Response to interpellation 2024/25:313 on humanitarian and human rights interventions for the Palestinian population

Statsrådet Benjamin Dousa (M)

Mr. Speaker! Johan Büser has asked me what considerations were the basis for the decision to end the support for the companion program and how I and the government intend to compensate for the support and the monitoring of human rights that the program previously contributed to.

Johan Büser further asks what motive lies behind the decision to reduce the support to UNRWA and how I assess that this affects Sweden's long-term commitment to a sustainable peace in the region. He also asks how I and the government intend to ensure that Sweden continues to contribute to strengthening humanitarian and human rights efforts for the Palestinian population, and whether I intend to take any measures in light of the State of Israel's actions, against the background of my statement that Israel must act in accordance with international law and has a responsibility to allow aid into Gaza.

Let me first state that it is not the government that makes decisions on individual measures within the framework of the regional aid strategy for the Middle East, including Palestine. The operational decisions based on the strategy and decisions on support are made at the agency level.

The new strategy contains partially new goals for the development cooperation with Palestine. Phasing out certain existing interventions is necessary to create space for other, new interventions in accordance with the new strategy goals. This is a task that Sida carries out continuously, in this strategy as well as in others.

Sweden will continue to support programs, organizations, and activities that contribute to an international civil presence on the West Bank. Furthermore, Sweden is a major core donor to several international organizations, for example the UN human rights organs, which have a presence on the West Bank.

The Government welcomes, together with the rest of the EU, the ceasefire in Gaza, which, among other things, means that parts of the hostages are released, improves humanitarian access, and paves the way towards a more lasting end to the hostilities. It is now crucial that the agreement continues to be implemented and that it also contributes to alleviating the enormous suffering of the civilian population in Gaza.

Sweden stands ready to support the humanitarian efforts and has therefore allocated 800 million kronor for 2025 to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the region. In this way, the government, in ongoing dialogue with its partners, can ensure that the Swedish support is designed in the best way to alleviate the suffering of distressed civilians and meet the enormous and urgent needs on the ground. In addition, the Swedish support for the response in Gaza continues through extensive core funding to a number of central humanitarian organizations. The government's core funding is flexible and is paid out early in the year so that the humanitarian actors can quickly scale up the response where the support is needed most.

Sweden has on several occasions criticized Israel for the decision to make it nearly impossible for UNRWA to operate in Gaza. For me, it is crucial that Swedish aid funds reach the civilian population as quickly and smoothly as possible. The Government continuously reviews its partners and analyzes their methods of work to design Swedish aid policy in the best possible way. Looking at the overall picture, the Government has now chosen to channel the significantly increased support to the region through actors other than just UNRWA.

Israel has, according to international humanitarian law, a special responsibility to ensure that the humanitarian needs of the civilian population are met. The government has repeatedly raised the issue of humanitarian access and security for humanitarian personnel with Israel. It is true that I did so also during my trip in December. Together with, among others, the EU and other donors, we continue to be very clear in our demands on Israel to ensure humanitarian access. We assume that the ceasefire contributes to improving access in accordance with the agreement.

Here we actually see positive signals now. Just days and weeks before the ceasefire, we had very low levels of the number of trucks that could drive in. Now we are up to an average of 700 trucks per day. Some days we have even been up to 800 and closer to 900 trucks per day.

When I met the new OCHA chief Tom Fletcher a few days ago, his picture, at least in the short term, was somewhat positive. He also describes that the cooperation with the IDF is working better than before the ceasefire.

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Johan Büser (S)

Mr. Speaker! I thank the Minister for the answer.

For some time now, there has finally been at least a temporary ceasefire in the Middle East. This means that the horrific war can hopefully come to an end, that children in Gaza can escape experiencing bombs and drones every night as they have for 15 months, and that hostages can be released. Accountability must, however, be demanded and those responsible from both Hamas and Israel must be held to account for what they have inflicted on all innocent civilians.

Sweden has a long tradition of being a strong voice for human rights, international law, and humanitarian aid. We have been a leading actor in the work for a two-state solution and have consistently stood up for the right to a dignified life, where people can live free from both occupation and violence and terror.

Now we see, however, how the Swedish government is breaking with this historical line. For the first, the support for the accompaniment program has been terminated, a program that has played a crucial role in protecting Palestinian civilians and documenting abuses. For the second, the government has decided to remove the support to UNRWA, the UN's aid organization for Palestinian refugees.

Mr. Speaker! Let us begin with the escort program. This program has existed for over 20 years and is based on international observers being present in places where civilians are threatened by violence. The escorts have been on site in the most vulnerable areas of the West Bank, in villages where Israeli settlers harass, assault, and kill Palestinians. Their presence has a deterrent effect on the violence. When international eyes witness what is happening, there is a limit to what the occupying power and the settlers dare to do.

Rarely have so many people before an interpellation debate contacted me in advance, wished me luck in the debate, and even provided input for this debate. There are many in our country who over the years have been supporters, including one or two Moderates.

So what happens now when Sweden withdraws its support, Mr. Speaker? We know the answer, and I can tell the Minister: The violence will increase. The Palestinians living in these areas will be even more vulnerable. The occupying power Israel will have free rein to violate their rights without any consequences whatsoever.

Mr. Speaker! Since then, we have the decision to remove the support to UNRWA. This is a decision that will have catastrophic humanitarian consequences.

As we have discussed before, UNRWA is not just any organization. It is the only organization that seriously provides basic services to millions of Palestinian refugees. Hundreds of thousands of children now risk being left without education, and the hospitals in Gaza risk not receiving the medicines they need.

The government says that the support shall be redistributed, that the money shall go to other actors. But which ones? Several of the actors that the government is to provide support to say themselves that they cannot replace UNRWA with its infrastructure and network.

Mr. Speaker! The Government is happy to talk about standing up for international law in documents and in words here in the chamber. But in practice, we now see a very weak Swedish stance towards Israel. The State Council has itself stated that Israel violates international law when they block humanitarian aid to Gaza. The Minister has called it a "damned responsibility" for Israel to act.

Sweden should be a voice for justice and peace. We should not have a government that silently backs down when international law is violated and that says one thing one day to then act differently in practical action.

Where are the concrete measures, Benjamin Dousa? Why does Israel's actions face no actual consequences? I believe that many in this situation expect more from Sweden.

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Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! I would like to thank Johan Büser for raising this important issue, and I also thank the Minister for his answer.

It is very pleasing that there is a ceasefire at the moment. Just as the Minister says, the ceasefire means that significantly more humanitarian aid has arrived in the last few days - around 700 trucks a day.

Since a little over a day ago, the new law against UNRWA has taken effect. In some places, foreign aid workers have left the area, but we have also seen that UNRWA has been forced to continue its operations in Gaza and the West Bank because no others are available who can do what they do.

UNRWA is currently defying Israeli legislation by continuing to distribute food and medicine and by running hospitals. It is precisely because there is no one else who can take over. They know that it will become chaos if they leave the area because there is no one else who can administer the enormous humanitarian need in Gaza at the current time.

Despite the ceasefire, we do not really know what will happen in the coming days. If it becomes total chaos, it risks leading to further hostilities.

I have a simple question for the Minister. Would the government have made the same decision to stop the support to UNRWA if it were not for Israel's legislation? I would like to have an answer to that here in the chamber.

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Fredrik Saweståhl (M)

Mr. Speaker! There is no doubt that the situation in Gaza and on the West Bank is serious. Many people are suffering, and many people need our support. Therefore, it is extremely gratifying that there is actually a ceasefire in place given the madness that has been ongoing since Hamas's insane attack against Israel was carried out on October 7, 2023 - the worst pogrom against the Jewish people since World War II.

These months have been lost for the peace process, for the future, for the people in Gaza and on the West Bank as well as for the people in Israel. Now there is a ceasefire, which is good, and the trucks are rolling into Gaza. It is 600-700 trucks every day, perhaps up to 1,000 on certain days. The support is necessary, and it must get through. The important thing is that it happens through many different channels and organizations.

It is also important to ensure that Hamas and other terrorist organizations – those who hold the population in Gaza in their grip, oppressed under their insane ideas – cannot seize the aid, cannot corrupt the aid, and cannot take the food from the children in Gaza. That is something they have de facto historically done. There we see a positive development.

If the hostages are released, if the ceasefire holds in the future and if the aid continues to come in, there is hope of building up a functioning Gaza again. But it must be a Gaza that has no place for Hamas, has no place for Islamic Jihad and has no place for terror romantics, murderers and lunatics.

When it comes to the situation in the West Bank, it is also evident that major efforts are required. It is in our interest to put even greater pressure on Israel. The settlement violence occurring in the West Bank is completely unacceptable, and Israel must take responsibility for it. There is no doubt about that. If we are ever to reach the two-state solution that Sweden believes in, and which I think we should continue to support in a balanced way, we cannot fail by standing on only one side or the other. It unfortunately shows how polarized the debate in Sweden has become. But then the Israelis must take responsibility for what happens in the West Bank, take responsibility for their settlements, and take responsibility for ensuring that this does not spiral out of control.

Just like Member of Parliament Johan Büser, I also know people who have been companions on the West Bank. They have done a fantastic job, and it is an important activity. Then, it is not the Swedish Riksdag or the Council of State personally that decides which organization receives which funds, but it is an important activity and it is important that we can monitor what happens there or that we can set tough demands on Israel regarding what happens there. It is still the core of the future Palestinian state, not the sham state that we have recognized now, but the one that is to be built to achieve peace, freedom, democracy, human rights, and security for both peoples in the region.

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Linnéa Wickman (S)

Mr. Speaker! I would like to begin by thanking Johan Büser for an important interpellation. I would like to start with a few words from Linn Davrin, an ecumenical companion who has recently returned to Sweden after a period in Jordandalen on the West Bank:

"In this darkness, there is a question that is constantly present. How do we avoid switching off? How do we find the courage to stand firm? To truly say that we see, that we hear, and that we intend to act? I obviously have no answer to that question, but every time we refuse to turn away our gaze, we plant a small seed and create a world where no one remains invisible."

I want to extend a big thank you to Linn, to Jacob Risberg who has spoken here in the debate, and to all other companions for their crucial contributions. Their presence protects Palestinian civilians from abuses and settler violence. They accompany children through military checkpoints on their way to school, and they document the demolition of homes and the systematic confiscation of Palestinian land. Just by being there, they create a sense of security that would otherwise be lacking. In a reality where impunity for abuses against Palestinians has persisted for a long time and is only growing, the companions are a light in the darkness.

Mr. Speaker! I recently had the privilege of receiving Daoud Nassar from Tent of Nations here in the Riksdag. I have also visited his family's farm outside Bethlehem - a Christian Palestinian family that for years has been subjected to both physical attacks from settlers and legal actions from the Israeli state. His testimony is clear: The international presence is the only protection against the settlers' violence, and the situation has worsened since Hamas's terror attack on October 7.

The fact is that the attacks decrease or cease entirely when companions are on site. Despite this, the government chooses to remove the support for the Ecumenical Companion Program. Minister Dousa and his Moderate colleague are now trying to blame Sida, but we all know that it is a consequence of the government's policy on the aid area. Aid has been cut drastically, and Palestine is particularly affected. They have even abolished the entire country strategy.

Mr. Speaker! The companions refuse to turn away their gaze, but that is what the government does at the absolutely worst imaginable moment when the Palestinian civilian population needs the support the most. At the same time, we see a sharp escalation on the West Bank.

Yesterday, the ban on UNRWA came into force. It is a unilateral decision by the Israeli parliament. UNRWA, which is the lifeline for the Palestinian population, has been prohibited from operating. But what is the plan? The truth is that there is no plan B. Therefore, it is remarkable that the Minister for Foreign Affairs and his moderate colleague in this debate, and in the previous debate have laid, emphasis on blackening UNRWA at a time when one should stand up for international law, for the commitments that Sweden has, for how we have voted in the UN for a long time, and to ensure that the Palestinian civilian population receives support and relief. In the long run, it is about reaching a two-state solution, which I hear we agree on. It is remarkable how this debate is being conducted.

(Applause)

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Statsrådet Benjamin Dousa (M)

Mr. Speaker! I definitely do not think I am painting a black picture of UNRWA, but rather that I am pointing out facts. This is actually nothing new. For decades, there has been criticism regarding UNRWA's lack of neutrality and questions about individual employees and groups of employees. It has concerned everything from anti-Semitic educational content to individual employees' participation in the attacks, but also about other UNRWA employees in neighboring countries.

It is clearly a priority for the government to ensure that not a single Swedish tax krona shall go to terrorism, extremism, or in any way contribute to antisemitism, whether in Sweden or around the world.

We also see that settler violence, settlement expansion, movement restrictions, and the demolition of Palestinian property are increasing dramatically. We can see this in individual reports. But I also saw it when I was visiting the West Bank. I met an Israeli organization that works against precisely settler violence and that stands side by side with Palestinian civilians affected by radical Israeli settlers. The government has therefore been a driving force in the EU for the introduction of sanctions against precisely extremist settlers. It is important.

I do not think I am hiding behind Sida in this matter. I am merely pointing out that it is Sida that makes the individual agency decision. That being said, it is obvious that the government has made a shift. But it is not a reduced commitment to either Palestine, the West Bank, or the region as a whole. It has received significantly increased funds. But we want to see a shift in the content itself, in how the aid funds are used.

We want to see a focus on the humanitarian and on the more long-term work and ensure that we help to build state capacity, reforms and democracy. The focus should be on growth and entrepreneurship so that the Palestinian people - and here we are speaking specifically about the West Bank - can lift themselves out of poverty, start new companies and ensure that women's empowerment is also expanded through valuable self-employment.

So it is not a reduced commitment in kronor and öre. On the contrary, it has increased, both in combined humanitarian and developmental terms. But we want to see a shift of the aid and a focus on precisely entrepreneurship and, above all, on reforms.

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Johan Büser (S)

Mr. Speaker! I note Minister Dousa's answer, but I agree with what Linnéa Wickman said: It is unfortunate that the accompaniment program is being discontinued. I also believe that the Minister, with the new direction of the Middle East and Palestine policy, is hiding behind his agency Sida. The discontinuation of the accompaniment program is de facto a consequence of the government's policy.

When it comes to UNRWA, representatives of the Swedish government, including the Minister for Development Cooperation, say that it is unfortunate that Israel prohibits UNRWA from operating. But at the same time, support to UNRWA was actually choked off in advance and one gets praise from the Israeli government as a bonus. This action makes Sweden stand out among so-called like-minded countries and the EU path that the government usually refers to is also not being followed.

The organization UNRWA is not just about emergency aid here and now, which one might sometimes think when listening to the Moderate members. UNRWA is also about a great deal of infrastructure that is irreplaceable, which former Moderate ministers here in this chamber have also expressed.

Furthermore, UNRWA, as we have mentioned in previous debates, also operates in Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. It is actually a UN agency that was established to contribute to a two-state solution and a solution to the refugee issue. It concerns all those Palestinians who were displaced from their homes a long time ago.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs himself expressed in an interpellation debate as recently as here in January that he had learned in conversation with the Palestinian Prime Minister that the occupation is the greatest obstacle to development. But during 2024, the government deleted just this word from the new development strategy. It is not consistent.

The government also claims that it stands behind the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion from last summer. But at the same time, the government has actively decided not to answer the UN Secretary-General's request regarding what measures Sweden has taken.

Mr. Speaker! I think it is unfortunate that the Minister for Development Cooperation and his Moderate parliamentary colleagues are spreading incorrect and misleading information. It is serious. In connection with the decision on Sweden's suspended aid to UNRWA, the Minister for Development Cooperation namely said that it would now become easier for the aid to get in and that the aid would otherwise have been stuck in a bank account. The Minister for Development Cooperation further claimed that UNRWA has a long crisis of confidence with employees who have participated in terrorism and that UNRWA has links to anti-Semitic textbooks. These are also several statements that he has repeated here today.

It is not possible, as previously stated, to replace UNRWA's work on the ground. Several of the organizations to which Sweden is redirecting support say this themselves. And links to terrorism have been dismissed by the independent investigations that have been presented. It is also not documented that there are links to anti-Semitic textbooks.

I was myself in Israel and Palestine a year ago and met representatives for UNRWA. They also described what has been made public and that lists of employees have been shared with Israel for many years without any comments.

Finally: UNRWA has a broader mandate - this we have spoken about - and operates in several other countries.

The question of why misleading statements are being made by the Minister for Foreign Aid must be asked. I believe that the aid policy is part of the Tidö Agreement. It is therefore handled in the four parties' coordination office, and in the question of the support for UNRWA, three parties voted down the Moderaterna, possibly under the encouragement of some Moderate Members of Parliament. The misleading argumentation that Benjamin Dousa is now presenting does not hang together. One does one thing, and then says the opposite. It appears to more and more people that even the Swedish Middle East policy has begun to be dictated by the Sverigedemokraterna.

Our nation has stood up for human rights, international solidarity and justice and must continue to do so. We shall speak out against violations of international law and not just formulate words on paper. This should also be a reasonable starting point for the Minister for Development Cooperation.

(Applause)

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Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, Benjamin Dousa, for the answer! But I never received an answer to the specific question I asked regarding whether the government would have made the same decision regarding the support to UNRWA if Israel had not implemented this legislation in October last year.

I wonder, in fact, what actually governs the Swedish aid policy. Is it Israeli legislation? Or is it the UN mandate that has been given to UNRWA? Is it Israeli propaganda that governs our aid policy? Or is it all the countless investigations being conducted regarding UNRWA and its effectiveness?

UNRWA is one of the most scrutinized UN organizations. Countless investigations have been conducted on what their work looks like. UNRWA has time and again been designated as one of the most effective organizations within the UN system precisely because it is constantly under scrutiny and is constantly attacked by the state of Israel.

There is a feeling that one thinks that if UNRWA were to disappear, all Palestinian refugees and their rights would disappear. But that is not how it works. The Palestinian refugees' rights remain. But it is UNRWA that is there to ensure they are supported in their struggle.

I still wonder what it is that governs Sweden's aid policy regarding the Middle East. Is it Israeli propaganda and Israeli legislation, or is it all these investigations that have been carried out and the UN mandate that we once gave to UNRWA?

(Applause)

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Fredrik Saweståhl (M)

Mr. Speaker! Sweden is not turning a blind eye to the situation in either Gaza or on the West Bank. We are, in fact, doubling our support to that region. It would therefore be a bit strange if those types of statements were to circulate in the debate, not only here in the chamber but also elsewhere.

Our commitment to the region is great. It has always been great and will be great for a long time to come because we now have a more balanced policy. We have positioned ourselves in the middle of the political spectrum and stand up for a two-state solution. We do not degenerate into saying that it is only one side's or the other side's fault.

The terror and oppression must cease, on the Palestinian side from Hamas, from Hezbollah, from Islamic Jihad, from all these lunatics who set the world and the region on fire.

In the same way, Israel must ensure that it gets its settlers in order. We all know that the settlement policy is the state of Israel's Achilles' heel. It must be addressed over time. There is no doubt that our government and our policy represent the wise middle position in the Middle East. But for us to be able to achieve a two-state solution over time, a number of other things must occur. Among other things, it is good if we can phase out UNRWA over time. It is not reasonable that even children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren are regarded as refugees, are placed in refugee camps, and are denied civil rights, as we were touching upon earlier.

It is also not reasonable that we accept that one side remains a non-democracy. How many years ago is it now that Abbas actually should have held a presidential election? It is just a question to reflect upon. Naturally, we must also build democracy, freedom, and stability on the Palestinian side. Human rights must be respected in these areas. If we are to build a Palestinian state, it must function in a good and reasonable way. It cannot do that if we do not get rid of many of the terror groups and other forces that counteract this.

We stand for a wise political middle ground in the Middle East.

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Linnéa Wickman (S)

Mr. Speaker! This interpellation debate has, like the previous one, shown with all desirable clarity how the government passively watches as international law is eroded. When an occupying power actively tries to prevent the UN from carrying out its mandate and when the needs are greater than ever, the Swedish government chooses to withdraw all support for UNRWA. Step by step, the rules-based world order is being undermined, and the government contributes to letting it happen.

We have just heard Israel's settlement policy described as an Achilles' heel. I would like to call it a stain, especially considering that it has been allowed to continue for such a long time.

There are other countries that, unlike Sweden, act with force. Norway has not only increased its support to UNRWA but has also turned to the International Court of Justice to examine whether Israel's decision to ban the UN agency violates international law. That is how a government acts that does not hesitate when it comes to defending international law and human rights.

In light of the serious and escalating situation on the West Bank and the urgent need to document violations of international law and ensure accountability, my questions to the Minister are: Is the government prepared to reconsider its decision to withdraw support for the Ecumenical Companion Program? Is the government prepared to reconsider its decision to withdraw all support for UNRWA? Will the Swedish government support Norway's initiative in the ICJ?

What counts is not only what we say but also what we do. I want to urge the Minister to be inspired by the companions, who do not turn away their gaze, and actually act.

(Applause)

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Statsrådet Benjamin Dousa (M)

Mr. Speaker! Parallel to the humanitarian and immediate measures, actions are needed that can lead to a genuine peace process, including by addressing the underlying causes of the conflict and contributing to increasing trust between Israelis and Palestinians. All Palestinian groups that want to play a role in a future Palestine must, as the Palestinian Authority has done, distance themselves from violence and terrorism, recognize Israel's right to exist and adhere to the agreements that the Palestinian side has entered into with Israel. Israel must, on its part, stand firm on the two-state solution and cease its settlement policy, which violates international law, undermines the two-state solution and contributes to an elevated level of conflict. We expect both Israel and Palestine to live up to their international commitments and entered agreements.

The Government has consistently urged all parties to respect international law. The Government stands fully and completely behind the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion on the legal consequences of Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territory. It is more urgent than ever to uphold a rules-based world order. Sweden and the EU, as well as the international community at large, need to adhere to a clearly international law-based policy as the basis for continued efforts in relation to both parties. Israelis and Palestinians have an equal right to live in peace and security and to enjoy human rights. This is an important and significant issue that the Government will continue to engage in together with the EU, the UN, and regional representatives. We will continue to have very extensive financial and economic support for many organizations that work for exactly this.

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Johan Büser (S)

Mr. Speaker! We have now had a long debate on the government's decision to phase out the support for the hostage program and UNRWA. We have also debated the consequences for Israel's warfare and occupation policy. During the debate, I have noted that the Minister has defended his policy with arguments about efficiency and reprioritizations, and that support is still provided but through other channels. But we Social Democrats see that it is a question of an obvious political course change for the entire Swedish Middle East policy. This is important to point out. Sweden is moving from being a clear voice for human rights in Palestine to reducing its engagement, both in the form of aid and in the form of the spoken word and its consequences.

This is happening at a time when the situation is worse than it has been in a long time, as we have noted. Gaza is and has for some time been on the brink of famine. The UN warns of the worst humanitarian catastrophe in modern times. At the same time, just in the last few weeks, the violence on the West Bank is escalating. Sweden is withdrawing vital support and speaking with a silent voice.

Mr. Speaker! If the government truly stands up for international law and if the Minister means what has been said here regarding Israel's responsibility, it is time to show that in action as well. It is not enough to say with a divided tongue that Israel must tighten up and occupy a little less and to speak of a small Israeli Achilles' heel. Instead, I agree with what my colleague Linnéa Wickman said: This is a stain of shame. If so, we must be loud.

To only speak critically but then continue to pursue a policy that weakens humanitarian support is a betrayal of the Palestinian people. The government still has opportunities to redo and do right. The question is whether one has the courage and the will to do so. A rules-based world order with the principles of international law requires politicians who are clear, consistent, well-read, and above all, committed.

(Applause)

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Statsrådet Benjamin Dousa (M)

Mr. Speaker! There is talk of a reduced commitment to the Palestinians, both on the West Bank and in Gaza, at the same time as much more money is coming that can go to precisely emergency packages. It concerns everything from food to fuel, children's books and other things that can enter Gaza.

I also wonder what the alternative is if one now wants to help the civilian population in Gaza but the support does not come in. What is the alternative to helping and financially supporting organizations such as World Food Programme, Unicef, UNFPA, among others, if the trucks and the Swedish support cannot gain access?

Both I and the Foreign Minister have been very clear about Israel's responsibility to improve humanitarian access, even before the ceasefire. It is also about the visa issues. The large UN organizations must be able to coordinate efforts in the best possible way even if the aid workers do not come from Palestine or Israel. The aid deliveries that have entered Gaza must be able to be transported in a safe manner. It has been about everything from being able to have modern communication equipment in Gaza to communicate with the IDF and others, to being able to get in bulletproof cars, especially before the ceasefire.

We stand up for international law, both towards Palestine and Israel and in other complex environments around the world. It is the core of Swedish foreign policy, and it particularly benefits smaller countries like Sweden.

The interpellations debate was hereby concluded.

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