other things, developed an investment plan that could cover some of the needs. We have also proposed "Sverigepriser" (Sweden prices), so that people and companies will be able to afford to work and live where they are. Here, the state has a responsibility. It is extremely important to give regions, municipalities, and communities tools to develop their areas.

We need to remove the obstacles when it comes to, for example, public transport in rural areas, which make it impossible to choose anything other than the car. How can we support companies to stay in industrial towns without them being sold and shut down? How do we get rid of the private commercial premises in the suburbs that charge extortionate rents and force companies to shut down?

There is much to do in this divided country. I intend to highlight two proposals that could give certain regions and municipalities opportunities to drive development forward.

The first proposal concerns a tax on fuels. We believe that this is an important tool to reduce the climate impact of car use. At the same time, the tax makes no difference between a high-income earner in a large city with good access to public transport, who could choose to opt out of using a car, and a low-income earner in rural areas, where there is no alternative because no investments have been made.

We therefore consider it absolutely necessary to introduce compensatory measures for those with low incomes in rural areas who lack alternatives to the car. Residents in rural areas should be compensated financially for the increased prices of gasoline and diesel by returning money to stimulate a sustainable climate transition. For example, this can be done by strengthening the possibilities for public transport, finding new ways to have public transport, introducing conversion support for existing cars, and changing the travel deduction. Our view is that the government should return with proposals for compensatory measures to return economic means to where they are needed.

The second proposal concerns how we support the municipalities and communities that are responsible for the production of energy via hydropower and wind power; the vast majority of these are in northern Sweden. Today, there is a local area compensation, so-called *bygdemedel*, which economically compensates the municipalities that have been affected by the expansion of hydropower. The compensation is regulated in law and ordinance and means that those who have a permit for water activities shall pay an annual *bygdeavgift*. These funds shall primarily compensate for the costs that have arisen to prevent or reduce damage or be paid out as compensation for the damage caused by the water activity. It is not exactly about developing the area.

When it comes to wind power, a community fee has emerged as a requirement from various municipalities, but it has occurred on a voluntary basis and without regulation. If we are now to have wind power – and Vänsterpartiet considers that we need much more of it – we need to create incentives so that these municipalities will want to have wind power in their areas.

To increase acceptance, there should be legislation regarding a production-based economic compensation to these communities. We in Vänsterpartiet therefore believe that the government should design a proposal so that the wind power is returned to the municipalities where it is built.

We also believe that municipalities that contribute with valuable production of hydropower should be allowed to retain a portion of its value. That more of the value of natural resources remains where they are extracted is valuable for those who live in the area. This could provide the opportunity to develop values that make it attractive - and in many cases possible - to live there. Hydropower generates enormous sums, but despite this, only a small portion of the surplus from hydropower production comes to the municipalities. Therefore, we believe that a larger portion of the power companies' profits should be returned to the municipalities, so that the municipalities can perform such work.

With this, Mr. Speaker, I would like to move for approval of reservation 13.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elisabeth Thand Ringqvist (C)

Mr. Speaker! The goal of the regional development policy is development power with strong local and regional competitiveness for sustainable development in all parts of the country.

The National Audit Office, which is the organization we here in the Riksdag have to evaluate the effectiveness of various agencies, has looked at regional policy and tried to understand whether the regional development policy actually reaches the goal that I have just described. It concludes that the government's management has provided weak conditions for effective and unified state action to achieve the policy's goals. In Swedish, one could say: We actually have no idea how well or poorly it is going.

The National Audit Office also points out that the regional development responsibility is not particularly clearly defined and that short-termism hampers the possibilities for long-term action. I know many regional councillors across Sweden who agree with that description.

Since 2019, in just three years, all regions in Sweden and Gotland's municipality have had the regional development responsibility. This change in responsibility has, however, varied between the regions. At times, problems have also arisen with cooperation between the regions. We therefore believe that the regional development policy should be investigated. It has not been done for 20 years, and much has happened since then. Above all, we have placed a greater responsibility on precisely the regions to manage the regional development policy.

It is of course possible to read between the lines that government agencies, which are not infrequently located in Stockholm, are somewhat eager for there to be more order and tidiness and for them to have more control themselves. That is not quite how we see it. We believe that the regions themselves should be given as much responsibility as possible to manage the grants they receive in various forms. It is of course also possible, with various digital tools, to follow up on whether the goals are actually being met. One does not have to have full control to ensure that the goals are met. That balance is not at all correct today.

The government has largely been unclear in the management of all authorities in the country that must cooperate with the regions. They are often used to cooperating via the county administrative boards, which have had a large part of these assignments previously. But now it is the regions and regional councils that are to be responsible for that cooperation. It could become much clearer.

The distribution of the national grant for regional development measures, which everyone who works with regional politics calls "one-for-one money," must also be reviewed. It has only changed marginally in recent years. Therefore, a review needs to be conducted.

In addition to investigating how the goals of regional policy can be achieved in a better way and how one can have better self-government with maintained control, there is another investigation that needs to be conducted. It concerns whether tax bases can be municipalized or regionalized.

The largest part of Sweden's hydropower and wind power is produced in the northern parts of the country. We know that. These energy-producing properties are an incredibly important prerequisite for Sweden's prosperity and contribute to both heating and industrial production. In a small municipality like Ragunda, which has among Sweden's highest taxation, 5 terawatt-hours of electricity are produced. This corresponds to household electricity for 1 million villas.

Unfortunately, the areas where the power is produced do not get much back. The number of jobs is sometimes zero and at best few. In order to strengthen the municipalities' and regions' opportunities and incentives to pursue growth-promoting policies based on their own conditions, tax policy must more often be used as a growth tool for the entire country. It is important that the municipality or region that grants land for industries and power plants gets to share in the taxes that the companies pay. It should therefore be investigated how a number of tax bases could be municipalized or regionalized so that a larger share of the values created remains locally. A first step is to municipalize or regionalize the property tax on water and wind power plants.

I stand behind all the reservations we have submitted, but I move for approval of only reservation 12 under point 7.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Social benefits created in rural areas and remote areas cannot be created in cities and vice versa. Cities, urban areas, rural areas and remote areas are therefore dependent on each other.

My view is that society must exist for everyone in the entire country. For far too long, however, gaps between city and countryside have increased in Sweden, which has led to unequal conditions and circumstances. I therefore believe that measures are needed to strengthen rural and sparsely populated areas. A number of measures need to be taken in order to enable investments, increase accessibility within welfare, strengthen community services, as well as promote a living culture and a strong civil society in rural and sparsely populated areas. Several proposals to strengthen this are found in the Miljöpartiet motion 2022/23:2171.

Furthermore, by reason of the proposals on measures following the increased fuel taxes, I would like to remind of a number of proposals that Miljöpartiet has submitted. We are in a situation with high fuel prices, high electricity prices, and an inflation that harms both households and companies. I note that the government and Sverigedemokraterna are handling this by proposing measures that actively increase greenhouse gas emissions. That path only leads to increased problems and increased climate-related risks.

We have many measures, a large toolbox, that the state can use to protect the households and companies that are now affected by the high fuel prices, electricity prices, and inflation. Miljöpartiet has, not least in our budget motion, proposed a distribution policy that ensures the protection of those households that have the fewest resources.

In addition to that, we have submitted a number of proposals to address the costs of transport. We want to introduce a leasing check for electric cars and a scrapping premium that can be used to lease or rent an electric car or participate in a car pool.

We also want to lower the tax specifically in rural areas, so that people can get 4,000 kronor more in their wallets per year in those areas where there is the greatest need for the car for their transport.

Through that policy, we can both manage the high fuel prices and continue the work to reduce emissions and avoid the most serious climate-related risks.

Sweden's companies are conducting active sustainability work that opens up for new innovations, business development and new jobs and companies across the entire country. Good conditions for innovation and business development and for moving from idea to established business activity is important to promote a green transition of our industries and entire sectors.

I believe that investments in more educations that secure the competence needs for the climate transition are a very important piece of the puzzle. If there is a correctly trained workforce regionally and locally, the new green industries will also provide jobs on-site. It is therefore important that we expand the education programs at upper secondary schools and colleges for the green industrial jobs of the future and that we ensure the presence of active educational places with relevant educations near the locations where the jobs are created. Proposals for measures in this area have also been submitted by Miljöpartiet in a motion, 2022/23:2170. These are, however, handled in a different report.

I also want to point out that measures are needed to secure the supply of competence. In the Green Party's budget motion, for expenditure area 19, which concerns regional development, we allocated closer to 600 million more than the government for local and regional capacity development. There is a huge need to secure the personnel supply in the country. This is particularly important in rural areas and the countryside. Personnel are needed in healthcare, in all activities, across the entire welfare system, and in industry.

It is absolutely central that we have an active effort to strengthen the skills supply in the country. From Miljöpartiet, there are proposals to work with this within the regional development policy. I see, however, that the government is presenting several proposals that will make skills supply in Sweden more difficult, which is very serious. It will also affect rural areas and the countryside.

For the positive development of renewable energy to continue, targets need to be set for the different types of power. Miljöpartiet wants the target to be 150 terawatt-hours for offshore wind power by 2040 at the latest. For this to be possible, the local benefit of wind power needs to increase. I believe this should happen through the introduction of a local electricity bonus. The municipalities' finances are crucial for investments and development in rural areas and in sparsely populated areas. A local electricity bonus that gives the municipalities payment for the renewable electricity produced there would give rural and sparsely populated municipalities more resources to invest in society.

It is also my opinion that those who live near wind power installations should be given the right to partial ownership in the wind power. In that way, one can strengthen the incentives and also increase investments in electricity production, which are important here and now.

When Miljöpartiet was in government, the Incentive Inquiry was commissioned, which is to investigate the possibilities of strengthening the incentives to invest in renewable electricity production. I unfortunately note that the Moderate-led government has narrowed this inquiry directive. One may now only submit proposals that the wind power companies themselves shall bear the cost of. This worsens the conditions for increased incentives and increases the cost of expanding renewable electricity.

I naturally stand behind all the reservations from Miljöpartiet in the report. For the sake of time, I only move for approval of reservation 14.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Eric Palmqvist (SD)

Mr. Speaker! I have listened to Elin Söderberg's speech here. As a municipal politician in a smaller Norrland municipality, I cannot understand how one can argue in that way based on the reality we live in. I am thinking about how Söderberg champions Swedish municipalities and the Swedish countryside and at the same time argues for, for example, the transition to electric cars.

In my own municipality, there are long distances. It is Sweden's third largest municipality by area. It has been extremely cost-driving to fuel the cars used in, for example, home care, school transport activities, and the like. All school transports and everything related to the municipal operations have become much more expensive. But the municipalities are then forced to reinvest in cars that are approximately two to three times as expensive as the previous cars, and furthermore, they are forced to invest in charging infrastructure.

Electric cars have a lower utilization rate because those who drive long trips in the countryside need to charge the car during the day. The next shift can therefore not use the car directly after them, but it must be charged to be usable.

I cannot make sense of this. With the policy that Miljöpartiet is pushing, already weak municipalities are being imposed with an enormous cost burden that they did not have previously. I do not think Miljöpartiet's proposal gives any semblance of trying to meet those costs. The member may be welcome to elaborate on that.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Warm thanks to the member for these questions!

When it comes to fuel prices, they are problematic. People who really need a car and cannot afford to buy a new electric car are hit unreasonably hard. The question is which political path one takes then.

What I see very clearly here is that the Sweden Democrats and the government choose to make fossil fuels cheaper. This leads to increased greenhouse gas emissions, which in turn leads to worsened climate risks that also affect us here in Sweden. It also leads to us locking ourselves into a fossil dependency. We lock ourselves into a dependency on the import of fossil fuels from countries with very shaky conditions.

Furthermore, oil prices are volatile, and there is a connection between fossil fuel dependency and the security policy situation - not least regarding the sums that are sent to Russia as a result of the oil dependency. There is also active work ongoing in the world and in the EU to rid ourselves of fossil fuels, which in turn leads to increased costs for fossil fuels ahead. The EU has recently adopted that the transport sector shall be included in the new emissions trading system.

In this situation, one chooses to lock oneself into fossil fuel dependency, which can lead to increased fuel costs and increased climate-related risks. What I advocate for is to ensure that all those who need a car can afford to switch to an electric car through, for example, leasing checks for electric cars or an electric car bonus, which this government removed. I advocate for ensuring that conditions are created for the transition. Not least, the reduction obligation ensures that the dependency on fossil fuels decreases in the cars that already exist in the fleet.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Eric Palmqvist (SD)

Mr. Speaker! I note that Elin Söderberg points out that fuel prices are volatile. I think that electricity prices have also been that, to say the least. There, too, there have been no stable prices to speak of.

Elin Söderberg mentioned, among other things, the 4,000 kronor per year in fuel vouchers. I do not know how people drive where the member lives, but for my part, 4,000 kronor corresponds to one and a half tanks. If I were to buy an electric car that matches my needs, there is only one such on the market that can tow my caravan. It is a BMW that costs 1.4 million kronor, and that is not an option. It is approximately 1 million kronor more than what the car I have today is worth.

The Green Party might think that one shouldn't have a caravan. In that case, the alternative to achieve any kind of quality of life during the holidays is to fly, and that one shouldn't do either. That leads me to the conclusion that quality of life is probably not the Green Party's forte. But that is for me to decide.

When it comes to the 150 terawatt-hours of offshore wind power, I think of how it was when I was a young boy in Malmö. In Limhamnsfältet, there were a lot of tank obstacles intended to prevent invasion during the Cold War. Now I note that Miljöpartiet wants to move that barrier out into the sea. There, concrete foundations with wind turbines will stand. Now I am being a bit sarcastic, but I maintain that it is not the solution for the future. It will be extremely expensive and will not proceed any faster than producing new nuclear power.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Elin Söderberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! First, I want to say that I believe there is a lack of evidence for Eric Palmqvist's statements regarding both how expensive offshore wind power is and how quickly it is being developed.

I want to return to the need for cars and the conditions regarding high fuel prices. Initially, the member mentioned that there is a lower utilization rate for electric cars and that it is difficult to use them where there are long distances. I have personally driven an electric car between Umeå and Luleå without any problems, and also around between Storuman, Vilhelmina, Åsele, Lycksele, Umeå, and Robertsfors during the day. There are good conditions today to drive an electric car even in northern Sweden.

It is also when one drives very long distances that one calculates the fastest return on investment when switching from a fossil-fueled car to an electric car, as it is on the fuel costs that the money is saved.

I want to ensure that everyone who has a great need for a car, has long distances, and drives a lot has the conditions to afford electric car models that can tow a caravan so that they can have that quality of life. That is the development that Miljöpartiet wants to make possible. Then one can get away from the high fuel prices, and it will become cheaper to travel over long distances.

Locking ourselves into fossil fuel dependency, as the Sweden Democrats and the government do, leads to great uncertainties regarding fuel prices. It locks us into a climate change that will also affect Sweden, and it locks us into a dependence on oil imports from countries – including Russia – that are in conflict. I think that is serious and a completely wrong path to take.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 14.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.