Swedish participation in the United Nations stabilization mission in Mali

Peter Hultqvist (S)

Madam Speaker! The first Swedish contribution in Mali was decided on 12 June 2014. Since then, the Riksdag has taken eight follow-up decisions on this. Many have participated in this contribution from many different units around Sweden, and I would like to initially thank all personnel, officers, specialist units, and other units for their contributions in Mali.

I have personally visited the operation on several occasions and seen the important role the Swedish contribution has played within the UN system and, above all, also taken part in the need that exists for this type of operation to stabilize an area such as Mali.

Now we are to make a decision on an orderly withdrawal of this effort on Sweden's part until June 13, 2023. The decision provides room for a maximum of 470 soldiers, and 300 million is allocated. The background to this decision is that it is a negative development, and Mali today has a regime that is not to be considered legitimate. It has come into power through a coup d'état, and it has not followed the transition plans that have been agreed upon.

Sweden has contributed intelligence resources to the UN mission. It is a unique capability that was previously missing from the UN system. Since 2019/20, we have contributed a rifle company.

This shows the importance of democratic Western countries contributing to the UN's operations. It contributes to both military capability as well as stability and credibility in the UN's various operations. It is definitely not a good development if countries with qualified military capacity stay away from taking responsibility within the UN system. Sweden should aim to return to new future UN missions. It is a very important position.

The UN can act in a positive way both as a peacekeeper and a peace-enforcer. The UN contributes to stability in various insecure regions. That is the very purpose of the operations.

When it comes to Mali, there is reason to note a specific factor, and that is the presence of the Russian Wagner Group. It is a privately owned Russian company that acts on behalf of the Russian state and is the main Russian actor in Africa. By using the Wagner Group, smokescreens can be laid to avoid making the connection to the Russian state completely clear. The Wagner Group becomes an instrument for acting in a gray zone.

Right now, the Wagner Group is present in Mali with significant strength, and an agreement has been concluded with the Malian government. The result of this is that the group's presence destabilizes the security policy situation in the area and becomes part of a power political game to undermine the UN and in a further destabilization of the entire region. This removes the interest in international law and justice, preserves dictatorial rule and contributes to the exploitation of African natural resources.

Wagner Group operates in, among other places, Mali and the Central African Republic, and we have seen the group's activities in Libya, Sudan and Madagascar. It also plays a significant role in Russia's war against Ukraine and has even operated in Venezuela.

In Russia, private companies engaged in military activities are formally prohibited. But the Wagner Group has its military headquarters at a Russian military base in Krasnodar. This base has been used by the GRU's special forces. The Wagner Group is a paramilitary organization that is strategically used by the Russian regime.

When we now see the developments in Mali and that this company is clearly being presented as a power-political instrument for Putin's regime and interests, we must react to it. We cannot turn a blind eye to this situation.

Among democratic countries that honestly and sincerely support the UN, a strategy against paramilitary groups such as the Wagner Group must be developed. Such work was previously discussed among European democracies with involvement in Mali and other parts of Africa. This took place within the framework of Operation Takuba, within the framework of the EU, and in direct contacts between different countries.

To give space to those like the Wagner Group, the Russian regime's extended arm, only contributes to letting interests that do not respect human rights spread. Furthermore, a new colonialism is being developed through the exploitation of natural resources, and corrupt dictatorial regimes are being held up.

We believe that the Swedish government, together with other countries, must contribute to developing such a strategy. It was intended that such work should be initiated, and the conditions for it existed. But then a number of conditions changed in both France and Sweden. This work is, however, very important, and it has been raised in the EU's defense minister circle. It is possible to take this up again and take initiative, and here the government has a clear responsibility.

To merely withdraw from the Western world's side without developing a strategy to meet brutal gray zone operators is definitely not good. This is an element in today's development that must be handled. It is troublesome and complicated and has its challenges. But here, one must not back down but see clearly and distinctly that one must act.

Since the Wagner Group's activities affect the UN operation Minusma, it is highly appropriate to highlight this perspective in today's debate. I believe that precisely this perspective has been brought forward to an all too small extent when it comes to analyses of the situation in Mali and the development in Africa as a whole. I want to clearly urge the government to act in this matter. It is also reasonable that the country's Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Defence are engaged in this context.

We will, from our side, return to the matter and take various initiatives to make such a development possible.

I would like to vote in favor of the present proposition and committee proposal.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Björn Söder (SD)

Madam Speaker! Since 2014, Sweden has participated in the UN-led mission Minusma in Mali. The decision on the Swedish contribution, which initially consisted of an armed force in Minusma's intelligence unit, came after a formal request from the UN Secretariat to Sweden for a troop contribution, as a sharp deterioration had occurred in the security situation in Mali following armed uprisings, attacks from extremist groups, and a military coup.

The Swedish contribution, which changed direction over the years from an intelligence unit to a light infantry company, has made invaluable contributions. We Swedes can feel pride in the soldiers and the personnel who, under the auspices of the UN, have carried the Swedish flag on their uniforms.

Despite the efforts, the situation in Mali has unfortunately not improved. On the contrary, the situation is more unstable than ever. The situation is characterized by increasing political chaos that does not appear to be resolving. There has been no democratic development in Mali despite a large international presence and despite that large amounts of aid have been given. Nor has the peace agreement that the Malian government and two armed groups entered into in 2015 been implemented. Military coups have instead succeeded one another, and the Malian regime's decision to hire Russian mercenaries from the notorious Wagner Group has obviously made it impossible for Sweden to remain with troops in the country.

Wagner Group is an organization that acts for Russian interests in conflicts around the world, including in the war in Ukraine, where it fights on the Russian side. There are many accusations against the group of war crimes - including rape, torture, and summary executions.

The former Swedish ambassador to Mali and now the State Secretary to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Diana Janse, previously directed very strong criticism towards the Swedish strategy in Mali and argued that it was time to plan for Sweden to withdraw its military contribution to the country.

It is obviously completely excluded that Swedish soldiers shall stand side by side with war criminals. For the vast majority of us, it is self-evident that if Mali's regime chooses to enter into an agreement with the Wagner Group, the Swedish operations shall be terminated immediately.

It was therefore pleasing that the government in the spring made a decision on a faster decommissioning than what was initially planned. The Armed Forces have now also announced that the decommissioning of the Swedish force has commenced.

The proposal for a decision that we have to take a stand on today involves phasing out the Swedish contingent contribution until 30 June 2023. The contingent force is expected to amount to approximately 220 people on site with deployment in Gao, the capital of Minusmas' eastern sector. The force shall also be able to be temporarily reinforced at short notice for rescue, evacuation, reinforcement, and release operations, and therefore the proposal is that we shall allow the government to place a Swedish armed force consisting of at most 470 people at disposal.

We support the report, and I therefore move for approval of the committee's proposal.

In this speech, Sara-Lena Bjälkö and Erik Hellsborn (both SD) concurred.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Alexandra Anstrell (M)

Madam Speaker, honorable members and all spectators! Against the background of the clearly negative developments in Mali, the government, after anchoring in the Riksdag's joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence, made a decision on March 17 this year to task the Armed Forces with planning for an earlier scheduled orderly withdrawal of the Swedish troop contribution to the UN's stabilizing mission in Mali, Minusma. In the bill that the Riksdag now has to decide on, the government explains that the withdrawal, which began on November 15, shall be completely concluded by the mid-year turn 2023 at the latest.

I now want to account for some of the background to the decisions and for the Swedish commitment that the contribution to Minusma constitutes a part of. The UN Security Council stated in 2012 that the situation in Mali constituted a threat to international peace and security. Against this background and following an invitation from the government of Mali, the multidimensional UN mission Minusma was formed.

Sweden decided in June 2014 to contribute to the operation and has since been on the ground in Mali with an armed force. From 2015 up to and including 2020, Sweden contributed to the operation with a qualified intelligence gathering unit. The Swedish troop contribution has mainly operated in the western sector, in Timbuktu. Sweden has also assisted the UN operation with an aviation unit for approximately six months. Since 2020, the contribution has consisted of a light infantry company of approximately 220 people stationed in Gao in eastern Mali, housed at the German camp.

For a total of just over eight years, Sweden, together with colleagues from other countries, has contributed to the implementation of Minusma's mandate. From October 2018 to October 2021, the Swedish General Dennis Gyllensporre was the force commander for the entire Minusma effort. I have myself been on site in Mali and had the opportunity to meet Dennis Gyllensporre. It was fantastically fun to see a capable Swede on site.

Since the peace agreement between the Malian state, government-loyal rebel groups, and the Tuaregs was concluded in 2015, an overall task for Minusma has been to support the implementation of the agreement. The mandate also includes, among other things, stabilization efforts, protection of civilians, promotion of human rights, as well as support for humanitarian activities and the political transition process, including the implementation of upcoming elections.

Madam Speaker! The development in Mali has, in recent times, truly gone in the wrong direction. The conflicts within the country between different groups and in relation to the government in Bamako persist. Poverty is very widespread. The state presence and access to social services in the country are deficient. In some places, it apparently does not exist at all. Corruption is extensive, and the vulnerability to the effects of climate change is becoming increasingly clear. At the same time, Islamist terrorist groups have gained ground and spread both within Mali and to other countries in the Sahel region.

In August 2020 and in May 2021, two military coups were carried out in the country. The military junta, which constitutes the transitional government, was initially reluctant to agree to the demands for a return to democratic rule that the West African cooperation organization Ecowas has negotiated and which both the EU and Sweden have also backed. In the summer of 2022, an agreement was finally reached on a new roadmap towards continued reforms and democratic elections as recently as in March 2024.

The Malian transitional government has gradually become increasingly hostile towards the international efforts that appear to support peace and security in the country. Initially, this was noted primarily in relation to the French counter-terrorism operation Barkhane, in which Task Force Takuba, which Sweden contributed to in 2021-2022, was included.

Against the background of the worsened cooperation climate, France decided in February 2022 to completely withdraw militarily from Mali, which also occurred finally in August this year. Even Minusmas' work in Mali has been hindered. The mission is questioned and meets various restrictions and demands from the authorities. This applies, for example, to flight permits and rotations of personnel.

Furthermore, the Malian transitional government has entered into a strategic cooperation with the Wagner Group, which we know has strong links to the Russian state, whose activities in Mali are now widespread. The international community, including Sweden and the rest of the EU, has been very clear in its criticism of the Malian transitional government regarding the cooperation with the Wagner Group. The EU has suspended its training missions in Mali, to which Sweden has also contributed. Based on this, the government has decided to withdraw the Swedish contribution to the EU's military training mission in Mali from the end of this year.

Parallel to the negative political developments in Mali, the security situation has continued to deteriorate, both for the civilian population and for the international military presence. Islamist groups have been able to exploit the vacuum that has arisen when Barkhane left the country and Minusma was weakened by the actions of the Malian junta. Minusma has been subjected to several attacks and losses, and the mission is considered one of the UN's most dangerous.

Madam Speaker! Right now, Mali 17, Livgardet, is on site in Mali to carry out the withdrawal. The Swedish withdrawal force remains stationed in Gao, the capital of Minusmas' eastern sector. The Swedish withdrawal unit is expected, as before, to amount to around 220 people on site. The force shall be able to be reinforced temporarily on short notice, and the Swedish unit's contribution shall collectively be able to amount to at most 470 people.

Sweden's military contributions in support of peace and security in Mali have been provided within the framework of the UN, the EU, and the Task Force Takuba operation. They have all been very appreciated by the UN and our partner countries. Our efforts have, based on their respective missions, made a difference on the ground in a very challenging environment.

We have contributed important capabilities to Minusma. Our first unit contribution, the intelligence company, provided Minusma with qualified intelligence that developed the UN's intelligence capability and contributed experience also for other participating UN countries.

Our rifle company has been a part of the new concept developed under General Gyllensporre, Mobile Task Force, which enabled Minusma to operate more effectively and over larger land areas than had previously been possible.

The Swedish contribution to Minusma will be evaluated by the Armed Forces in the usual manner. The UN's assessment is that Minusma continues to carry out a very important operation in Mali. At the same time, it is clear that they face very large challenges. For example, Germany and the United Kingdom have also, in light of the developments, made decisions to phase out their contributions.

The UN Secretary-General has requested a review of the effort that is expected to be presented to the UN Security Council in January next year.

It is also worth mentioning in this context that the extensive Swedish and international military engagement in Mali has been complemented by efforts in, among other things, development work and extensive humanitarian activities.

Even though the political developments in Mali force us to reflect on the forms of our engagement, it is in the interest of Sweden, the EU, and the international community to continue supporting the Malian people and the Sahel region in the future as well.

Finally, I would like to direct the government's thanks to the soldiers and officers who, with great professionalism and courage, work unreservedly to create security and stability within the framework of Swedish contributions to international missions, including the Mali missions, which we are now discussing and which we are concluding.

I have personally been on site and seen what fantastic strength we have had there - what professionalism! Thanks to all of you!

I also want to take the opportunity to express my thanks to all the relatives who have supported our soldiers at home. Without the relatives' tireless support, these operations are not possible.

I vote in favor of the bill.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Peter Hultqvist (S)

Madam Speaker! As I understand it from the layout of the presentation, Alexandra Anstrell represents the government here today. I would then like to first ask the question: What does your wording regarding the government's continued support for Mali and the Sahel mean? What does that support look like?

Then I want to return to what I said about Wagner. When I have visited Mali, it has been a very big issue among the soldiers, among the unit command, and in the UN system. It is a Russian strategy to gradually push the UN out of different parts of Africa and to push the Western world out of different parts of Africa.

We began, as I recounted, a discussion about trying to shape a strategy—a strategy that is not solely to leave as soon as a Wagner soldier is shown somewhere. Are you prepared to resume such an initiative within the framework of the EU? Are you prepared to resume such work with other countries that could be interested? Or is it the case that it is all finished now that we are leaving this? Wagner remains as a problem in different parts of the world, not least in Africa.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Alexandra Anstrell (M)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Peter Hultqvist, for the question! Yes, it is I who represent the government parties here today.

It is something that is important, I think, when one does things. It is that more of the same might not always work. Then one needs to consider: How can we do it in better ways? It lies in the government's line - in Sweden's, the EU's and the international community's interest - to continue supporting the Malian people. Then one needs to look at how we can do it in the best way. The government may come back to this, I think.

Wagner Group has been in Mali for a long time – I must still say "long time". It has been there during the previous government's time, and one has actually just continued with more of the same and done nothing new. Then one must ask the question: Why was nothing new done? Why were there no thoughts on how one could do this in a better way?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Peter Hultqvist (S)

Madam Speaker! Now the reality was that we wanted to do more in some other way by starting the discussion on designing a strategy against the Wagner Group, because what was done did not pay off in the way it should have. You cannot get out of this just by saying: Why didn't you do this and that? You don't even have ideas at all about what it is one should have done, Alexandra Anstrell.

One must sit down with the other countries, take this seriously and design a new strategy. My question is still: Are you prepared to take that type of initiative and to resume that type of initiative within the EU? I have personally raised that question in the EU several times. We have also, in a grouping within the framework of the Takub group, discussed these types of questions. It is therefore possible to return and drive those types of questions. Is Sweden prepared to do so?

I do not demand an answer on exactly how to proceed now – the work together with the others is supposed to lead to a strategy being developed. We have seen the problem, and now we must do something about it. Are you prepared to take on that job? That is my question, and that is what is interesting to know.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Alexandra Anstrell (M)

Madam Speaker! It still feels good that we have a member who has all the solutions to the problems we see in the Sahel and Mali. I think that one needs to take the issue more seriously than that and actually look at the different parts where solutions can be found - Sweden, the EU and the international community together. Just as Peter Hultqvist is touching upon, one needs to do this together with other countries. I believe that is wise. But there are also other parts that need to be looked over.

As I said initially, the government needs to come back to this, because the answers are not here and now. It is good that Peter Hultqvist does not ask for all the details, because they are not on site yet.

I still think it is important to look at the long-term perspective and at how one does it. Then we must not forget that it is not only Sweden that is a member of the UN. We are many countries that do this together. One also needs to look at, now that Sweden is leaving this, how one can ensure that one continues to support Mali together without just Sweden being on site. I think that is extremely important.

We agree on this bill. Has Peter Hultqvist changed his mind on this issue? Or is it the case that the Social Democrats have changed their minds and do not stand behind the bill?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! I want to start with the obvious and thank everyone who, during all those years that we in the Riksdag have decided to send soldiers and military personnel to Mali, have carried out and been a part of the UN mission that we are making the final decision on today. That decision means that we also, for the last time, send out Swedish personnel.

For me, this effort became very close when a close friend of mine was sent away on the mission. I experienced the anxiety that I would guess very many relatives have experienced when a flash has appeared on the phone about unrest in Mali in various ways. One has quickly reached out to him just to check that everything is calm.

Now it has gone well for the Swedish soldiers, precisely because they are so well-trained. Compared to how it has been for many other countries that have participated in this operation, the security for our soldiers has, so far, by Swedish standards, been good. I believe that very many – both those who have participated in the operations and the relatives – are very happy about that.

Against the background of the government's proposition, it can be stated that the security situation and the developments in Mali are, in many ways, a dark reading. We are talking about one of the world's poorest countries which for a long time has had major problems with armed conflicts, drug and arms trafficking, kidnappings and terrorism. The security situation has truly not been good for a long time. Peace agreements have been written but then broken. We have experienced military coups where the coup leaders then do not follow entered agreements.

This has led to the situation we find ourselves in today, where we are forced to leave the intervention because results cannot be achieved in a positive way. Above all, it relates to the Wagner Group's involvement in the country and that the new military regime has so clearly wanted to approach and conclude agreements with the Wagner Group in order to consolidate its own power in the area.

What one must see in the so-called Sahel region is that it is the major climate changes in the form of reduced precipitation and severe drought that are forcing the population to leave their homes. Poverty and vulnerability are increasing, and it simply becomes a competition for the resources that exist on the land. This contributes to exacerbating ethnic and cultural conflicts, and in the long run, it leads to a deteriorated security situation.

That is why it is incredibly important that we take responsibility for combating climate change, precisely because it also leads to a more peaceful world. Sweden, as a wealthy and peaceful country, has a great responsibility to be an actor in various ways on the global arena for peace and security, but also to stop climate change and contribute with increased aid. This connects to the major issue that will be debated here in the chamber moving forward regarding Sweden's now lowered ambitions for aid, something that worries me very much.

At the same time, one can see that the work with UN resolution 1325 on women, peace and security has been something that Sweden has focused extra much on implementing in the work we have conducted in the missions. It is incredibly important that we are an international role model in the work for equality and that we ensure it gains traction in organizations such as the UN.

Previously, we pursued a feminist foreign policy. Apparently, it was a bit too much of a label for the new Moderate-led government, so that has been removed now. One wonders what this ultimately means for this type of international intervention, which the missions to Mali actually have been.

It is also incredibly important for Vänsterpartiet that we continue to provide support for the UN's leadership of military interventions instead of them being led by individual countries, as has been the case with another intervention in Mali, or by Nato or the EU. Respect for international law must always be there as the foundation, and it is important that there is an invitation from the government so that the conditions can be met to work for peace-promoting efforts.

Even though we are great supporters of the UN and the UN's work for peace and development, one must see the UN's shortcomings and inadequacies. The UN system needs to be reformed, and Sweden can have a prominent role in that if we care. But I see an increased concern that we in Europe are more and more closing ourselves off and not taking responsibility for the rest of the world. For me, it is therefore of very great importance that Sweden continues to participate in UN missions, and I am pleased with the parties that today highlight the importance of doing so.

A safe and secure world requires cooperation with other countries. International security shall rest on international law, cooperation, and a strong global regulatory framework under the leadership of the UN. Sweden shall be a strong voice in the global peace work for a world with democracy and human rights. Sweden shall act peace-promoting, peace-creating, and peace-preserving on a foundation anchored in international law.

That is why it is important that we are positively disposed towards international missions under UN mandates, such as the mission in Mali, and therefore I also hope that we can return to new mandates in new missions when the opportunities for this exist. At the same time, we must constantly balance this against security in Sweden and the conditions for our own defense force to have the resources that are needed here.

I hope and expect that the new government will return to the Riksdag with proposals on how Sweden can contribute to a new UN mission in the future. I move to approve the committee's proposal in the report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Mikael Larsson (C)

Madam Speaker! This bill concerns the Swedish participation in the United Nations stabilization effort in Mali, which Sweden has participated in since 2014.

It appears from the bill that the government, in light of the serious developments in Mali, has judged that the Swedish contribution to Minusma shall be phased out earlier than planned. This is also something that the Center Party has emphasized on a number of previous occasions.

The Armed Forces have therefore been tasked with initiating a withdrawal from the middle of November 2022. The withdrawal shall be completely finished by 30 June 2023, but depending on the developments in Mali, the withdrawal may take place faster than that.

The planned Swedish contingent contribution to Minusma shall consist of a withdrawal force of at most 470 personnel with the primary task of completing the withdrawal of the Swedish contingent contribution within the framework of available resources and capabilities, and in close dialogue with other troop-contributing countries and the UN.

Madam Speaker! It is important that Sweden contributes to the efforts made through the UN. However, the security situation in Mali has changed and deteriorated, and in the situation that now prevails in Mali, including the presence of the Russian Wagner Group, it is important that the winding down of Minusma and Sweden's participation is completed by the mid-year point 2023 at the latest.

I would like to conclude, Madam Speaker, by extending a very big thank you to all the men and women who in the various units participated in Minusma and the effort that has been in Mali. It has been very valuable. A huge thank you to you!

With that, Madam Speaker, I wish to state that the Center Party naturally stands behind the bill. I move for the approval of the committee's proposal in its entirety.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Mikael Oscarsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! Today, the joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence is debating Sweden's participation in the United Nations stabilization mission in Mali, Minusma.

As previously stated by several speakers, Sweden has made contributions in Mali since 2014. For eight years, we have made estimated contributions with an intelligence unit and a rifle company, for several years under the leadership of Lieutenant General Dennis Gyllensporre. This has been an appreciated and important contribution that has had great significance.

The security situation has been tough for a long time, and it has, as pointed out, deteriorated. There are Islamist groups with IS and al-Qaeda at the forefront that are acting. The government in the country has the support of the Wagner Group, which acts destabilizingly in Mali but also in several other countries. It is a private company that is directly linked to Putin and Russia and an actor for some type of imperialism that Russia conducts and which is a major problem. This too has been pointed out here before.

This has caused a number of countries to now withdraw. It is France, Germany and now also Sweden. It was actually planned that we would withdraw at the mid-year point of 2024, but we have instead, in political agreement, concluded that the reasonable thing is that we withdraw already at the next mid-year point.

I also want to express a big thank you to everyone who has made contributions during these eight years - officers, soldiers, men and women who have been sent on missions by the Swedish government and the Riksdag. We want to thank you! Also, to those of you who have been out before and perhaps happen to be watching or listening to this debate right now, I want to convey a thank you from us for the contribution you make.

This also applies to other officers and soldiers who are out on other missions in the world and also those who perform operations in our own country. We live in a restless time, and you should know, soldiers and officers, that you are making an important contribution to our security and to the security of other countries.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Emma Berginger (MP)

Madam Speaker! Since 2013, the UN stabilization mission Minusma has been ongoing in Mali. Sweden has participated in the mission with an armed force since 2014. Miljöpartiet has supported the participation with the hope that it can contribute to security and eventually peace.

Unfortunately, the development in Mali has gone in the opposite direction. The security situation is now so problematic that it is difficult to work on peacekeeping. Several military coups have complicated cooperation with the Malian government, and several countries have decided to withdraw from the country. Therefore, the Swedish contribution to the stabilization effort must now be phased out ahead of schedule.

Mali is a country plagued by ethnic violence. Both militant Islamists and separatist rebels from the desert people, the Tuaregs, fight against government forces. The conflicts in the country led to a military coup in 2012, and the UN has had a stabilization mission in the country since 2013.

In the years 2020 and 2021, two further military coups were carried out, and since the last, the country is governed by a military-dominated transitional government.

Just as has been said here earlier, the Malian government has chosen to initiate cooperation with the notorious Wagner Group. The Russia-linked Wagner Group sends mercenaries to conflicts in different parts of the world. The group is linked to various human rights abuses, but uncertainties surrounding the Wagner Group's legal status make it difficult to know which laws and which international law the group is subject to - which complicates the possibility of demanding accountability and administering justice for the vulnerable.

The Committee on Defence and Foreign Affairs has already in previous reports underlined that it is unacceptable for Swedish military forces to continue to operate in Mali in the event that the Malian government were to hire mercenaries such as the so-called Wagner Group.

The Green Party stands, as said, behind the decision to allow the government to place a Swedish armed force consisting of at most 470 people at disposal to phase out the Swedish contingent contribution to the United Nations stabilization mission in Mali, Minusma, until June 30, 2023. This is, of course, on the condition that there also continues to be a valid mandate for the force according to a decision by the UN Security Council.

I would like, like the previous speaker, to take the opportunity to thank all those who over the years have participated in the Swedish contribution to Minusma for your efforts and for your courage - and also for your relatives' understanding and patience.

Miljöpartiet wants Sweden to be a strong voice for peace, democracy, and human rights. We want to see strong global cooperation with the UN as a central actor for peace and human rights as well as for safeguarding international law. Therefore, we see it as natural that Sweden should contribute to international missions with a clear international law basis through UN mandates or upon invitation from a country's government.

The overall foreign and security policy objective of Sweden's participation in various international military operations is to contribute to peace and security as well as to prevent conflicts and create conditions for building a sustainable peace and sustainable poverty reduction. Therefore, we want the government to return with proposals on how one can participate in upcoming UN operations.

Even with a war in Europe and with the focus on building national capability that Sweden is working towards, Sweden needs to be prepared to participate in international missions to maintain peace and security. In addition to it being our duty as a rich and secure country to contribute in this way, it also gives our defense important experience. Sweden's participation in peace-promoting missions is therefore also important for our national security and our defense capability. It is therefore important for Sweden to be a solidary partner within international cooperation. Miljöpartiet therefore expects the government to return with proposals on participation in other UN missions.

I also want to emphasize the importance of continuing to work for peace and democratic development in Mali even if Sweden's contribution to the UN's stabilization effort ceases. Sweden has since 2001 conducted long-term bilateral development cooperation with Mali. The current strategy for Swedish development cooperation with Mali amounts to 2 billion kronor for the period 2021-2025. Miljöpartiet views the Swedish government's new aid policy and the risk that it will have consequences for that type of work with great concern.

It is of great importance to work preventatively regarding conflicts around the world and thus also to work actively with diplomacy and reduce the risk of conflicts caused by the climate changes we face, which will affect our entire planet in a serious way. Drought and various extreme weather conditions will make land unusable, and we know that it increases tensions and conflicts.

I vote in favor of the committee's proposal in the report, that is, that the Riksdag approves the government bill.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna Starbrink (L)

Madam Speaker! Swedes have made and will make great contributions to peace and security in the world through our country's participation in various international missions, such as the one in Mali. Everyone who has contributed and will contribute deserves, of course, our heartfelt and warm thanks.

From the Liberals' side, we see a great need for international crisis and conflict management capabilities. More missions under the auspices of for example the UN, the EU, or NATO will be needed, and Sweden should engage in these. But the missions that are carried out must have the prerequisites to fulfill their purpose and support a positive development in the place where they operate.

Unfortunately, the development in Mali is very depressing and is becoming increasingly dangerous. Despite a long-standing and extensive foreign engagement with a troop presence, the development in Mali is going completely in the wrong direction. It is very concerning that the hopes for the protection of civilians, the promotion of human rights, humanitarian activities, and support for a political transition process including the holding of democratic elections have not become possible to fulfill.

This means that we now instead see a severely deteriorated situation that reduces people's freedom and security. The military coups carried out in August 2020 and May 2021 were serious signals of a negative development and that it would be further intensified. The cooperation that exists with the despicable Wagner Group, with its war criminals and its close ties to Putin's Russia, naturally makes the situation even worse.

The Liberals pointed this out already more than a year ago and then proposed that we should make a faster withdrawal of the ongoing operation. Unfortunately, we were not heard for our proposal. It is regrettable. It has delayed this process, and our presence has become unnecessarily long. It is a dangerous situation that needs to be handled in a way that creates the best conditions to wind down the Swedish commitment in Mali.

Madam Speaker! It is good that we now have a concrete proposal from the government on how the Swedish contribution within the framework of the UN cooperation shall be phased out earlier than what was previously decided, though later than I would wish. I welcome this.

It has been an important commitment with a strong presence of an armed force in Mali ever since 2014. It is naturally regrettable that the development has gone in the wrong direction, primarily of course because it affects the civilian population and people's everyday lives, but also because it is no longer reasonable and meaningful for Sweden to continue its engagement on site.

It is now instead important to focus on a good arrangement for the winding down of our presence in the country with a view to it being completed in its entirety by June 30 next year at the latest. It is reasonable that there may be a Swedish armed force consisting of at most 470 people who are made available for the winding down of the Swedish engagement in Mali. This decision should have been made a long time ago, but better late than never.

Swedish participation in the United Nations stabilization effort in Mali

Madam Speaker! I vote in favor of the bill and the proposal in the committee report.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(A decision was to be taken on 13 December.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)