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Swedish contribution to NATO's deterrence and defense during 2026

10 December 2025 · 8 speeches · S, V, SD, M, C, KD, MP, L

Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.

Summary AI, written in advance

S considers it a self-evident position that Sweden contributes to Nato's deterrence and defense from the outside through membership 1. V supports participation in maritime patrols, aircraft for Nato Air Policing, as well as the mission in Latvia, but with the proviso that Sweden shall never participate in activities involving nuclear weapons 2. V argues that nuclear weapons should be banned and that Sweden should sign the UN nuclear weapons ban 2. V argues that the priority should be the immediate surrounding area and that international military missions should be staffed by professional personnel, not conscripts 2. SD considers that Sweden should be a credible, reliable, and solidary ally 3. M considers that Sweden should be a credible, reliable, and solidary ally 4. M considers it a high priority to deter and defend the Baltics 4. M argues that Sweden must arm itself now because Russia could invade a Nato land in the future and that we cannot afford to wait 4. M emphasizes that Sweden is ready to be defended and that deterrence is an important part of the defense 4. C argues that Sweden must participate fully in the alliance's activities and stands completely behind the proposal 5. KD moves for approval of the proposal and argues that Sweden is an important part of the alliance and that deterrence creates peace 6. MP argues that decisions on sending armed forces should be made in the Riksdag and that nuclear weapons should never be on Swedish territory 7. MP argues that they can stand behind the proposal because it strengthens security in the surrounding area 7. L argues that membership in Nato has made Sweden much safer 8. L considers that Sweden must be able to meet expectations of actively contributing to Nato's deterrence and defense 8. A clear and forward-looking stance is crucial to preserving peace 8. A quickly adaptable Swedish contribution is central to its own security 8. It is important that Sweden can quickly strengthen its contribution to Nato to meet a worsened situation 8. Democracies must cooperate with determination when dictatorships cooperate 8. It is reasonable that forces under Nato's leadership can participate in the defense of other allies' territories 8. It is important to have an active and transparent cooperation between the government and the Riksdag regarding information on Sweden's contributions 8.

Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.

Johan Andersson (S)

Mr. Speaker! Good morning to everyone in the chamber and everyone following the debate on TV or in other ways! Today we are to debate the report on Sweden's contribution to NATO's deterrence and defense during 2026.

Sweden has been a member of Nato since March 7, 2024. Nato is a defense alliance whose primary task is to maintain peace and security in the alliance's member states. It is also a collective responsibility to be a member of Nato. As part of this, the government proposes that until December 31, 2026, it shall be permitted to deploy Swedish armed forces consisting of ground forces and special forces of at most 1,700 people, naval forces of at most 700 people, and air and air defense forces of at most 600 people to, in accordance with international law, contribute to Nato's collective deterrence and defense of the North Atlantic area.

Sweden has a tradition of having been active in Nato for nearly two years. We have so far contributed in different ways in the cooperation. Among other things, we have participated when it comes to FLF in Latvia.

The Social Democrats see this as an obvious position based on Sweden's membership in Nato. Just to remind the chamber: Six out of eight parties stood behind it when we had that discussion. We had a rather long process in my party. However, it feels like it was a truly well-anchored decision based on how the situation looks in our global environment and the security policy developments occurring in many parts.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I would like to move for approval of the committee's proposal to approve the bill.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Hanna Gunnarsson (V)

Mr. Speaker! Honored colleagues and members! Hello to all of you who are listening and watching at home!

Today, the Riksdag is debating a matter that we now have as an annual debate, namely what Sweden shall do within Nato during the coming year. It is the second year we have had this debate.

It is very good, we in Vänsterpartiet think, that it is precisely the Riksdag that is having this debate and making these decisions. We mean that all decisions to send Swedish troops abroad shall always be made by the Riksdag, never by the government.

The government's proposal is that Sweden shall continue to participate with ships for NATO's maritime surveillance and aircraft for what is called NATO Air Policing, as well as that we participate in NATO's operation in Latvia. Vänsterpartiet supports this, with the proviso that Sweden does not participate in activities involving nuclear weapons. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I move for approval of the only reservation in the report.

Vänsterpartiet is against Swedish forces participating in training activities that may include elements involving nuclear weapons. Vänsterpartiets position is that Sweden should never be involved in planning, preparing, or practicing the use of nuclear weapons in any way.

In October this year, Sweden unfortunately participated for the first time in NATO's annual nuclear exercise Steadfast Noon. It is voluntary for NATO's member countries to participate in nuclear exercises, so Sweden could have chosen to abstain – but we did not do so. It is a clear position and choice from the bourgeois government that we oppose.

Sweden could have been clear from the beginning, when we joined Nato, that we will not allow nuclear weapons on Swedish territory. Our neighboring countries Denmark and Norway made such statements both when they joined Nato and when they signed their respective DCA agreements with the USA. Vänsterpartiet regrets that the government did not make any such markings when we had the opportunity, neither at the time of Nato membership nor when we signed the DCA agreement.

We mean that the nuclear arms race we are now seeing in the world increases uncertainty and in no way gives us either more peace or more security. Nuclear weapons are not just any weapons. They are weapons of mass destruction and weapons that, the two times we have seen them used, have killed hundreds of thousands and for a long time destroyed both the environment and many people's lives. Japan will never forget Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and neither should we.

Last year, the Japanese survivors' organization Nihon Hidankyo received the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo for its work in opposing nuclear weapons and their use, as well as for continuing to present the testimonies that exist. They are very clear in their criticism of the fact that many countries are now actually rearming with nuclear weapons.

Vänsterpartiet considers that nuclear weapons should be banned and that Sweden should sign the UN nuclear weapons ban.

Mr. Speaker! Vänsterpartiet was against Sweden joining Nato. Nato membership is now, however, a reality, and much of the Swedish defense's activities will have a connection to Nato.

In the future, it must also be Sweden's own defense capability that stands at the center of Swedish defense planning. At the same time, we shall now be an active partner in cooperation with our Nordic and Baltic neighboring countries. We shall take a joint responsibility for the defense of the Baltic Sea, the North Sea, the North Sea, and the Arctic, i.e., our direct immediate area. It is this, not operations in countries far away, that we mean should be the Swedish priority in our NATO membership, and we also have a political consensus on this. We shall do what we are best at, and that is to act with our neighboring countries in our direct immediate area.

But at the same time, it is important that Sweden does not only look to NATO's work, but that we also participate in appropriate UN missions in the future to contribute globally to peace and security. Sweden is not currently participating in any major UN mission, even though we have observers on many different important missions around the world. Vänsterpartiet believes that Sweden should participate in one of the larger UN missions for peace and security in the world and demonstrate the strong role that Sweden has had internationally for many decades.

Mr. Speaker! Last spring, Sweden participated for the first time in NATO's mission in Latvia, with soldiers from P 7 at home in Skåne. The Baltic countries border Russia directly, and they have requested a permanent military presence from other countries. It is something the Left Party believes Sweden should be able to contribute when we are asked. Sweden shares the mission in Latvia with Denmark, and it is a cooperation that feels natural both militarily and politically. Sweden is also a framework nation for NATO's Forward Presence, FLF, in Finland. This shows once again that it is with our closest neighboring countries that we should primarily cooperate.

Also present at the camp outside Riga is the Swedish Soldiers' Home Association with a soldiers' home. The soldiers' home is a place where the soldiers should be able to rest, recover, and have a meaningful leisure time. It is a very important place for life when one is out on a mission; life should not just become work.

I want to take this opportunity to thank all Swedish soldiers who have participated, are currently participating, and will participate in missions abroad. We know that it involves great sacrifices for the individual and family, relatives and friends at home, and it is a long period of training and preparations for those who go out. Many thanks for your efforts.

International missions, even if they are in our immediate vicinity, do however take up a lot of resources. It is important that the Armed Forces continue to work to improve the conditions for the soldiers and officers who participate in missions abroad, even those who are part of various missions in different types of staffs. We know that there will be more and more of them. It is also important that the work we have said should be done at home can actually be carried out as planned, even though a lot is taken up to be in other places. Above all, it is important that the training of conscripts can continue with high quality and enough officers. In this context, I also want to say that Vänsterpartiet considers that international military missions should be staffed by professional personnel, not conscripts.

I move for the approval of our reservation.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Björn Söder (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Today we face a decision of great importance regarding Nato and Sweden's participation in the alliance's collective deterrence and defense.

When Sweden became a member of Nato on March 7, 2024, we did not just accept membership in words; we also undertook the full responsibility that follows from the North Atlantic Treaty. This includes the alliance's concept for strategic deterrence and defense.

NATO's collective defense and deterrence is not merely a theoretical guarantee. They contribute concretely to maintaining peace and security in our Euro-Atlantic neighborhood. Through credible military capability and capacity, we can prevent attacks before they occur. As a credible, reliable, and solidary ally, we are expected, together with other allies, to actively contribute to NATO's deterrence and defense.

This is also of decisive importance for Sweden's own security. That Sweden, together with the other allies, maintains trust in the collective defense guarantees is central to preserving peace in the Euro-Atlantic area. Peacetime operations and activities constitute a significant part of the alliance's deterrence and defense. Our contribution with land, sea, and air units is planned with clearly set frameworks. During 2026, the mandate includes at most 1,700 people for land and special forces, 700 for naval forces, and 600 for aviation and air defense forces. This is a responsible balance between contributing and safeguarding Sweden's own defense capability.

The contributions include, among other things, ground forces to NATO's multinational brigade in Latvia, naval forces to NATO's standing naval forces to be able to operate in the northern part of the North Atlantic area, including the Baltic Sea, as well as air and air defense forces to NATO's integrated air and missile defense. This could, for example, involve NATO's air space surveillance and incident readiness or air defense operations in Poland with the task of protecting the logistics node used for the military and civilian support to Ukraine. Furthermore, during 2026, Sweden shall be able to contribute to other operations and activities within the air, land, and sea domains aimed at maintaining NATO's collective deterrence and defense.

Swedish forces shall also be able to carry out tasks for a limited period of time and within a specific geographical area in the North Atlantic region, for example, security-enhancing operations and activities in connection with exercises. Such exercises are carried out, among other things, within the framework of NATO's forward presence in Finland and shall be able to transition to live tasks if the situation requires it.

The Committee therefore proposes that the Riksdag authorize Sweden to make these forces available until 31 December 2026, in order to contribute to NATO's collective deterrence and defense in accordance with international law.

Our position is clear: Sweden shall be a credible, reliable and solidary ally – in the long term. Our readiness, our contribution and our commitment are necessary to maintain the alliance's collective security and thereby our own.

Mr. Speaker! I vote in favor of the committee's proposal for a decision in the report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Gustaf Göthberg (M)

Mr. Speaker! Sweden has been a full-fledged ally in Nato since March 7, 2024. After decades of non-alignment and a security policy uncertainty in our country, we finally found home with our allies in Nato – the single largest security policy shift for our country since 1809, according to some.

For this we shall show pride; to together with those who share ideas and ideals about the rule of law and democracy defend our part of the world, provide support to Ukraine and be involved in building and participating in common security. At the same time, we shall continue to show commitment and willingness to work. Sweden has been a very appreciated ally since day one.

No country knows the Baltic Sea, its bottom, surface layer, and air domain better than our navy. The many and often acclaimed international missions with Swedes and with combat forces give us a breadth and a deep knowledge to cooperate with other countries. The world's best fighter jet Jas 39 Gripen is the backbone of our country's air force.

Our intelligence capability and knowledge of Russia are highly valued, not least in a NATO context.

Sweden shall contribute to Nato. We shall be a credible, reliable and solidary ally. This requires action. I therefore wish to move for the approval of the proposed decision in the report.

With the report that the Chamber is debating today, the government is given the opportunity to deploy Swedish armed forces consisting of ground forces and special forces of at most 1,700 people, naval forces of at most 700 people, and air and air defense forces of at most 600 people until December 31, 2026 – New Year's Eve next year. This is done for our collective defense in Nato and for the defense of Sweden through Nato, even if it takes place outside our country's borders. This is how solidarity-based security policy works.

Mr. Speaker! The Baltic states constitute a quiet front against Russia's imperialist and fascist ideals. It is therefore perfectly reasonable to say that deterrence and defense of the Baltics as well is a high priority. Therefore, today's decision is also greater than the admittedly important mandate the chamber is expected to give to the government this afternoon. It is a final settlement of our country's Baltic policy, the one that we demonstrated for decades during the 20th century.

The Baltics were not occupied, it was said. Boat refugees were not a problem! Many of those who came were sent home. Support for the forces that wanted to make the Baltics free and European was waved away from this rostrum as crusader mentality.

Today we are sending Swedish men and women ready to defend ourselves, the Baltics, and our allies. The boats are now heading in the other direction for a common defense against Russia. It closes the circle and marks a new security policy line for Sweden together with the Baltics.

Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania but also Poland and Finland know what it means to live with the giant's breath. That is why we stand with them in self-evident solidarity.

Mr. Speaker! We are now moving at high speed towards the fifth year of war since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In the media, it is possible to read different predictions from different people about how the war will go. Who will actually win? How will it end in Russia? What awaits after Vladimir Putin?

Poles and Danes argue, according to various media reports, that it is now we must arm ourselves, because Russia could be ready to attack Nato as early as 2027 or 2029; it depends on which article and which medium one reads. It is said that there is therefore danger in delay and that Russia may come to invade a Natoland in the future.

I think the reasoning is based on a logical fallacy when one talks about time and years. Why would Russia wait until we are ready to defend ourselves? The experiences from Ukraine show that Russia was not ready to defeat the country militarily or numerically, but they still carried out a full-scale invasion. That is exactly why we cannot afford to wait. The world situation does not wait for us, not for a single second.

Mr. Speaker! At the same time, it must be said that the defense of Sweden and our allies is ready. It is ongoing and active around the clock, day and night, all year round. Sweden stands ready to be defended in a quarter of an hour and in a quarter of a century. If this is to be the case, we must not send other signals. Deterrence is, second only to our country's will to defend, one of the primary lines in precisely the defense of Sweden.

Mr. Speaker! This government took Sweden into Nato. And there is a broad consensus in the Swedish Riksdag that Sweden should be a credible ally. But is it quite that simple? If we set aside the report from the joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence that we are debating today and look at the security policy that Sweden will need to pursue during the next parliamentary term and the next decade, we see that it is not quite so clear. One does not even need to go as far as the next decade. There are uncertainties regarding our security policy if there were to be a change of government after the next election.

The Social Democrats want to form a government. It is inherent in the nature of the matter when one runs for the Swedish Riksdag that one wants to form a government and occupy the position of Prime Minister. But it is well known that the party's candidate for Minister for Defence promised that there would be no Nato membership during his previous term as Minister for Defence. He did, however, manage to resign before Sweden became a member of Nato, which the opposition leader at the time called destabilizing.

The Social Democrats eventually realized how important it was. And hand in hand with us, it led to Sweden joining Nato. But the Social Democrats rely on two parties that do not want to join and who are making reservations during today's debate. Miljöpartiet and Vänsterpartiet are staunch opponents of Nato. In some ways, it honors them that they stand firmly by their ideals and their convictions. But it raises questions about our future security policy line when we do not know which red lines will be set in a government negotiation on the left flank.

To make it painfully tangible in this debate, one wonders: In the event of a change of government, will a Social Democratic government with the support of Vänsterpartiet and Miljöpartiet even be able to present such a bill as we are debating today, when half of the government base does not want to be involved and sets conditions and directs demands?

Mr. Speaker! This afternoon, the Chamber will vote on the joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence's report 2 Sweden's contribution to Nato's deterrence and defence during 2026. In summary, it means that Sweden, through our contribution to Nato with Swedish armed forces, becomes safer and that Nato becomes safer. Thus, we safeguard European freedom and independence in the name of solidarity in defense of the values that we profess as our own and as European.

This is not a task to be taken lightly. It is never when one is to make decisions about sending Swedish soldiers and sailors abroad. But I am convinced that there will be a tangible pride in the chamber this afternoon when we make a decision on the proposal in the report, not least a pride over the guys and girls, soldiers and sailors, who with our flag on their uniforms cross the sea to defend what is ours.

To those of you who do this for Sweden, I want to extend our warmest thanks.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Mikael Larsson (C)

Mr. Speaker! Ukraine is not just fighting for its own freedom. They are fighting against an aggressive Russia, which has launched its war of aggression in order to overthrow the European security order. Thus, Ukraine is also fighting for the freedom of all of Europe.

The war has already had enormous consequences for the security policy situation in Sweden and the entire Western world. One of the consequences was early on Finland's and Sweden's journey into Nato. Now, the practical work of building up a strong Swedish total defense is underway, while we carry out large defense investments in cooperation with our allies.

Mr. Speaker! Now that Sweden is a member of Nato, we need to participate fully in the alliance's activities, not a little and not sometimes, but fully. The Government Bill Swedish contribution to Nato's deterrence and defense during 2026 shows the importance of Sweden having to and must participate fully and, of course, when we are asked.

The Committee on Defence visited FLF Latvia and Sweden's participation there during 2025. Being on-site in Latvia to experience the contribution that Sweden had there was valuable and important for us ahead of the future decisions we are to make, for example those that are on the table here today.

I really want to thank all the soldiers, sailors, men and women who during 2025 have participated in NATO's operations on behalf of Sweden.

Mr. Speaker! The Centre Party has no motion following this bill and stands completely behind the proposal in both the bill and the committee report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Mikael Oscarsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! We are now debating the joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence's report number 2 Sweden's contribution to NATO's deterrence and defence during 2026. I move for the approval of the proposal in the report in its entirety and the rejection of the reservations.

This debate takes place in a restless time. Several have pointed out before, but it deserves to be said once more. A full-scale war is ongoing in Europe, in Ukraine, where 700,000 Russian soldiers are on site. It is almost four years since the full-scale invasion.

As the previous speaker also said, it is a fight that Ukraine and the Ukrainian people are heroically fighting for, and they are fighting it not only for their own sake but also for our freedom. We are, in fact, dealing with a Russia that wants some kind of revenge and that wants to re-establish the old Soviet empire in some way. We also know that there are territories in our absolute vicinity that could come into question.

Mr. Speaker! That is why it is important that Sweden is a member of Nato, which is the world's best and most successful defense cooperation. The Christian Democrats have for a long time argued that Sweden should become a member and how important it was to move from being a partner to becoming a full member. That is what we are now, since March 2024. It is important. We contribute to common security and are an appreciated member. We have capabilities that contribute to safety and security for us and for our neighboring countries.

Not least important for our Baltic friends is that Sweden is a member. When it comes to being able to defend oneself, Sweden is indeed an important part. Sweden is now an area of mobilization and plays and will play an important role, in peace but also in crisis and, in the worst case, in war.

In the motion, which we are to decide on today, it is proposed how Sweden's military forces shall contribute to NATO's collective deterrence and defense.

The Government proposes that the Riksdag grant a mandate to deploy 1,700 soldiers in land and special forces, 700 people in naval forces, and 600 people in air and defense forces. This is not a symbolic decision. It is a Swedish responsibility for the entire North Atlantic area, that is to say, our part of the world. We are also already making an important contribution in FLF in Latvia.

Why is this important then? Firstly, it depends on the security situation, which I touched upon. Russia's aggression is ongoing. The threats against our Baltic countries persist. We have today a situation with disinformation and gray zone operations. The cyberattacks continue. Our immediate vicinity is a strategically vulnerable region.

Secondly, Nato is based on shared responsibility. It is not an organization that one is a member of, but a defense alliance where every country carries its part. Sweden is then a great asset.

Thirdly: Deterrence creates peace. Clear, strong and coherent military contributions from the member countries reduce the risk of conflict. That is exactly what it is about. This is the only language Putin understands. Warm air has no impact on Putin, on the other hand, collective military capability does. We contribute to Nato so that the war will never come here.

Mr. Speaker! The Swedish forces maintain very high quality. Our special forces, our air defense, and our naval units are internationally respected. The contributions now proposed strengthen NATO's eastern flank, integrate Sweden into the alliance's planning, and increase our own security through joint exercises. It gives Swedish forces important experience. This is something that creates security for us and that strengthens security in our area.

It is also clear that this is happening in accordance with international law and with oversight. The Government clearly accounts for international law grounds, mandates, costs, and time limitations. This is important. A democratic country takes no shortcuts. The Riksdag must always be informed and able to exercise oversight.

Mr. Speaker! With these words, I move once again for the approval of the proposal in the report in its entirety.

In this speech, Gustaf Göthberg (M) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Ulf Holm (MP)

Mr. Speaker! It is now time to debate the government's proposal regarding the Swedish contribution to NATO's deterrence and defense during 2026.

Let me begin by saying how important this debate is. It is about us sending Swedish armed forces, women and men, on missions abroad. It is therefore extremely important that these issues are handled in the Riksdag. Handling, debate, and decisions in the Riksdag provide legitimacy and anchoring for a difficult and major decision. Miljöpartiet does not think that the government alone should make decisions about sending armed forces abroad, but rather the decisions should be made here in the Riksdag.

Mr. Speaker! The very serious security policy situation following Russia's illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine continues and will with great risk be over us for a long time to come. At the moment, there is nothing to indicate that Russia will stop fighting. On the contrary, it is clear that Russia's actions are a threat to our immediate vicinity and that the relationship with Russia will be strained and problematic for a long time to come.

Sweden and Europe have, as a result of this, entered a new security policy situation. This places demands on political leaders to act accordingly in both words and deeds. Miljöpartiet has therefore, since day one, stood behind Sweden's collective support for Ukraine, both economically and civilly as well as militarily, and has furthermore pushed for increased sanctions against Russia.

Mr. Speaker! Since March 7 last year, Sweden has been part of the defense alliance Nato. This means that Nato is part of the defense of Sweden and that Sweden should be able to contribute support to Nato and contribute when another Nato country requests support. Even this year we have had armed forces in other Nato countries, and it will continue next year. There will be an annual debate regarding armed forces abroad.

Mr. Speaker! In connection with the accession negotiations with Nato, we in the Green Party demanded, among other things, that Sweden, like Denmark, Finland, and Norway, should introduce legislation prohibiting the import of nuclear weapons onto Swedish territory in order to signal against nuclear weapons. Unfortunately, this was never done by the government. Later, it has also been rejected several times in this Riksdag, which I regret. The Green Party stands firm that nuclear weapons should never be on Swedish territory in either peacetime or wartime. As long as nuclear weapons exist, they contribute to increased insecurity in the entire world.

Mr. Speaker! In the bill we are now considering, the government proposes that until December 31 next year, it shall be permitted to deploy Swedish armed forces consisting of ground forces and special forces of at most 1,700 persons, naval forces of at most 700 persons, and aviation and air defense forces of at most 600 persons. This is somewhat more than the number of persons we have deployed in operations during the current year. I believe, however, that it is necessary given how the situation looks.

In this case, Latvia, Finland, and Poland have made several requests for military presence from, among others, Sweden. This concerns, for example, a request for continued contribution to the ground forces in NATO's multinational brigade in Latvia. Another example is the support for an air defense operation in Poland which is, among other things, used for the military and civilian support to Ukraine. It is something that we in Miljöpartiet can stand behind, not least because it also strengthens security in our immediate vicinity.

Mr. Speaker! I also want to take the opportunity to extend a big thank you to all of you women and men who are now participating or will get to participate in the NATO operations we decide on today, as well as to your loved ones. You are performing an important task for all of us.

Mr. Speaker! Gustaf Göthberg from Moderaterna began discussing the formation of the government in this debate. He has obviously not read the report but has sat in his chamber and philosophized about how it might look. If he had read the report, he would have seen that Miljöpartiet has no reservation. Miljöpartiet stands on the position that we can have armed forces and exercises and that Sweden is an important part of this.

I think Gustaf Göthberg should sit in his little chamber and look at which cooperation partners he has. There is a party in his group that has clear Russian links and which, among other things, has voted very pro-Russian in the EU Parliament. Gustaf Göthberg should look at this first instead of sitting and spreading falsehoods about how other parties act.

With this, Mr. Speaker, I would like, for the sake of clarity, to move for the approval of the proposal in the report in its entirety.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Gulan Avci (L)

Mr. Speaker! The Liberals were the first parliamentary party to advocate for Swedish membership in Nato. At that time, we were met with great skepticism. But today we know that it was the right decision. Our membership has made Sweden much safer and has strengthened our cooperation with our allies.

This report concerns the fact that Sweden must be able to meet the expectations that now exist for us to actively contribute to the alliance's deterrence and defense together with other NATO countries. A clear and forward-looking stance is absolutely crucial to preserve peace in our part of the world. A quickly adaptable Swedish contribution is also central to our own security.

Mr. Speaker! We find ourselves in a very serious security policy situation. The primary threat is Russia and its brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. Those who follow Russian rhetoric also clearly see that Russia does not view this war against Ukraine as its primary goal, but a war against Europe and ultimately even against us. Ukraine is fighting for its freedom, but in the long run, they are also fighting for our freedom. Russia's aggression affects our entire region.

If we are to be able to meet a worsened situation – and the risk of such is imminent – we must have the ability to quickly strengthen our Swedish contribution to Nato.

At the same time, we must see the bigger picture. In Ukraine, North Korean soldiers are also now fighting, learning about modern Western warfare and gaining experience that can be used against us in the future.

If the deterrence against Russia does not work, it will mean that the aggression of dictatorships will spread to several parts of the world. This applies both in our part of the world and globally. When dictatorships cooperate, the democracies must do the same, and we must do it with determination.

Mr. Speaker! I am proud of Sweden's contributions to Nato, to FLF Latvia, to the standing naval forces and to Nato's integrated air and missile defense. In the future, I want to see further Swedish contributions, because we are and shall be an important part of the defense alliance.

The Committee notes that an armed attack against an ally cannot be ruled out. Therefore, the forces that are now under NATO's command must be able to participate in the defense of other allies' territory.

I mean that this is perfectly reasonable. At the same time, as colleagues before me have pointed out, it is important that we make the decision in a very serious manner. Therefore, it is also important that the government and the Riksdag have an active and transparent cooperation with reporting and information on Sweden's contributions.

Mr. Speaker! In conclusion, I would like to turn to our brave soldiers, our women and men, who every day are prepared to sacrifice their own lives to fight for Sweden's security, the freedom of the Swedish people, and our democracy.

Mr. Speaker! With this, I move for approval of the government's proposition and the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

In this speech, Gustaf Göthberg (M) concurred.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 17.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.