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Response to interpellation 2024/25:683 on Sweden's position on Israel's actions in Gaza

3 June 2025 · 11 speeches · M, MP, S

Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.

Summary AI, written in advance

The debate concerns Sweden's stance on Israel's actions in Gaza. M argues that the situation is unsustainable and that Israel must do more to protect the civilian population 1. M condemns that Israel has not allowed enough humanitarian aid in and that their warfare cannot be reconciled with international law 1 2. M emphasizes that the government demands the release of the hostages, that Gaza's territory must not be changed 1 and that Sweden is going the furthest in the EU for sanctions against Israeli representatives 3 4. M argues that the government is results-oriented and has doubled the humanitarian support to UNRWA 2 5. MP welcomes sanctions against extremist ministers 6 and argues that starvation as a weapon constitutes a war crime 6. MP believes that Sweden should pause the association agreement 6 and criticizes that the government does not use words such as genocide 6. MP points out that the occupation has lasted for 58 years and that Sweden still allows imports from settlements 7. S believes that Sweden must dare to lead in the EU and that Israel has illegally occupied Palestine since 1967 8. M argues that Israel has a right to self-defense against Hamas 4. M emphasizes that the government is pushing for sanctions against ministers who push for illegal settlement policy 9.

Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.

Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Madam Speaker! Jacob Risberg has asked me if I will start calling Israel's actions war crimes, if I intend to mark more clearly against crimes committed in Gaza, which actions in the conflict I am prepared to condemn, and what concrete measures I am ready to take to stop the ongoing human suffering in Gaza.

The situation in Gaza is unsustainable. The war's unthinkable consequences for the civilian population must come to an end and a ceasefire must be achieved. The demands for respect for international humanitarian law have been and continue to be one of the government's key messages. Many of us are now sharpening the tone further and argue that Israel must do more to protect the civilian population. It is unacceptable that Israel for more than two months has not let any humanitarian aid into the civilian population and that the aid that now reaches is completely insufficient. As an occupying power, Israel has a special responsibility for the civilian population's humanitarian needs.

We have repeatedly in our conversations with Israeli government representatives demanded that unimpeded humanitarian access and distribution be ensured in accordance with humanitarian principles. We now emphasize this and welcome that the EU Commission conducts a review of the Israeli government's compliance with the part of the association agreement between the EU and Israel concerning respect for human rights, in order to exert further pressure. The government also continues to demand that all remaining hostages be released immediately and unconditionally. The government is therefore not silent, as Jacob Risberg claims.

Prime Minister Netanyahu's statement that Israel shall take over control of the entire Gaza is unacceptable and something that we, on the government's side, condemn. If this implies annexation or a permanent displacement of Gaza's population, it violates international law. The government has consistently emphasized that Gaza's territory must not be reduced or altered.

All parties have an obligation to investigate violations of international humanitarian law and to hold those responsible accountable. This obligation is part of international humanitarian law, which the government has consistently urged all parties to respect. Both the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice have ongoing investigations. The government supports the courts and their independence.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Minister for Foreign Affairs, for the answer! It is interesting. I have probably not claimed that the government is silent, but I have claimed that the government is too weak in its criticism – and too silent. It does not mean that one is completely silent, but one is too silent, quite simply.

In a debate article in Aftonbladet on May 12, the Minister expressed a clear stance against acts of violence: "There is no context in which kidnapping, rape, and murder of innocent people is anything other than despicable crimes." I shall return to this point regarding crimes.

This is a self-evident position, and I fully agree with the condemnation of these obvious war crimes. But at the same time, there is a worrying silence from the government regarding certain other matters, namely the serious and systematic violations of humanitarian law occurring in Gaza, where Israel, according to several independent sources, bears responsibility.

An example of this, which I have not heard the government comment on, is the explicit use of starvation as a method in war. It is a war crime, but the government refuses to say so. This is something that several ministers in Israel have openly declared that they use.

Threats have been made regarding the re-occupation of Gaza, in conflict with the principle of non-occupation and the right to self-determination.

Hospitals have been bombed, including the European Hospital on May 14, in which at least 28 people were killed. The UN office OCHA has documented at least 686 attacks against healthcare facilities since the conflict began. It is only after very few of the attacks against healthcare facilities that I have heard the government say anything.

It also concerns the attack on a school on May 6, when over 30 people were killed. According to the UN's analysis of satellite images, more than 400 schools have been directly hit since the war broke out. I can also mention the killing of 15 aid workers and healthcare personnel in March and, above all, the attempts by Israel to deny the same.

Despite this, the government does not want to call these acts war crimes before courts have tried the cases. This is a clear departure from how previous Swedish governments have acted in similar situations.

Sweden is becoming increasingly isolated in its position in Europe. France's President Macron has expressed that the actions of Israel's government are shameful, and Norway's Foreign Minister has called for clearer European condemnations of the war crimes. International law expert Pål Wrange recently reminded in an interview on Sveriges Television that most conflicts are not decided in court and that legal processes take time. A government that upholds international law must act now, while the crimes are ongoing.

Against this background, I posed my questions to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. In the debate article on Hamas's actions, she says it is about obvious crimes – I agree with that description – even though no court has ruled yet. Therefore, I ask: When will the Minister begin to call Israel's actions specifically war crimes?

I also wonder which actions in the conflict the Foreign Minister is prepared to condemn.

Based on this – that war crimes, crimes against humanity, and probably also genocide are occurring – I wonder: What responsibility does Sweden have regarding taking action, and what concrete measures is the Minister ready to take to stop the ongoing human suffering in Gaza?

A review of the association agreement will take several months. We know that. Many thousands more children, adults, and women will die during that time. I would therefore like to know how the government is acting now.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Daniel Vencu Velasquez Castro (S)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Jacob Risberg, who has taken the initiative for this interpellation debate!

I would like to begin by saying that what is happening in Gaza is the worst humanitarian catastrophe of our time. I believe we all share that perception. All conceivable limits for atrocities in modern warfare have been crossed.

I would like to follow up on the questions that Jacob Risberg poses regarding the government's choice of words depending on which actor it concerns and what is happening.

I agree that Hamas's terror attack on October 7, 2023, is one of the most horrific terror attacks we have ever seen. There, Israeli civilians lost their lives when an Islamist terrorist organization entered Israel. This must rightly be condemned. Hamas must not be allowed to rule in Gaza. They must be removed from power completely.

For us Social Democrats, this is extra important because it was precisely Hamas who imprisoned our Social Democratic comrades who ruled there before the coup in 2007. I and many Social Democrats with me have dedicated our commitment to precisely fighting Hamas.

But when it comes to Israel, the government is not as clear, even though the UN and several countries in the EU have condemned what is happening and said that it is war crimes. The UN is extremely clear that we as politicians need to react and take a stand. We have, so to speak, a "responsibility to protect," as it is also called. This was established precisely so that one can prevent war crimes and genocide.

One must also prevent civilians from being harmed. When it is suspected that they are doing so, or when it, as in this case, is obvious that they are doing so, it is important that politicians speak out and are clear in their condemnations. A condemnation from a foreign minister is incredibly sharp. Unfortunately, Sweden is not as clear in its condemnations of Israel, and I regret that.

As a Social Democrat, I am proud that we Social Democrats at our party congress have adopted a statement in which we state that we condemn the war crimes from Hamas. We demand that everyone in hostage situation be released. We demand that Hamas must stop ruling in Gaza, but we also demand that Israel must be condemned. The war crimes that are currently occurring in Gaza must be condemned. We demand that the occupation must cease. We demand that the Palestinian Authority must be given strengthened opportunities to act as a state.

We demand that Israel respects international law and that everything is done to prevent a genocide. A condemnation and action – for example by taking the initiative that we in the EU should jointly put more Israeli ministers and decision-makers on the EU's sanctions list – we see as central in order to be able to put pressure on Israel and so that we can also comply with what the UN requires of us, i.e., a responsibility to protect. It is something that Sweden has also joined.

I would like to have answers to the same questions that Jacob Risberg has asked: Does the government consider what has happened and is happening in Gaza to be war crimes?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magdalena Thuresson (M)

Madam Speaker! Initially: The situation in Gaza is appalling. It is difficult to find sufficiently strong words to describe the suffering. The Government has repeatedly expressed its deep concern and dismay over the enormous suffering that the civilian population in Gaza is undergoing and has consistently underlined that Israel's defense must take place within the framework of international law. The Government has also on several occasions expressed its concern over Israel's compliance with international law. International law applies always and everywhere – no exceptions!

Madam Speaker! A picture is being painted of the government being passive and slow in comparison to its European colleagues. That picture is not correct. Words are important, as is action. I feel anger and frustration regarding the situation in Gaza. How can this happen? It is completely appalling.

I do not want to downplay Sweden's role in any way. We have a responsibility to do what we can. But sometimes it sounds in the debate as if Sweden's Foreign Minister alone could end the war. That is not the case, Madam Speaker.

Through words and actions, our government works to ensure that humanitarian aid reaches the civilian population, to put pressure on Israel and Hamas and to, even if it feels terribly far away right now, create the conditions for a negotiated two-state solution. Sweden's most important arena for doing this is the EU.

When it comes to putting pressure on Israel, Sweden is one of the countries that goes furthest in the EU and pushes for sanctions against Israeli government officials. We in Sweden work to bring other countries onto our line. We are, therefore, among those who go furthest.

UD has called the Israeli ambassador for a meeting to convey how unacceptable Sweden considers Israel's way of conducting the war to be. Sweden is among the countries that provide the most humanitarian aid to Gaza, almost 1 billion.

I feel a sense of distress over the humanitarian situation in Gaza. It is impossible to take in the images and stories from there without being horrified. But the picture that is being painted of Sweden as passive is not correct.

Madam Speaker! Since words are important, it must be mentioned how the war started. It was started by the terrorist organization Hamas. There are still people being held as hostages. The demand that these people must be released unconditionally is something we all need to repeat.

Hamas' responsibility for the situation weighs heavily. The war can be ended immediately if Hamas lays down its weapons and releases the hostages.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Madam Speaker! The war in Gaza is nothing other than a humanitarian catastrophe. The civilian population in Gaza is once again threatened by famine.

We in the government are, and have been, very clear towards the Israeli government on how we view this. We have also, as is known, recently called the ambassador. We are constantly reviewing what further measures Sweden and the EU can take to improve the dreadful situation for the people of Gaza. The civilian population has both a right to protection and a right to have their humanitarian needs met. I also want to be clear that starvation as a method of warfare violates international law.

The government has this year doubled the humanitarian support that previously went to UNRWA by allocating 800 million kronor to the severely affected civilian population in Gaza and the region. Sweden also supports and contributes personnel to EUBAM Rafah, which stands ready to resume its work as soon as it is possible. The effort is an important part of the EU's efforts to support a sustainable political solution for Gaza.

The dreadful developments of recent times mean that we are now sharpening our tone even further from the Swedish side. It is difficult to see that Israel is living up to its obligations under international humanitarian law. It is completely unacceptable that for more than two months, as I mentioned, no humanitarian aid was allowed in to the civilian population, and that the aid that is now reaching through is completely insufficient. Nor can the Israeli military's expanded offensive with extensive forced displacements of the civilian population be reconciled with the requirements of international law.

The government has been clear that Gaza's territory must not be changed, reduced, or annexed, which would violate international law. The same applies if the whole or parts of the civilian population were to be displaced from Gaza.

It is good that both the ICC and the ICJ have investigations regarding the situation in Palestine. It is important that violations of international law and possible war crimes are also investigated and that accountability is demanded.

But I want to be very clear regarding Jacob Risberg's question. There is a substantial difference between Israel and Hamas. On October 7, 2023, Hamas had no right to defend itself. Israel, however, does. But we have, as mentioned, been very clear that their way of defending themselves must be in accordance with international law.

According to international law, one must also assess each individual situation based on the circumstances, and one must, among other things, make a proportionality assessment. It is not in every case entirely simple to do, which many have hinted at ever since this war began. But we are, as said, very clear in many of these respects, not least when it concerns Israel's lack of responsibility regarding the letting in of humanitarian aid.

I would like to conclude by saying that I truly welcome that Daniel Vencu Velasquez Castro is so clear regarding the condemnation of Hamas.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Minister for Foreign Affairs, for the answer!

First and foremost, I want to praise the government for now pushing for sanctions against the most extremist of Israel's government ministers. I welcome that. It is very good. There are a whole lot of other things that I know the government now also supports – that is good.

But it is still this issue with the condemnation and the statement of what is a war crime or not. This week, Netanyahu spoke about reclaiming the entire Gaza. The Foreign Minister condemned that statement. One condemns the statement, not the action itself and not neither the action that has occurred previously.

It is very good to now hear the Foreign Minister say that starvation as a weapon definitely violates international law. In light of the fact that Israel has used starvation as a weapon, it must mean that Israel has committed war crimes, because it is an illegal weapon. Can the Foreign Minister draw the conclusion that war crimes have been committed when Israel has used starvation as a weapon?

Over the weekend, there was an interview with the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Göteborgs-Posten, where the Minister for Foreign Affairs expressed that it was a bit tiring that one is evaluated based on which words one uses regarding this conflict. But foreign policy is exactly that – foreign policy is a policy of statements. It is how we name things that matters. Do we call it genocide, crimes against humanity, or war crimes? I have not heard the Minister for Foreign Affairs use any of those words regarding Israel's warfare.

It is very good that the association agreement is being reviewed. It should have happened a long time ago. The Foreign Minister knows that we have pushed for it. But how long does the Foreign Minister think that evaluation will take? How many more will manage to die in Gaza before that evaluation is done? Will the government before then be able to push to simply pause the association agreement while the review is ongoing? It is something that one could do: pause the agreement while doing a review, just as you paused the support to UNRWA while you did a review of what connections there might be between UNRWA and Hamas. It is possible to pause things while doing reviews.

It was very good that the government called Israel's ambassador last week. It is tragic that it should take 53,000 dead, of which 17,000 are children, before one does that. Not even after the killing of the 15 aid workers, whom they buried and then with utter courage drove over, did the government call Israel's ambassador.

I agree with the Foreign Minister that there is a significant difference between Israel and Hamas – absolutely. There is a significant difference between Israel's government and Hamas. One is a democratically elected government. The other is a terrorist organization. I believe that is where we agree. But the same rules of war still apply. It is the same international rules that apply in warfare.

I have heard the word retaliation used when it comes to how Israel has acted after Hamas's actions. Then I have constantly heard that people talk about how Israel has the right to defend itself. But the Palestinians also have the right to defend themselves against the occupation. They have had that, stated by the UN, since the beginning of the 80s.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Daniel Vencu Velasquez Castro (S)

Madam Speaker! I have a debate with the Minister for Foreign Affairs next week on this, so I will stick to precisely the claims that Sweden cannot do everything and that we should act collectively in the EU. I agree with that entirely. The EU is our most important foreign policy arena, and we have mentioned that a number of times. But I have also mentioned in debates about Gaza and in other international debates that Sweden must also dare to lead. When it comes to Gaza, Sweden has unfortunately rather been on the sidelines when it comes to demanding that Israel, as a democratic state, also respects international law.

But it is gratifying that the Swedish government is now speaking somewhat more sharply, that statements have been condemned and that pressure is being exerted for sanctions at the EU level. I can only state that it took 55,000 dead before clarity emerged. That is also a truth.

I want to say something regarding what Magdalena Thuresson said. To say that this is over just because Hamas lays down its weapons is to incredibly simplify one of history's perhaps most complicated conflicts ever. That is not true. Hamas was formed in the 80s. Before that, there was war in the area. Israel has illegally occupied Palestine since 1967. Those are the borders we want to return to. Those are the borders one should return to. That is the only way we can achieve a lasting, sustainable, and long-term peace in the region. If one claims that this conflict is over just because Hamas lays down its weapons first, one does not understand this conflict – unfortunately.

But I would also like to have an answer to a question: Now that you have called the Israeli ambassador, will you condemn the war crimes that are occurring in Gaza right now?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magdalena Thuresson (M)

Madam Speaker! I want to say three things. For the first: The humanitarian situation in Gaza is appalling, and we must do everything we can to prevent death and alleviate suffering.

Secondly: Israel has the right to defend itself against Hamas, a terrorist organization that wants to wipe out the State of Israel. Israel has the right to defend itself against this, but this defense must take place within the framework of international law, something that the government has consistently emphasized. The government has repeatedly expressed its concern over Israel's compliance with international law. This was done precisely by the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the rostrum.

Determining exactly which actions constitute war crimes is a matter for the court. However, I can state that the court has already established that Israel must do more to protect civilians.

For the third: We must act. Sweden does. The picture being painted of Sweden as passive is not correct. We are one of the countries that goes furthest in the EU when it comes to putting pressure on Israel, among other things by pushing for sanctions against Israeli government officials.

Madam Speaker! Pressure needs to be increased on Israel and on Hamas to end the war. The hostages need to be released, and the civilian population in Gaza needs to be given unhindered access to humanitarian aid.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Madam Speaker! The extreme conditions in Gaza have cost many aid workers their lives. The Government strongly condemns attacks against aid personnel and continues to reiterate that humanitarian personnel, including UN personnel, must be protected and respected. The attack against 15 aid and emergency relief workers in Gaza on March 23, which Jacob Risberg highlighted, has been condemned by both Sweden and the EU.

All potential violations of international humanitarian law and possible war crimes must also be investigated and accountability ensured. Sweden also contributes substantially to the international courts tasked with carrying out this very important work. It is clear, which has also emerged from the ICJ's statement, that Israel must do more to protect the civilian population. This is also something that the government has conveyed to Israel.

At the same time as we watch with horror at what is now happening in Gaza, we must also not forget the continued serious developments on the West Bank. Civilians must be protected and displaced persons must be allowed to return safely to their homes. The government has been and remains clear that the settlements violate international law, undermine the two-state solution, and contribute to an elevated level of conflict.

Sweden continues to push for more EU sanctions against extremist settlers. Within the EU, Sweden is also pushing to introduce EU sanctions against ministers who push for an illegal settlement policy and actively oppose a future two-state solution.

Regarding the article in Göteborgs-Posten, Jacob Risberg is right that foreign policy is, to some extent, a policy of statements. But foreign policy is so much more than that. I think the debate is very much about whether we can say this, that, and the other, and whether we say so or not, while what we actually do disappears. It sometimes feels as if one quite deliberately chooses to ignore it or chooses not to bring it up in the debate.

I am very results-oriented, and I think it is important that we do things, that we make a difference. That is also why we have chosen to double the humanitarian support to Gaza and the region and also channel it to organizations that we assess have the possibility of getting the aid in. We are naturally terribly frustrated that the aid is now not reaching at all to the extent that we expect, and that is why we are so clear in our criticism.

We are now, as said, pushing for sanctions not only against illegal settlers but also against extremist ministers who also push for these illegal settlements. In this regard, we are also at the forefront in the EU when it comes to putting pressure on Israel. We will continue to do this, while simultaneously criticizing Hamas for choosing to place their facilities adjacent to civilians, which poses a danger to civilians. We also demand an immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Minister for Foreign Affairs, for the answer! I must also take the opportunity to say that I welcome the small shift that we have nevertheless seen from the government in recent weeks. It is welcome, but I say as usual that it is too little and too late. The Minister for Foreign Affairs probably knows what I think.

I wonder what it is one is actually afraid of. If one has stated that it is a war crime, a crime against humanity, or genocide, a responsibility falls on one – the responsibility to protect the civilian population. Is that what one is afraid of? Is that why one does not want to say those words? We have a responsibility! What else have we learned after Srebrenica and Rwanda? Then we said that we shall go in and protect the civilian population if war crimes or genocide are occurring. Then one cannot wait for any courts.

Is it the fear of the responsibility that follows from civilians being killed? Is it the fear of responsibility when hospitals are bombed?

I will also take the opportunity to inform Member Magdalena Thuresson that this did not start at all on October 7, 2023, even though I have always condemned the horrific terrorist crimes that Hamas has committed. It is about the writing of history. We had a debate here in the chamber some months ago when we spoke about Israel and Palestine. I then spent 20 minutes talking about the history of this conflict from the year 1900 until October 7 and everything that has been going on. It is an occupation that has been ongoing for at least 58 years.

It is very good that Sweden supports the international courts. The Foreign Minister also refers to the International Court of Justice and the statements made regarding Israel's obligations. But the International Court of Justice also spoke in July 2024 about the world's responsibility: One must not provide financial or political support for the settlement policy.

Despite this, we still allow today the import of goods from settlements. Certainly, the settlement policy is draining economically every day that passes. We could change that.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Madam Speaker! It is quite correct as Jacob Risberg says that the genocide convention contains an obligation for countries to do what can be done to prevent genocide.

The Government and the EU have consistently emphasized Israel's obligation to comply with the binding provisional measures decided by the International Court of Justice.

We have repeatedly, bilaterally and with other countries, demanded that the Israeli government allow access for humanitarian aid to the civilian population in Gaza, and now we are, as stated, pushing to introduce EU sanctions against extremist ministers who are pushing for an illegal settlement policy and the displacement of the Palestinian civilian population.

We also support the initiative to examine whether Israel meets the requirements for respect for human rights as set out in the association agreement between the EU and Israel.

In conclusion, I would like to thank you for the debate, a debate that I perceive has been very objective. That is not always the case in this particular area, so it is something I am truly grateful for. I look forward to returning to another objective debate on the subject!

The interpellation debate was hereby concluded.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.