Response to interpellations 2024/25:665 and 681 on democracy in Turkey
Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.
Summary AI, written in advance
The debate concerns democracy in Turkey and Sweden's actions. M views the arrests of opposition members as serious and argues that a free opposition is a prerequisite for democracy 1 2. M emphasizes that Sweden continues to point out deficiencies and that common security interests exist 1 3, while commitments to the rule of law remain firm 4. S argues that Turkey is close to dictatorship and that Sweden is too weak in its engagement 5 6. S believes that support for LGBTQI persons is smart for building robust democracies 7. MP argues that the democratic regression is unacceptable 8.
Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.
Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)
Madam Speaker! Jacob Risberg has asked me how I view the latest developments in Turkey, including the arrest of Ekrem İmamoğlu and Joakim Medin, what assessment I make of the democratic state in Turkey, whether Turkey is a democracy and how Sweden's bilateral relations are affected by the latest developments, as well as in what way I will pursue issues of human rights and democracy in the dialogue with Turkey going forward.
Daniel Vencu Velasquez Castro has asked me if I consider Turkey to be a functioning democracy where human rights are respected and everyone is free to express their opinion without risk of persecution or arrest. He has also asked me what I intend to do to mark against the recent arrests of opposition members and LGBTQI activists, how Sweden will contribute to strengthening democracy in Turkey and the work on human rights, and how Sweden, within the framework of Nato, will demand that our allies follow democratic principles and uphold a rules-based world order.
Turkey is an ally within Nato and an important security policy actor. At the same time, we will continue to point out when Turkey, or other allies, do not live up to their international commitments regarding democracy and human rights. We do not compromise on our principles when it comes to this, regardless of which country it concerns.
The Government views the recent events in Turkey very seriously, including the arrest of Istanbul's mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu. The processes and measures taken against elected political representatives, political activists, civil society representatives, journalists, and businessmen in the country raise questions about Turkey's respect for established democratic principles.
The EU has noted the worrying development in several ways. In the European Commission's annual assessment from 2024, among other things, serious concern was expressed over the continued regression in the areas of democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental rights in Turkey. Organizations working to strengthen the rights of women and hbtqi persons are highlighted as being particularly vulnerable.
It is important that Sweden and the EU continue to be clear about how we view the events in Turkey and that we point out the deficiencies we see in the areas of human rights and democracy.
Sweden has welcomed and taken a clear stance on Turkey's long-term goals for EU membership and wants to actively work for a deepened relationship between Turkey and the EU. But that process is only possible if Turkey respects fundamental freedoms and rights and upholds the principles of the rule of law. Through its actions, Turkey has hindered the possibilities to deepen its relationship with the EU.
We continue to monitor the developments in Turkey and highlight the importance of respecting human rights, democracy, and the principles of the rule of law. This is done through a number of direct contacts with both Turkish representatives, civil society, and human rights defenders. It also occurs in relation to the commitments that Turkey has as a member of the Council of Europe and OSCE.
It is gratifying that Joakim Medin was able to come home to Sweden after 51 days. The dialogue that Sweden and Turkey have developed through NATO membership has contributed to this.
Daniel Vencu Velasquez Castro (S)
Madam Speaker! I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs for the answer.
I would like to begin by saying that we would have had this interpellation debate a few weeks ago, but because we had a Swedish journalist detained in Turkey, I and Member Risberg chose to withdraw our interpellations so as not to disturb the work that I know the Minister for Foreign Affairs devoted to getting Joakim Medin released. I would like to thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs for the hard work I know has been put in to ensure that Joakim Medin finally was able to come home.
It is also a symbol of how close Turkey actually is to the border of dictatorship when Swedish Members of Parliament feel hindered in the exercise of their mandate in the Swedish Riksdag by the fact that Turkey will be offended when we point out the obvious restrictions on democracy being implemented.
The imprisonment of Istanbul's mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu is a prime example of how democracy is soon to be lost in Turkey. He appeared to be perhaps the only candidate who could stand in a presidential election against Erdoğan.
Erdoğan has previously established a system of arresting opposition members. I particularly want to highlight two who have been imprisoned since 2016, namely Demirtaş and Yüksekdağ, former leaders of HDP, now DEM Parti. They have, therefore, been imprisoned for nearly ten years.
Madam Speaker! There is much to say about the arrests and restrictions in Turkey. I have chosen to focus particularly on the vulnerability of LGBTQI persons in the country.
Erdoğan has declared that LGBTQI people are the greatest threat to the nuclear family and to the core values of the Turkish state. Hate crimes, hate speech, and arbitrary arrests are everyday occurrences for LGBTQI people in Turkey. Most recently, Erdoğan also declared that they intend to make it illegal to display what he calls deviant sexuality in public. Many commentators believe that this is the final step before they go all the way and ban homosexuality in the country.
In the autumn I was in Turkey and met several LGBTQI organizations, and their message is crystal clear: The international community must react and act. All organizations highlight Sweden as the most important ally in the EU for this.
The commitment from the outside world is cooling, Madam Speaker. The reduction of aid funds is occurring everywhere. Authoritarian leadership is developing in country after country, so also in Turkey, and one adopts an ever-increasing caution in diplomatic relations with authoritarian states. Unfortunately, Sweden's commitment to civil society has decreased as one has gone from 20 to 7 bilateral agreements with civil society in Turkey. This has had a direct impact on hbtqi organizations' opportunities to organize themselves.
In the Turkey strategy, which applies until 2027, it is established that human rights and democracy shall be promoted in Sweden's reform work with Turkey. Therefore, Madam Speaker, it is worrying to see that the support for precisely those organizations is decreasing. The major problem remains that the persecution and hatred against hbtqi persons is still extremely palpable in Turkey.
The negative democratic development we see in Turkey is one of the greatest threats to security in the region. I would therefore like to ask the Minister if she has raised the vulnerability of specifically LGBTQI persons in Turkey in her talks with the country. Will Sweden increase its commitment to ensure that LGBTQI persons can continue to organize in the increasingly serious situation that we see?
Jacob Risberg (MP)
Madam Speaker! Thank you, Minister for Foreign Affairs, for the answer! Thank you also to my co-interpellator Daniel Vencu Velasquez Castro for the questions!
This is very interesting, especially following the democratic regression in Turkey. On March 20, 2025, Ekrem İmamoğlu, mayor of Istanbul and one of Turkey's most prominent opposition politicians, was arrested by Turkish authorities. The arrest took place less than two weeks before the municipal elections in Turkey and has sparked significant international criticism.
The incident risks further undermining trust in Turkey's democratic institutions and sends alarming signals about the political climate in the country. Seven days later, the Swedish journalist Joakim Medin was arrested while on his way to Turkey to report on İmamoğlu and the protests that arose after his arrest.
This is not happening in a vacuum. For many years, we have seen how Turkey's government has systematically weakened the principles of the rule of law and silenced oppositional voices. Journalists, human rights defenders, and academics have been imprisoned, LGBTQ+ individuals have been harassed and forbidden from organizing, and minority groups, especially Kurds, have been subjected to extensive persecution. The arrests of İmamoğlu and Medin are therefore not just attacks on individuals but part of a larger pattern where the democratic space is shrinking ever more.
Turkey has long been an important partner to Sweden, not least within the framework of Sweden's membership in Nato, but at the same time, the democratic regression in Turkey has for many years been the subject of serious criticism from both the EU and international human rights organizations.
We view the developments in Turkey with great concern. For a country that aspires to be a democratic state governed by the rule of law, it is completely unacceptable that opposition leaders are imprisoned before elections and that journalists are imprisoned for performing their journalistic work. It also directly undermines the Turkish people's right to free and fair elections.
Against this background, I have posed questions to Maria Malmer Stenergard: how the minister views the latest developments in Turkey, including the arrests of Ekrem İmamoğlu and Joakim Medin, what assessment the minister makes of the democratic situation in Turkey and whether Turkey is a democracy, how these events affect Sweden's bilateral relations with Turkey and, finally, in what way the minister and the government intend to drive issues of human rights and democracy in dialogues with Turkey going forward. Of these four questions, I received an answer to the last one – how the minister intends to drive issues of human rights. I understand it as that this is to take place in continued dialogue with Turkey.
According to the human rights organization Freedom House, which measures how democratic states and regions are around the world, Turkey receives a score of 33 out of 100. They rank 144 among the world's countries and territories, between countries such as Uganda and Pakistan. According to Freedom House, Turkey is not free, on a three-point scale of free, partially free, and not free. Against this background, I would like to know once again whether the Foreign Minister views Turkey as a democracy.
Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)
Madam Speaker! The Government follows with concern the recent developments in Turkey. Respect for human rights, democracy, and the principles of the rule of law is, of course, something we focus on particularly. A free opposition is a prerequisite for a democratic and pluralistic society. It is therefore particularly worrying when opposition politicians are deprived of their liberty, dismissed, and replaced.
The development of human rights in Turkey has been the subject of international criticism for a long time. At the same time, the electoral process itself, with an active opposition, well-organized general elections, and respect for international law, has previously often been highlighted as a strength in Turkish democracy.
The latest developments, including the arrest of Istanbul's mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu and other opposition politicians, political activists, civil society representatives, journalists and businessmen, show however that the opposition's opportunities have now been circumvented. This naturally raises questions about the respect for human rights and the state of democracy in Turkey.
Sweden will continue to be a driving force in promoting democracy and human rights internationally, including the rights of LGBTQI persons, so also in relation to Turkey. The opportunity to participate in the democratic process is a prerequisite for the enjoyment of human rights. We raise these issues both in bilateral contacts and in international forums. Human rights continue to be a cornerstone of our policy.
We also work on the ground in Turkey through Sida, the Swedish Institute, the embassy in Ankara and the consulate general in Istanbul to strengthen respect for human rights, democracy and the principles of the rule of law and to improve the conditions for a more equal society.
Sweden provides concrete support to Turkish civil society organizations that are active in the field of human rights. This concerns issues of freedom of expression, support for free independent media and hbtqi persons' enjoyment of human rights but also democracy promotion and, as I mentioned, equality.
To take the area of equality as an example, I want to say that our reform support specifically aims to improve women's access to work and working conditions and the conditions for their political participation and leadership, to improve the justice system's response to violence against women, and to give women and girls the opportunity to actively participate in society.
Daniel Vencu Velasquez Castro (S)
Madam Speaker! I want to begin by saying that Sweden has always been synonymous with hope for hbtqi people above all else around the world – hope when one feels that one is not welcome in one's own country, hope when one is given the opportunity to organize and funds to be able to do so, but also hope that there are those in the world who stand by one's side and who, even if one has very little in common, stand up for everyone's right to love whomever they want and be whomever they want.
I believe, or I know, that there are many LGBTQI people in Turkey who look towards the high mountains of the north, which has always stood on the side of the vulnerable. It is important that Sweden continues to be a humanitarian superpower, as we have always been, because it has guaranteed LGBTQI people's liberation worldwide. It has guaranteed that LGBTQI people get a freer and more democratic room for maneuver, and I am convinced that the minister is also committed to these rights.
Madam Speaker! At the beginning of the 2000s, when Turkey moved in a more democratic direction, there was increased engagement from Sweden and other countries, and Sweden was leading. One was quickly on the spot with democracy work. One supported the LGBTQ+ movement and other civil society to build up the democratic resilience we know they constitute. This did not happen by itself, but it was a pressure from the outside. As I said earlier, Sweden was one of the leading nations. One also pushed forward that Turkey began its negotiations for an EU membership, even if such a thing still feels quite far away today. It was a goal-oriented and effective foreign policy that yielded results.
Now the situation in the country is completely different than at the beginning of the 2000s. But I mean that the situation is so serious that the engagement in Turkey rather must increase. The allocation of resources to civil society in Turkey needs to increase. The UN clearly declares that the world needs to set clear demands on compliance with human rights everywhere in the world where they are violated. One is also clear that civil society needs to be supported. But when I was visiting Turkey, I found out that of 20 bilateral agreements, 7 bilateral agreements have remained. Sweden has reduced its engagement in the country when it was needed most.
Unfortunately, Sweden is too weak. A much more cautious stance has been taken towards Turkey just in the last two years. I mean that Sweden does not quite live up to the Turkey strategy that is in place. It is about promoting human rights, promoting democratic development and ensuring that hbtqi persons are included in democracy work.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs is clear that much is done jointly in the EU. I think that is good, Madam Speaker. I believe it is important that the EU is still our largest foreign policy arena. But Sweden's role in the EU is also important to highlight. We shall be leading, be the one who marks out first, increase engagement, lead the way, and create space to build democratic resilience. Unfortunately, there are also countries and governments within the European Union that oppose us increasing support for LGBTQI movements around the world.
Madam Speaker! I would therefore like to follow up on my questions, which I do not feel I am receiving proper answers to. Is the Minister for Foreign Affairs prepared to take initiative so that Sweden and the EU can strengthen resources for civil society in Turkey and give LGBTQI people in the country hope that they will be able to have democratic space for action again?
Jacob Risberg (MP)
Madam Speaker! I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs for the answer. The first thing I heard the Minister for Foreign Affairs say now was that the government is following recent events with concern. Very well, but this is not just recent events. It is something that has been ongoing for a long time in Turkey, ever since Erdoğan became president in 2014. To some extent, it also continued when he was prime minister 2003–2014. I can give some examples of what has happened since Erdoğan became president.
A legislative change has been implemented that gives the Minister of Justice increased influence over judicial appointments, which undermines the independence of the courts by rescinding reforms that previously aimed to strengthen the judiciary's autonomy. Following the failed military coup in July 2016, a massive purge was carried out within the judiciary. Turkey's Supreme Judicial Council dismissed or allowed the arrest of 2,745 judges and prosecutors suspected of loyalty to the Gülen movement.
In 2016, the largest opposition newspaper, Zaman, was also stopped. It was taken over by the state following a court decision. The police stormed the editorial office with tear gas and removed the editor-in-chief, after which the newspaper quickly changed its line and began publishing pro-government material. The newspaper's last issue under the previous leadership described the takeover as one of the country's darkest days for press freedom.
Parliament adopted a new disinformation law in 2022 that makes it a criminal offense to spread information that authorities judge to be false or misleading. The law also tightened control over the internet, media, and social media. Critics warn that the law further stifles independent journalism in a country that already has tens of thousands of cases of prosecution for insulting the president and a large number of imprisoned journalists.
The leader of the pro-Kurdish opposition party HDP, along with several of the party's members of parliament, were arrested in 2016 and imprisoned on charges of terrorist links. The European Court of Human Rights urged that he be released. The measure struck hard against the opposition's rights and representation.
The mayoral election in Istanbul in 2019 was won by Ekrem İmamoğlu. The election commission invalidated the result and called for a re-election. This naturally led to protests. Opposition representatives said that it is permissible to vote against AKP but illegal to win. İmamoğlu won the re-election with an even larger margin than in the first election.
In 2019, a large number of democratically elected mayors from the pro-Kurdish HDP were also removed in southeastern Turkey. They were replaced with state-appointed trustees. After the 2019 local elections, HDP candidates who had won were prevented from taking office in several districts. Instead, AKP candidates who had come in second were appointed. Overall, by the end of the 2010s, the government had taken over control in 95 of the 102 municipalities where HDP won in the 2014 election.
Ahead of the 2023 parliamentary and presidential elections, the opposition's work was further hindered. The pro-Kurdish party HDP, which is threatened with closure, was prevented from participating under its own name, and its politicians were forced to run via other parties.
There are plenty of examples – these were just a few of them – of what has happened during the last eleven years since President Erdoğan came to power, most recently the arrest of Istanbul's mayor and the Swedish journalist. Students, lawyers, and journalists have been arrested in the last year. I still wonder: Is Turkey a democracy, or has it straight up become an authoritarian state?
Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)
Madam Speaker! Regarding the final question, I think I was quite clear in my previous contribution in my description of the government's view on the democratic situation in Turkey. I will have to refer to what I said there, and it was quite detailed.
As I mentioned in my opening response, Turkey is an ally within Nato and an important security policy actor. This does not mean that we will stop expressing our views when Turkey does not live up to its international commitments regarding human rights and democracy; Jacob Risberg's list was certainly not funny. The same applies to other countries that are allies with Sweden. Regardless of the country, we do not compromise on our principles.
Sweden and Turkey have entered into agreements in areas where we need to work together. From the Swedish side, we will live up to what we have committed to, and we also expect Turkey to live up to its commitments. This applies in particular to our strengthened agency cooperation against terrorism and cross-border and organized crime, which is conducted within the framework of the Security Compact.
It is in our interest to cooperate with Turkey in these matters. Crime today is to a large extent cross-border. We see more and more examples of criminal individuals and networks that have their base in other countries but control crime committed in Sweden. Both Sweden and Turkey therefore have to benefit from closer operational cooperation, and that work will continue.
Sweden and Europe as a whole also have an interest in cooperating closely with Turkey regarding common security and foreign policy challenges, such as migration issues, and international trade. We are now conducting a discussion at the EU level on how the EU's policy towards Turkey should be adapted following the latest developments in Turkey. Sweden advocates for continued clarity in these discussions regarding the shortcomings we see in the area of human rights and democracy, while at the same time we need to find functional forms of cooperation with Turkey regarding the important common challenges we face.
Sweden supports Turkey's long-term goal of EU membership, a goal that is also supported by the opposition in Turkey. A Turkish membership perspective does, however, presuppose that Turkey lives up to the basic requirements that the EU sets regarding the rule of law, democracy and human rights. Sweden will, as long as I have anything to say about it, be a true champion in the fight for the rights of hbtqi persons.
Daniel Vencu Velasquez Castro (S)
Madam Speaker! I would like to thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs for the debate and for her commitment to the issue, which I do not doubt in the slightest. But what I have tried to highlight and wanted answers on concerned how commitment is translated into political action. The LGBTQ+ movement in Turkey is extremely clear: One must react, which the Minister for Foreign Affairs has done, but one must also act. The one who holds government power also, Madam Speaker, has the opportunity to translate political commitment into political action.
Right now, Turkey is not a functioning democracy, and it is now that hbtqi people need to see that the support from what remains of the democratic world is resourced and is long-term and predictable – so that they can build resilience and be the resistance that we know democratic societies need. I think it is good that the foreign ministers within the EU are working together to take a clear stand for hbtqi people's right to free lives and increased democratic space for action, which ultimately leads to robust democracies.
Madam Speaker! In Russia, USA, Hungary, Belarus, Turkey and several other countries, we see how democracy is being dismantled by first attacking LGBTQ+ rights. Everywhere, I still want to assert, it is LGBTQ+ people who stand at the front line in the battle for democracy. It is therefore not only right to support them – it is also smart, if we are to build robust democracies in the world.
Unfortunately, however, we see, as I have mentioned earlier in this interpellation debate, that Sweden's support for civil society is decreasing, and I regret that. Sweden must be the voice for a world that not only defends hbtqi persons' rights but also fights for them. That is the only right thing. It is to stand up for a rules-based world order, and it is to build democratic resilience.
Jacob Risberg (MP)
Madam Speaker! I also want to thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs for this debate, and I also want to thank Daniel once again. At the same time, I am, of course, concerned about the developments in Turkey.
Turkey became a candidate country for the EU in 1999, and negotiations were initiated. It went relatively well during the 2000s, before Erdoğan came to power. These negotiations have practically stopped completely since 2018. From 2014 until today, we have seen how democratic rights, the journalistic space, and so on are slowly decreasing more and more.
During this time, we have had several governments of different colors that have used what we have to use here, dialogue and criticism. But still, we see that the development is not moving in the right direction. I wonder what we can do. What opportunities does the Foreign Minister see? What other tools are in the toolbox to use to get Turkey to change? Obviously, the criticism that the government has expressed and that the EU has expressed toward Turkey has not made Turkey change anything – rather, it has gone in the completely wrong direction.
I would, therefore, like to know a bit more, besides the fact that it concerns continued dialogue, continued criticism regarding human rights and so on. When is one prepared to push the issue, perhaps within the EU, in order to put even higher pressure on Turkey, potentially with economic means and perhaps also other types of means? If we are to continue with the dialogue and use it as a means all the time, I am, in fact, afraid that we will see Turkey reach a point of no return without any possibility of returning to any form of democracy within a foreseeable time.
Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)
Madam Speaker! Sweden's commitments to democracy, human rights, and the principles of the rule of law stand firm, and they will always be at the center of our international work, even when we are faced with challenges such as those we see in Turkey today. The Government considers it absolutely central to ensure that all people have the same right to express their opinions and form public opinion. The Government will continue to stand up for this international position bilaterally within the EU and multilaterally in the UN Human Rights Council, within the framework of the Council of Europe, and within the OSCE.
Sweden and the international community are closely following the developments in Turkey, as I have mentioned previously. It is of the utmost importance that Sweden and the EU continue to clearly emphasize our expectations of Turkey as a candidate country to the EU, as well as Turkey's obligations as a member of the Council of Europe.
I would say that the opportunity to also convey harsh messages increases with the relationship that we have developed between Sweden and Turkey in connection with the NATO process. It was also that relationship that improved our opportunities to ensure that Joakim Medin could come home as quickly as he did, despite everything.
I am convinced that we will return to this important debate. I would also like to thank the interpellants very much for the debate.
Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.