Response to interpellation 2025/26:374 on the reconstruction of Iran and support for civil society and democratic institutions
Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.
Summary AI, written in advance
1 M argues that the government wants to support the Iranian people's demands for human rights and democracy through national and EU-based measures 1. M argues that the government has already acted by providing support to human rights defenders and working for internet freedom 1. M emphasizes that one must see how the situation develops before acting as a humanitarian crisis could arise 2. M argues that Sweden is a major donor of aid for democracy and is financially ready and in the EU 3. M admits that there is a national security interest linked to the Iran issue 3. 4 S argues that the world must be ready when the opportunity comes for a new Iran built on democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human rights to emerge 4. 5 M argues that the government will do everything it can to support the Iranian people's longing for freedom 5. M argues that Sweden has already provided extra support of 10 million kronor and stands ready to offer everything from monetary support to sending experts when appropriate 5. M also argues that work is being done so that the EU will be ready to act 5.
Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.
Bistånds- och utrikeshandelsministern Benjamin Dousa (M)
Madam Speaker! Thank you, the interpellor, for a very well-written interpellation! There are plenty of topics that we can bicker about in the chamber's speaking chairs, but when it comes to just this topic, I really want to thank the Social Democrats for a genuine commitment to these issues.
The interpellor has asked me what I and the government intend to do, within the framework of Swedish development cooperation and within the EU, to work towards ensuring that aid can be used to support the construction of democratic institutions, rule-of-law structures, and a strong civil society in Iran after the war and in the event of a potential fall of the Islamic regime.
She has also asked how I and the government view the possibility of further developing aid initiatives aimed at strengthening internet freedom and secure digital communication in Iran, so that they can contribute to civil society's organization and democratic processes in Iran after the war or in the event of a regime change.
The interpellor has also asked whether I and the government assess that the EU's financing instrument Global Europe can be used to support the building of democratic institutions, free media, and civil society organizations in a future Iran, and how I and the government in such a case intend to drive this issue within the EU.
Sweden has for a long time stood up for the Iranian people's legitimate demands for respect for human rights, including freedom of expression and assembly. The Government has continuously – individually, within the EU and together with like-minded [partners] – reviewed how we can best support the Iranian population in this regard. Among other things, the Government decided on 5 February on a new support of 10 million kronor for human rights defenders, democracy advocates and actors who work for increased freedom of expression in Iran. The Government has also taken a number of measures to counter Iranian authorities' digital repression and work to secure access to the internet, including through restrictive measures against state and private actors who have been involved in online censorship and surveillance or assisted in disruptions of access to the internet.
The ongoing developments in Iran and in the region are unpredictable and have major consequences for the Iranian people. For many Iranians, hopes have been raised that the developments can lead to a more democratic Iran. Depending on how the situation develops, the government will review all available tools in the foreign, trade, and aid policy toolbox, including the EU's common instruments.
Regardless of what happens in Iran, Sweden's government will, bilaterally and through the EU, continue to work persistently and consistently to support the Iranian people's demands for respect for human rights, including the right to freely express their opinions. Iran's future must be decided by the Iranian population.
Azadeh Rojhan (S)
Madam Speaker! I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs for the answer and for that we have this debate here today.
I am very grateful that the government in the current situation has supported human rights defenders in Iran with assistance and continues to stand up for the rights of the Iranian people. It is important and welcome, and I am glad that it continues.
But my interpellation is not about the current situation, but about how the government is preparing for what is to come. Several times in the response to me, the minister returns to the point that the development is unpredictable and that the government will review tools depending on how the situation develops. The problem is that experiences from other conflicts show that it is often precisely the lack of preparation that causes decisive opportunities to be lost. It is not when the change actually occurs that one can begin to build support for democracy. By then, much has already been decided.
Madam Speaker! When the war ends and the Islamic regime falls, a very short window of time arises in which the direction for the country is set. It is in that stage that the prerequisites for democracy can either be strengthened or weakened. It is then that civil society, the rule of law, and democratic institutions have the opportunity to emerge and need support – not several months or years later, when other forces have had time to establish themselves.
We know that competing interests quickly arise during transitions. This can involve internal power groups but also external actors who want to influence the development. If democratic structures do not receive support early on, they risk falling behind. It is therefore a matter of preparedness – of having identified relevant actors, having built up relationships, having financing instruments that can be mobilized quickly, and having a clear strategy for how support to civil society, free media, and the rule of law can be prioritized.
Madam Speaker! Sweden has long experience of supporting democratic processes and civil societies in different parts of the world. The EU also has significant resources and tools. This means that we actually have the opportunity to make a difference. But that also requires the political will to act in time. Therefore, I want to ask the Minister again – and I hope for a more concrete answer: What steps can the government take already now to prepare a unified support for Iran within the EU after the war and in the event of a regime change? Does the government see a need to develop specific aid frameworks for just this type of transition situation?
By the government taking a more active role in the EU, we can ensure that we do not miss the window that is now opening. It is not ultimately about aid policy in its narrow sense. It is about whether the rest of the world is prepared to contribute to a future Iran where there are conditions for the country to develop in a democratic direction.
Bistånds- och utrikeshandelsministern Benjamin Dousa (M)
Madam Speaker! I thank you for the contribution to the debate. One should not interpret my very clear words that all tools in the toolbox are available to the Iranian people as some kind of passivity. What I and the government mean is that it depends on what happens. We do not yet know where the pieces will land. For example, a large-scale humanitarian crisis could arise, and then it is primarily humanitarian work that is needed in the short term. It could also be about building up stable, open, and democratic institutions that respect the rights of women and girls and safeguard the independence of the media. But we do not yet know exactly how this will play out and how long-lasting it will be.
It is clear that the Swedish government, both within the framework of what we decide ourselves and within the framework of the EU cooperation, will do what we can to satisfy the Iranian people's longing for freedom of expression, for democracy, and for girls and women to have the same rights as boys and men. In that, we can act broadly in foreign policy and trade policy but also in aid policy.
We want to be very precise from the speaker's chair: Of course, not a single Swedish tax krona shall go to the Iranian regime. It is about supporting the Iranian people's longing for freedom in different ways.
The government has over the years acted both here at home and within the framework of EU cooperation. On February 19, the EU decided to list Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard, IRGC, under the EU's sanctions regime against terrorism, something that Sweden has long worked for. The EU has also decided in the last month on a large number of new listings of persons under the EU's sanctions regime due to the situation for human rights in Iran; most recently this occurred at the foreign ministers' meeting on Monday. These listings include actors who have been involved in the repression of the protests at the beginning of the year as well as actors who have participated in, for example, online censorship and surveillance or disruptions of the internet.
Even though the EU is our primary platform for Iran policy, the government is also active in other contexts. Through the Freedom Online Coalition, Sweden, together with 26 other like-minded countries, has made a statement that clearly emphasizes both the serious consequences of the internet shutdowns and Iran's international commitments regarding freedom of expression and assembly and the right to information, as well as calling for a restoration of the internet.
We have several tools, therefore, but we must see where the pieces land before we act. It must not be done lightly. This could become a fairly short-lived war, but it could also become a protracted and long-lasting conflict. We have seen that the situation has worsened and that there are also many civilian casualties. Preparations are being made humanitarily, in terms of aid, and commercially. We naturally want to help the Iranian people realize the freedom they long for.
Azadeh Rojhan (S)
Madam Speaker! I want to be very clear about why this is so important and why it really cannot wait. If we miss the window that opens after the war and after a change of regime, we risk seeing the same patterns as in other parts of the region: that a power vacuum is filled by new authoritarian forces, armed groups, or external actors with completely different interests than democracy and human rights. It is not a theoretical scenario but something we have seen time and again. We have seen what happens when state structures collapse without there being functioning institutions ready to take over. When civil society is weak and the rule of law is not in place, parallel power structures quickly emerge. Legitimacy is replaced by control, and long-term stability is traded for short-term balance of power.
It is in that vacuum that external actors step in. If the EU and Sweden are not in place early with support for civil society, the rule of law, and other institutions, others will be – actors who offer quick investments, economic incentives, and political support but without requirements for transparency, the rule of law, and democratic reforms. In the short term, it may appear stabilizing, but it often leads to something else. It leads to new dependencies, weak institutions, and a development where democratic forces are pushed back.
Madam Speaker! It is also about Europe's own security. Iran is a central actor in an already unstable region. An Iran that develops in an unstable direction risks contributing to increased tensions and conflicts and indirectly affecting Europe and Sweden through security threats, regional unrest, and migration movements, something that the Islamic regime has already done for several years.
An Iran that develops in a democratic direction with functioning institutions and respect for human rights could, on the other hand, become a stabilizing force in the region and a partner to Europe, politically, economically and in terms of security.
Madam Speaker! There is also a clear economic dimension that we cannot ignore. An Iran that opens up after a war and a regime change will be a significant market. This applies to energy, industry, infrastructure, and trade. The question then is who is involved in shaping these relations and on what terms. Is it actors who build long-term partnerships based on transparency and rule-based systems, or is it actors who establish economic and political dependencies without requirements for openness and accountability?
Those who are involved early in such a stage are also involved in setting the rules of the game. This is therefore not just a question of aid or solidarity, even though it is fundamentally about supporting the right to freedom and democracy for the people in Iran. It is also a strategic issue for Sweden and Europe. It is about security, it is about influence, and it is about long-term economic relations.
I therefore pose a question to the Minister on exactly this: Does the government view this as a strategic issue when it comes to Sweden's and the EU's security and economic interests? And is one prepared to act accordingly by already taking initiatives within the EU to ensure that we are ready when a decisive stage occurs in Iran, after war and after the regime's fall?
Bistånds- och utrikeshandelsministern Benjamin Dousa (M)
Madam Speaker! I will not say this often in this chamber, but here I completely agree with what is being said by my opponent, the interpellator in this matter.
Let me answer the interpellator's question: It is clear that there is a Swedish national security interest linked to the Iran issue, for several different reasons. We know that the Iranian regime has kidnapped Swedish citizens. We know that the Iranian regime carries out operations in other countries, including in Sweden, partly against Israeli and Jewish targets but also against exiled Iranians who currently live and work in their new home country. We also know that Iran is a power factor in the region at large and has had a very destructive role there in recent decades.
It is clear that there is a national Swedish interest linked to the Iran issue. There is a great interest, as both Minister for Trade and Minister for Development Cooperation, to do everything to support the Iranian people's longing for freedom and legitimate demands for freedom of expression, democracy, and, for example, equal rights for boys and girls.
Sweden is one of the world's largest donors when it comes to human freedoms and rights, democracy and the principles of the rule of law. Approximately one quarter of our total aid during last year went to initiatives within that area. There is no lack of commitment. There is no lack of money.
But as we know, Iran has been a very difficult country for civil society organizations to act freely and build capacity in. This distinguishes Iran from many other authoritarian countries where we are also carrying out important democratic interventions right now. It is also one of the reasons why we, despite the fact that transparency and clear result monitoring towards the Swedish people are some of my most important values as Minister for Development Cooperation, have not been able to fully openly communicate exactly which individuals, actors, or organizations have received a share of the 10 million kronor. This is because the threat situation is so strong in Iran and from the Iranian regime against these forces that work for democracy, freedom of expression, and equal rights for boys and girls.
We are ready economically. We are ready in the EU. We are ready in other international contexts, and we have been very engaged in this issue and for the Iranian people for a very long time.
Azadeh Rojhan (S)
Madam Speaker! Today is Nowruz. It is a holiday that for over 3,000 years has symbolized a new beginning, the return of light, and the hope for renewal. The holiday coincides with the spring equinox and is the start of a new year for everyone who celebrates Nowruz around the world.
I have had the privilege of growing up in a free and democratic country, Sweden, where today I sit in this chamber as a member of parliament. I have also been able to celebrate Nowruz freely, as a natural part of my Persian heritage. Just today, that freedom feels stronger than usual.
At the same time as I stand here and speak about a future Iran, I know that there are people in Iran who do not have the same opportunity to speak freely, to organize themselves, or to shape their own lives without risk. It becomes a great contrast, and that is precisely why this debate is so important.
What we are discussing here today is not about abstract principles, but about people's opportunity to live free lives. We know that there is a short window where the direction is set, and we know that it requires preparations. We know what happens if we are not ready, because we have seen it happen before.
Nouruz means a new day, but a new day does not arise by itself. If a new Iran is to emerge, built on democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights, the rest of the world must be ready when the opportunity arises. Otherwise, the new day risks not coming.
Bistånds- och utrikeshandelsministern Benjamin Dousa (M)
Madam Speaker! Thank you, Member, for the strong contribution! The Member should not feel alone in this longing for a freer, more democratic and equal Iran. The Member shares this longing for freedom with tens of millions around the world who are also prepared to act for exactly that.
I can promise the chamber of the Riksdag that we and the Swedish government will do everything we can. We have already, as one of the first European countries, provided an additional support of 10 million kronor, which we now hope more European countries will follow.
The situation on the planet and in the region is unpredictable right now. We stand ready wherever it may be needed. If, for example, humanitarian support is needed for civilians who are forced to flee, we stand ready with packages for that group. We stand ready the day the Iranian people are ready. Then we are ready to help. It could range from monetary support to sending experts or whatever else may be needed when that day finally comes.
The Iranian people should know that they are not alone in this longing for freedom, but that it is shared by Sweden and, as I interpret it, broadly by this chamber, which is positive. We will do everything we possibly can.
There are also trade policy and other foreign policy tools in the toolbox. I can also promise the member that we will do everything we can, even in the EU, so that the EU will be ready to act the day it is appropriate.
We have brought the EU on board regarding very tough sanctions against the Iranian regime. We also stand ready to support various types of aid instruments that can be unlocked by the EU Commission and other actors to help and support the Iranian people's longing for freedom.
Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.