Swedish participation in air defense operations within the framework of Nato
Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.
Summary AI, written in advance
The debate concerns Swedish participation in an air defense operation in Poland within the framework of Nato. SD welcomes the proposal to secure the logistics node for support to Ukraine and strengthen deterrence 1. SD emphasizes that Sweden is ready to act within Nato with world-leading weapons systems 1. S considers that Russia's war of aggression constitutes an existential threat 2. M stands behind the proposal as it is a vital security interest 3. V emphasizes that military support is required 4, but V considers that the priority should be cooperation in the near area 4. C argues that the operation strengthens the collective defense 5. KD emphasizes solidarity and responsibility as a credible partner 6. MP does not want the government to receive an expanded mandate to send armed forces abroad 7. L calls for approval 8. L considers that Sweden is in an interwar period 8 and that it is crucial that Sweden gives full support so that Ukraine wins the war 8. L considers that Sweden should participate as much as possible in Nato where the country has competence 8.
Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.
Aron Emilsson (SD)
Mr. Speaker! The joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence today submits a historic proposal for the Chamber to take a position on, as we propose that the Riksdag decide on Swedish participation in an air defence operation in Poland to secure the so important and existential military support to Ukraine and constitute part of NATO's deterrence.
In my capacity as chairman of the joint committee, I move for the approval of the committee's proposal in the report and thank the delegated members for an efficient and constructive handling of the matter. It also demonstrates the Riksdag's ability to handle complex matters within a limited time as well as to do so in broad cross-party consensus when required.
Mr. Speaker! Swedish military presence in Poland has also earlier in our country's history often been linked to the struggle against Russian expansion. This has applied from the era of the great powers when Sweden and Russia fought for dominance in the Baltic Sea to today's Nato cooperation where Sweden is part of a larger deterrence strategy against Russian aggression.
The difference today compared to the Swedish conquest policy during the so-called Swedish Deluge in the mid-17th century in Poland is that Sweden and Poland today are among the very closest allies, on the same side in the defense of Europe and in the fight against Russian imperialism. Let us further strengthen those bonds.
Mr. Speaker! The Committee proposes that the Riksdag grant the government permission to make a Swedish armed force consisting of at most eight combat aircraft with accompanying personnel available from May 1 to August 31 this year. The task is to protect and maintain the security of the logistics node used for the military and civilian support to Ukraine.
It is very positive that Sweden has been asked to participate in the air defense operation. The request clearly demonstrates the competence of the Armed Forces' personnel, and the contribution is well in line with our prioritization of the support to Ukraine.
That we contribute to the defense of NATO's eastern flank is also something that tangibly makes Sweden safer and prevents Russian aggression. We are therefore not just dressing up our membership in the defense alliance or the support for Ukraine in beautiful words, but we contribute to deterrence in practice. Swedish steel bites, when the darkness against us creeps.
Mr. Speaker! The Sweden Democrats have, ever since before the full-scale invasion in 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine, advocated for military support to Ukraine. We have advocated for support with heavier weapons, for example tanks, before other parties in this chamber. Throughout the war, we have since seen a unanimous support here in the chamber for the military support to Ukraine.
With that as a starting point, we welcome the Sweden Democrats' proposal regarding Swedish participation in an operation that enables the Swedish and international support for Ukraine. The participation is also a testament to that Sweden is prepared to act within the framework of Nato, with personnel and world-leading weapons systems, to support deterrence on the ground.
The contribution will also entail that the Armed Forces can operate together with NATO troops in a scenario that also has great relevance for Sweden. It will strengthen the capability of the Air Force, which is part of the first line of defense over the Baltic Sea.
Combat aviation is also something that is continuously used in the incident readiness around our country's borders. It is positive that combat aviation can now also operate abroad within the framework of Nato and in that way become further integrated with Nato's structures in one of our most important neighboring countries.
Mr. Speaker! That Swedish participation is long-awaited and that we can participate is good. This applies particularly in our immediate vicinity where we know the environment and have our own experiences. But it is also a cost and an additional mission for our defense force, which is already heavily strained due to the upgrading, the support for Ukraine, and the contribution to NATO's deterrence in the Baltics.
Therefore, it is emphasized in this bill that we see a need to achieve robust, comprehensive and long-term investments in the total defense, and that materiel and personnel can be provided to a growing defense force even over time.
Finally, I also want to emphasize the fact that personnel and materiel can be made available as early as May 1. That Sweden can quickly meet the need to defend other parts of Nato is a statement of strength and may also become vital in the future.
I want to wish all those involved in the operation great luck during this important mission. I also want to conclude by offering a word of gratitude to the relatives who make it possible for our deployed personnel to leave home and hearth for a time to defend the blue and yellow ribbons to our brothers and sisters in Ukraine, our own freedom, and our Swedish interests also outside our borders. Thank you.
Alexandra Völker (S)
Mr. Speaker! Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine constitutes an existential threat to Sweden and Europe. When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine more than three years ago, the entire security policy environment changed.
Russia made it clear that it no longer respects the rules-based world order. The security policy reality that we now have to deal with is not the one we desired, but it is the reality we have to deal with. For over three years now, Ukraine has fought against Russia. Ukraine has fought for its freedom, but it is a fight that also concerns us and our freedom.
Mr. Speaker! There is a strength in the unity we have in the Riksdag on the issue of support for Ukraine. Russia's aggression is unprovoked, illegal and unjustifiable, and it constitutes a threat to all of Europe.
Maintaining support for Ukraine is one of our most important security policy priorities. We are also clear that peace must occur on Ukraine's terms and not on Russia's.
Mr. Speaker! As you have heard from the previous speaker, today's matter concerns the logistics node in Poland for military and civilian support to Ukraine. As Nato has over time taken increased responsibility for the military support to Ukraine, the need for support from Nato allies has increased in order to protect the logistics node.
NATO is therefore conducting an air defense operation with the objective of protecting and maintaining security. The proposal is that Sweden shall participate with an armed force in the form of a maximum of eight combat aircraft, with accompanying personnel, which includes command and support units. Furthermore, the government intends to participate with airborne air and sea surveillance capability and airborne transport capability. The Swedish contribution shall be placed at NATO's disposal from 1 May 2025 to and including 31 August 2025 and will be stationed in Poland.
It is a strength that we are now a united committee that has stood behind the proposal for Swedish participation in the air defense operation within Nato. The proposal means that we take further steps to support Ukraine. But it also means that we take another step towards increased responsibility for security in our own immediate area.
Mr. Speaker! There is a strength in unity, and the Riksdag has once again shown our ability to act quickly when needed. The current security policy situation as well as the membership in Nato places demands on us to, if necessary, make important decisions quickly. Once again we have shown that this is fully doable and that we, together across party lines, take that task most seriously.
That even this armed force has a parliamentary decision behind it is important for the popular anchoring and provides a strong mandate. Those who participate in the operation can feel secure in that it is a unanimous committee that stands behind the decision to participate with an armed force. This is an order that we think it is important to continue with also moving forward.
Mr. Speaker! In conclusion: The commitment Sweden is now making to contribute to the air defense operation is built on the pilots and the support personnel who undertake the task of carrying out Sweden's contribution. It is Swedes who, through their employment in the Armed Forces and their will to contribute to all our security, leave their everyday lives here in Sweden for a period of time. They leave their everyday lives at home to work for all our common security. Without them, this would not have been possible.
But it is not just without them that it would not have been possible. That they can go is based on the fact that there are people who step in here at home – people who make everyday life function. They are partners, children, parents, friends and colleagues.
I would therefore like to conclude by expressing my thanks to all of you who will yourselves be a part of the Swedish contribution, but also to all of you home heroes who make it possible for them to go.
Stefan Olsson (M)
Mr. Speaker! Sweden has been requested to, through Nato, participate in patrolling Polish airspace to protect a logistics hub for the import of both military and civilian support to Ukraine.
For the Moderates, this is something that we naturally stand behind. Sweden fills a gap in NATO's rolling schedule, and it is a vital Swedish security interest that support for Ukraine is protected. This is what the alliance's everyday work looks like. This is the new normal.
What may feel unfamiliar to us in Sweden is that one of our units will thus be operating in a more risky environment in a way that we have not experienced before. It cannot be ruled out that Russian forces might decide to attack Swedish aircraft. War is risky, and Russia is not a military power that follows the laws of war. But because our confidence in the Armed Forces' ability to carry out the mission is good, we are nevertheless not worried.
Nevertheless, it is good that we can once again unite the parties in the Riksdag behind the decision. It is a strength for our country that military personnel whom we send out on risky missions always know that they are acting on behalf of the Swedish people.
I would therefore like to thank in advance the personnel in the Armed Forces who will carry out the task. We trust you. We know that you will do a good job, and if anything happens, you should know that we here at home will always support you in every way we can. Good luck with your mission!
Håkan Svenneling (V)
Honorable Speaker! It has been more than three years since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine – the day that changed everything for Ukraine as a country and for the Ukrainian people, but also for the rest of the world.
Russia's invasion, occupation and war are completely unacceptable and violate international law. This must, of course, continue to be condemned in the strongest possible terms while we support Ukraine in many different ways. The invasion is unprovoked, illegal and unjustifiable. The attack is a violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty, and it entails great human suffering for the Ukrainian people.
Support for Ukraine and the economic sanctions against Russia must continue and be expanded. This includes combating the Russian shadow fleet in the Baltic Sea, which also entails great risks of environmental disasters. The world's countries must stop buying Russian oil and gas transported on substandard ships in the Baltic Sea. The oil and gas do not only contribute to climate change but also practically finance the war.
Russia must be kept out and not be allowed to participate in international sports competitions or events. That should also be obvious. It is not possible to compete, celebrate, and party with an imperialist invasion and occupying state.
Mr. Speaker! The developments following the American election in the autumn are moving fast. In Donald Trump, we have received an authoritarian president who does not care about international law. In a short time, he has directed military and political threats toward several countries. It is very serious and worrying. Trump's statements show that he is willing to let Russia win the war and keep the land it has invaded. In the same breath, he says he himself wants to take over Greenland, Panama, and Canada.
It seems that Russia and the USA want to divide Ukraine between them. Once again, we see the great powers sitting with rulers on a map and dividing up land, natural resources, and power between themselves. It is completely unacceptable in every way.
No negotiations may take place over the head of Ukraine and without Ukraine sitting at the table. It is obviously Ukraine's conditions and Ukraine's decisions that must form the basis for any negotiations and settlements. Ukraine needs peace, but this peace needs to be just and sustainable. Only the Ukrainians themselves shall have the right to decide this. We know that Putin will not stop at Ukraine. His imperialism may continue much, much longer.
It has been obvious for several years that Putin's regime in Russia is a concrete and physical threat to neighboring countries, but we have also known for a long time that Putin is a threat to all inhabitants in Russia who oppose the rule or who do not fit into the society that Putin wants to build. For Russian human rights activists, hbtqi persons, feminists, indigenous rights advocates, environmental movements and the political opposition, the regime in Moscow represents a daily threat of violence and reprisals – and sometimes the worst consequence in the form of murder.
Sweden's support for Ukraine is extensive. Our support for Ukraine is humanitarian, economic, political and military. The military support with weapons, ammunition, vehicles and training is required so that Russia's war does not succeed. To defend its borders and its population is fundamental for Ukraine's future – to be able to build a strong democracy and welfare for its population.
Vänsterpartiet was against Sweden joining Nato. Nato membership is now, however, a reality, and much of the Swedish defense's activities will have a connection to Nato. It must also in the future be Sweden's own defense capability that stands at the center of Swedish defense planning. At the same time, we must be an active cooperation partner with like-minded democracies in our immediate vicinity.
Together with our Nordic and Baltic neighboring countries, we take a shared responsibility for the defense of the Baltic Sea, the North Sea, the North Sea, and the Arctic. It is this, cooperation in our immediate vicinity and not operations in countries far away, that shall be the Swedish priority within Nato. That is where it should lie. There is currently agreement on this in the Swedish Riksdag. The contribution that we decide on today takes place partly in our immediate vicinity, and partly in support of Ukraine.
Poland has taken a great responsibility in the support for Ukraine and has been subjected to both sabotage attacks and influence attempts. Now Sweden has an opportunity to support Poland in the practical work of sending civilian and military support to Ukraine.
I would like to extend a special thanks to all the soldiers who will participate in this operation and also a thanks to their families, who make the Swedish participation possible.
Sweden's support for Ukraine must continue to be broad and long-term. When the war is over, Sweden must be an active party in the reconstruction of Ukraine in accordance with the direction that the Ukrainian population wants to see. The same applies to our support for Moldova and Georgia – two countries that have also been affected by Russian imperialism and occupation.
Mr. Speaker! The world is unfortunately not as peaceful as we wish. All around the world, wars and conflicts are ongoing, people are fleeing for their lives, dictators are ravaging, and people live in oppression. War is the worst thing there is, and it always leads to many casualties, shattered families, great devastation with bombed-out cities and bombed-out infrastructure, mines in the ground and water that must be cleared, many refugees and generations of children who grow up with the consequences, the sorrow, and the memories. It is incredibly important that Sweden is a strong voice in the world for peace, freedom, democracy, human rights, and equality.
The war in Ukraine has been ongoing for more than ten years. Vänsterpartiet stands behind the humanitarian, economic and military support that Sweden sends to Ukraine and condemns the Russian invasion and occupation.
Kerstin Lundgren (C)
Mr. Speaker! Russia's brutal war of aggression against Ukraine has presented us with entirely new questions to solve. From the Center Party's side, we have been clear that we will support Ukraine for as long as required and whatever is required.
As a consequence of the brutal war of aggression, the Riksdag decided that Sweden should become a member of Nato, a completely new prerequisite for our collective work to maintain our peace, our freedom and our democracy against attacks from Russia such as those we have seen in Ukraine.
Being a member of Nato naturally requires new things from us. We have sought to build deterrence and, in that context, have supported clearly. We have our units in Latvia, we are entering Finland, and now a deployment in Poland is topical. It is clear that this is a new reality. This is not some international mission but a mission in our common defense area.
One can then reflect on the grounds for this. The main task for the Swedish contribution is, within the framework of the operation's mandate, to contribute to protecting and maintaining the security of the logistics node which is one of the most important hubs for both military and civilian support to Ukraine. When we enter to protect and maintain security, the conditions also apply to the use of force, based on limitations that Poland may have as a host country – important to keep in mind in our discussion on host nation support and other matters –, applicable rules of engagement and what otherwise follows from international law, including human rights, and naturally international humanitarian law.
The legal status of the Swedish forces is regulated, as always in such cases, according to the applicable agreements between Nato and Poland. This would also apply to Nato and Sweden, if that were to be the case.
There are, Mr. Speaker, strong security policy reasons for a Swedish contribution to the current operation. The participation is a direct support for the deterrence and for the defense of an ally, namely Poland.
We can state that with the current effort we contribute to the security of Sweden, Europe, and NATO. It is in line with the solidarity alliance policy that Sweden has expressed.
As previously stated, it is an armed force consisting of a maximum of eight combat aircraft with associated personnel, which includes command and support units, that we make available during the period 1 May–31 August 2025. On the Armed Forces' website, one can see that the planning is based on the force amounting to 150 people.
Someone is wondering then: Will we be commanding this force? No, it is NATO commanders who lead the operation. When we hand over the contribution to Poland to NATO, it is NATO commanders who regulate the operation. That is also important to clarify. But it is one of Sweden's capabilities, our air defense and air force, that can participate in the operation here – participate for security but actually also to develop the capability. That is also an important part, which we have, of course, asked questions about.
This is therefore in every way an effort that does not weaken the Swedish defense but contributes to strengthening our common defense and also the support for Ukraine.
As previously stated, this is not harmless. All such actions can be met. It is about our desire to deter Russia from acting against this logistics node and against Poland. The ambition is that with this action we should be able to deter that type of action. But if, I say if, Russia were to behave in a way that would require a different use of force than the protection of themselves, that is also something that lies within this.
We must see that this is not a harmless mission, even though it takes place in the neighboring country Poland, with which we, as has been stated previously, have a close defense cooperation.
The Center Party was not present during the adjustment of the committee report. Someone who has read it might wonder: Why was the Center Party not present during the adjustment? Do you not stand behind this? Yes, of course. We fully stand behind this proposal for a decision from the joint Committee on Defence and Foreign Affairs.
We also want to thank those who make this possible to carry out, the up to 150 people with families and relatives who make it so that our decision can actually become a reality – for protection for us, for protection for Poland, for protection for Europe and for protection for Ukraine.
I move for the adoption of the committee's proposal for a decision, Mr. Speaker.
Magnus Berntsson (KD)
Mr. Speaker! We live in a time where Europe's security is being challenged in a way we have not seen in decades. Russia's brutal attack on Ukraine has shaken the European security order and made it painfully clear that freedom, sovereignty, and democracy can never be taken for granted. In this moment, it is not only Ukraine's resilience that is being tested, but also our own moral compass, our will to stand up for our values, and our ability to shoulder the responsibility that comes with being a part of the free world.
The Swedish government has proposed that we should contribute to NATO's air defense operation in Poland by sending an armed force consisting of up to eight combat aircraft and 150 people. The operation aims to protect and maintain the security of the logistics hub used to deliver the military and civilian support to Ukraine – a support that is vital not only for the people of Ukraine but also for the stability of all of Europe.
Mr. Speaker! That we now face this decision is no coincidence. For a long time, we have believed that peace in our part of the world was a given, that security could be taken for granted. However, we have received a painful reminder that this is not the case. Peace requires strength. Security requires preparedness. Freedom requires defense. And if we are not prepared to defend our neighbors, we will one day stand alone when the threat is directed at ourselves.
The Christian Democrats have always emphasized the importance of solidarity, responsibility, and international cooperation. We see Sweden's participation in this operation as an expression of three crucial principles.
Firstly: Solidarity. Ukraine is fighting a struggle that is about much more than borders. The struggle is about the right to live in freedom, about every nation's right to decide its own future – without threats and coercion. If we hesitate now, if we fail in this decisive moment, then we do not only fail Ukraine but also the principles upon which we build our own society.
Secondly: Sweden's role in Nato. Our membership in the transatlantic defense alliance does not only mean that we receive protection, but also that we contribute. If we want to be a credible and reliable partner, we cannot stand by and hope that others will do the work for us. We must show that we are prepared to shoulder our share of the responsibility, that we take our security and our commitments seriously.
For the third: Europe's future. The war in Ukraine is not an isolated conflict, but it is a decisive battle over which direction our continent shall take. If Russia is allowed to win, if aggression is rewarded and if we turn away our gaze, we will see more crises, more wars and an even darker future for us all. But if we stand firm, if we continue to support Ukraine and if we take responsibility, we build a safer, more stable and freer world.
Mr. Speaker! Sweden's participation in this operation is not a question that can be answered in a lighthearted way. It is about sending Swedish personnel, Swedish resources, and Swedish commitment to an operation that is far from risk-free. But the greatest risk would be to not act at all.
History will judge us for the decisions we make today. It will ask us if we stood up for what was right, if we defended freedom, and if we took responsibility when it was required. The Christian Democrats therefore give their full support to the government's proposal. We do it for Ukraine. We do it for Europe. We do it for Sweden. We do it for the future.
I also want to thank everyone who will be involved in this decision – deployed personnel and their families.
Emma Berginger (MP)
Mr. Speaker! The support for Ukraine, both civil and military, is extremely important, not least in these times when the USA and Russia are approaching each other. I nevertheless want to emphasize that it would be wrong to negotiate over the head of Ukraine. For a peace to become sustainable, it must be negotiated with Ukraine at the table and on their terms.
I am glad that there is broad support for Ukraine in the Swedish Riksdag, and I want to emphasize that Miljöpartiet has stood behind all support packages for Ukraine. The defense of Ukraine does not only affect Ukraine's future, but it also affects our and Europe's security to the highest degree. It also concerns the view on international law; something that affects many conflicts around the world.
Sweden and Europe need to do more to both support Ukraine and put pressure on the USA to continue supporting Ukraine and, not least, to stop the import of Russian oil and gas, which contributes to the financing and maintenance of the war.
Mr. Speaker! In order for the support to reach Ukraine, transport and logistics are needed. An important node in this context is located in Poland. For obvious reasons, there is a threat to this node. Therefore, the protection of the node becomes a natural task for Nato, both because Poland is an ally and because Nato has taken an ever-increasing responsibility for coordinating the support to Ukraine.
Now that Sweden has received a request to contribute to this operation, it is good that we can stand united in contributing. The contribution in this case shall consist of an armed force consisting of at most eight combat aircraft and associated personnel of 150 people, which includes command and support units. In addition, the government plans to participate with airborne air and sea surveillance capability and airborne transport capability. These contributions are also important, but they do not form part of the armed force that we are to make a decision on.
The international law basis for the operation rests on the consent given by Poland. The conditions for the use of force are based on any limitations imposed by the host country, applicable rules of engagement, and what otherwise follows from international law, including human rights and, where applicable, international humanitarian law.
I would like to vote in favor of the committee's proposal and thus also of the government bill. But, Mr. Speaker, I also want to emphasize that it is important that it is the Riksdag that makes decisions on the deployment of armed forces because it involves a risk to the lives of Swedish men and women and because it ultimately involves a risk that Sweden could be drawn into an armed conflict. Such decisions should be made by the Riksdag.
Despite the government's assessment in the bill on Sweden's membership in Nato that there were no grounds to introduce a rule in law authorizing the government to, without the Riksdag's approval, make decisions to deploy Swedish armed forces within the framework of Nato, we have understood that the government is considering moving forward with such a proposal. Miljöpartiet does not want the government to receive an expanded mandate to send armed forces abroad. On the contrary, it is particularly important that it is the Riksdag that retains this mandate. The government has argued that it wants the mandate so that decision-making can proceed quickly. But this matter, Mr. Speaker, clearly shows that the Riksdag can act quickly when needed. Therefore, I believe that the Riksdag can also in the future make that type of important decision.
In this speech, Emma Nohrén and Jacob Risberg (both MP) concurred.
Joar Forssell (L)
Mr. Speaker! I would like to begin by moving for the approval of the proposal in the report.
Mr. Speaker! A cold war is underway. At times it has sounded as if we have been in a post-war period, but we have been in an interwar period, between a previous cold war and the new cold war. It is being waged by countries such as Russia, Iran, China, and North Korea against us in the free, democratic world and against our way of organizing the international political system, that is to say, the rules-based world order. That is why China has been keen to support Russia in its war of aggression against Ukraine. That is why North Korea has been so keen to support Russia. That is why Iran has given its support for this. The countries want to destroy the rules-based world order with the help of this war.
For us, this war is cold, but for those fighting at the front in Ukraine, it is in the highest degree real; it is hot. It is also therefore, Mr. Speaker, that it is so incredibly important that Sweden gives its full support in all ways we can so that Ukraine wins the war and Russia loses. It is not only Ukraine that wins if Ukraine wins, but it also concerns Sweden and all other democratic countries. It is not only Russia that loses if Russia loses, but it is also China, Iran and North Korea and all countries that want Russia to win. That is what today's matter is about.
Mr. Speaker! In order to wage a war of defense, as Ukraine is doing, logistics, supply, means, and support are obviously needed. Part of this is to protect the logistics and the supply so that Ukraine can defend itself. This is not just about morality and about right and wrong, but in practical terms, this is about that if we do not help in this now, the threats against Sweden will truly become greater in the future.
Swedish participation in air defense operations within the framework of Nato
Mr. Speaker! Today's decision is of course also about our role in Nato. It is important that Sweden participates as much as possible where we have the right competence and where our capability is requested by others in order to build trust. It is only by cooperating with others that we can build security also for us in Sweden.
Since a cold war is ongoing where Sweden stands on one side together with other democratic countries and Russia stands on the other side together with China and other non-democratic countries, since people are currently dying at the front in Ukraine who are also fighting for our freedom, and since Sweden is to have a significant role in Nato and thus be able to rely even more on support from Nato when we need the support, I move again for approval of the proposal in the report.
The deliberation was hereby concluded.
Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.