Sweden's military support to Ukraine

Johan Andersson (S)

Mr. Speaker! Today we shall debate the government's communication regarding Sweden's military support to Ukraine. It is a valuable communication, I think. It provides a description of the support efforts that Sweden has given to Ukraine ever since the full-scale invasion in 2022. It truly shows that there has been strong and broad support in Sweden's Riksdag to support Ukraine both civilly and militarily.

To date, 21 military support packages have been decided. The total value was stated to be 103 billion kronor. To this, an additional support package was added last week, where it is announced from the government's side regarding a sale of Jas Gripen E and F. It is 20 planes. Sweden will also donate 16 Jas Gripen C and D.

From the Social Democrats' side, we already stated in 2023 that it was important to also safeguard air defense when it comes to Ukraine. We did that based on the conversations that had taken place and what President Zelenskyy had emphasized to Sweden in various parts.

In the package that arrived last week, there were also additional parts. I am not reading out all of this, but it will be included in upcoming communications.

From the Social Democrats' side, we are satisfied with the work that is being done. I also think it feels good that a consensus has now been found between the Swedish government and us other parties regarding the way forward. We must remember that it will also require major efforts in the future for reconstruction and other things in Ukraine.

At the same time, there are many good reasons to continue the work that we have done and are doing from Sweden's side in supporting Ukraine. There is no other way to go in the current situation, and it is these efforts that will be required in the future as well so that one can arrange this as well as possible and support the Ukrainian people. It is also a part of the coming world peace, which will be quite important.

What is happening now is a breakthrough in that one is also looking at the possibility of strengthening the cooperation with the Ukrainian industry when it comes to weapons manufacturing and industrial cooperation in general. This is also something that we have thought has been very important in order to further develop the competence that we have in Sweden and take part in initiatives with more.

I also want to point out the initiative that was presented last week regarding civil defense. There, for Sweden's part, we have quite a lot to learn from how they have worked in Ukraine to strengthen the population. Here I also see opportunities to broaden the exchange between Sweden and Ukraine specifically when it comes to civil work.

With these words, I move for approval of the committee's proposal regarding the letter concerning the military support to Ukraine.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine is a flagrant violation of international law. It is an unprovoked attack that has caused enormous human suffering and which threatens the entire European security order.

The people of Ukraine have the right to live in peace and in freedom and to decide for themselves over their future. That right is not negotiable.

Mr. Speaker! The Left Party stands behind strong support for Ukraine – militarily, economically and humanitarily. It is necessary, it is right, and it is a duty in a time when authoritarian regimes are trying to crush democracies.

It is very good that the government has presented these two communications regarding support for Ukraine – one regarding the civilian in the form of aid, and one regarding the military which we are debating today. The government emphasizes in its communication that support for Ukraine is a central part of Swedish security and defense policy. It is an opinion that we in Vänsterpartiet share. But to stand behind the support also means having a will to develop the support and make it more effective, more equitable, and more long-term sustainable.

In Vilnius yesterday, I met the Ukrainian delegation to NATO's Parliamentary Assembly. They were lyrical. Lyrical is the best word to describe what they feel for Sweden and the Swedish support. These Ukrainian politicians, from several different parties, have spent four years traveling around the world and been in meeting after meeting to gather support for their country. And then there is a country that has the same colors on its flag and where all politicians, regardless of party color, are ready to give extensive support, especially military, to support their struggle for freedom without oppression.

That the cooperation regarding Jas 39 Gripen is now rolling forward also shows that our cooperation is heading towards new levels. One might say: new heights.

Yesterday, I had a conversation with the chairman of the Ukrainian Foreign Affairs Committee, Oleksandr Merezhko, about how, when the Foreign Affairs Committee visited Kyiv in May 2023, we discussed an article from the newspaper The Economist which highlighted what benefit the Gripen, developed against threats from Russia, could provide for Ukraine. Now this will soon become a reality.

Now the winds of war are also turning. The material I received yesterday from the Ukrainian delegation shows that April was the first month in a very long time when Ukraine reclaimed territory from Russia. In size, it is not that much, but as a measure of how the war is going, it is very important.

We now see how the morale of the Ukrainian resistance is rising. It is the data-driven war, under the leadership of the new Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov. He is a data nerd who finds new ways to gain momentum in the war. He visited the Riksdag a few weeks ago. It was an unusual defense minister we met. It was more the feeling that I was in one of the 90s' computer networks, LAN, than that I met a defense minister. With new and cheap technology, Ukraine has developed its military capability, both the long-range capability and the possibility to defend the long front line.

Mr. Speaker! In today's report, the Left Party has two clear proposals on what we could do differently to strengthen the military support to Ukraine.

Vänsterpartiet wants to see Sweden's arms exports more clearly prioritized for Ukraine's defense. When a country fights an existential war of defense for its freedom, it must have access to the materiel required. Now we see the result of the irresponsible war by the USA and Israel against Iran, which has led to an undermining of international law but above all to an enormous increase in demand for military materiel from the Middle East. It is in such moments that our will is truly decided. Are we able to prioritize military support to Ukraine over the Gulf countries and other countries with larger wallets than Ukraine's?

At the same time, we need to reduce Europe's dependence on American war materiel. Europe's security must to a greater extent be built on our own capacity and cooperation. It strengthens our independence and our resilience.

Sweden is currently contributing to Ukraine's defense through extensive military support. Part of this occurs through the so-called PURL initiative, which is coordinated by Nato and enables access to American defense materiel funded by European countries or, in practice, Northern European countries.

Let me be clear: Vänsterpartiet stands behind all military support – all 22 support packages – to Ukraine. Ukraine's right to defend itself against Russia's aggression is self-evident.

But at the same time, we must dare to discuss the risks in how the support is designed. Today, there is a clear vulnerability in that Europe's countries lean heavily on the USA. We have seen how American foreign and security policy can be both fickle and unreliable. Donald Trump has already mentioned that he could imagine stopping this initiative in connection with other countries not backing up his war against Iran – which he has started.

With Donald Trump in the White House, the security policy situation in Europe has worsened further. We see a president who acts authoritatively and who shows a lack of respect for international law. Events such as the actions in Venezuela with the arrest of Maduro, the support for Israel's actions in Gaza and the war against Iran are examples that cause serious concern. This also applies to the threat against Greenland, which in practice was directed at us in Europe and the EU.

This does not only affect the overall security situation. It also risks having direct consequences for the support to Ukraine. The USA simply considers that their so-called support to Ukraine is that Europe has the right to purchase unique capabilities from them at full price and that Europe can then donate them to Ukraine. Unfortunately, it is not long-term sustainable.

The Left Party's conclusion is clear: Europe must take greater responsibility for its own security. We must reduce our dependence on the USA. This applies to both Sweden and Europe and for Ukraine.

Even before the NATO membership, we highlighted the importance of deepened cooperation with other European democracies. Today, after Trump's return, the need is greater than ever. Europe must stand on stronger own legs. This also applies to Ukraine's situation in the long run. The country's dependence on American military capacity needs to decrease. At the same time, we need to be clear here and now: It is Ukraine's needs that must guide. They must get what they need to defend themselves. Therefore, the purchases within PURL must unfortunately continue, based on how things look right now.

But Sweden can and should work so that the EU can offer alternatives to a greater extent. This applies in particular to the production of ammunition and anti-aircraft ammunition, where the opportunities for strengthened European cooperation are great. A week ago, I visited an ammunition factory here in Värmland that has moved from only producing for civil purposes to now also producing for military purposes. That is what the transition in the Swedish defense industry looks like now.

Sweden needs to push for more European countries, including Ukraine, to reduce their dependence on American war materiel. It is about our security, our freedom of action, and our long-term stability.

Actually, Mr. Speaker, I believe we are quite in agreement on the Left Party's two motions. But I think it is a bit difficult to say it openly and publicly.

Mr. Speaker! Support for Ukraine is not only about military strength. It is also about what kind of peace we want to see. Vänsterpartiet is clear: A just and sustainable peace can never be dictated by the aggressor Putin's Russia. All talks about peace must take place with Ukraine at the table and on Ukraine's terms. Ukraine's future shall be decided by the people of Ukraine – not by the Kremlin. Sweden, the EU and Europe must be a clear party in the peace negotiations.

I think it would be obvious, as the Left Party has proposed in a number of other motions, that the EU appoints a special envoy to Ukraine for the purpose of supporting Ukraine in the peace negotiations. Regardless of whether it is Merkel, Stubb or Draghi – absolutely not Gerhard Schröder – we need an experienced politician who can shuttle to Kyiv and at some point go to Moscow without, for that part, representing any specific country's government.

I find it a bit difficult to understand the opposition that I hear and that, among others, the Foreign Minister expresses regarding this. I think that a European envoy to Ukraine would be obvious.

When international law is violated, there must be consequences. That is why we support the sanctions against Russia and want to tighten them further. We must hold Russia accountable for its war crimes. Next week, we will make a decision here in the Riksdag on two important proposals regarding legal accountability of Russia.

We need to put a stop to the Russian shadow fleet in the Baltic Sea and close the loopholes that still make it possible to bypass the sanctions. More actions by the Coast Guard are needed, and cooperation needs to be strengthened both nationally and internationally.

We in Vänsterpartiet also want to emphasize that the support for Ukraine must not occur at the expense of the world's poorest. The aid to Ukraine shall be additional. It shall not be taken from other important aid efforts. To pit vulnerable groups against each other is not a sustainable policy from the right-wing government, as we are now seeing.

There is a strong political consensus in Sweden regarding the support for Ukraine. That is very good. This consensus is important both for Ukraine and for our own credibility. There is a great commitment in our civil society. There are Ukrainians who are being integrated into Sweden day by day and who constitute an important bridge between our countries. But the conditions for Ukrainian refugees in Sweden must still be improved. With the strict migration policy that is currently being pursued, it will never become a reality.

Agreement does not, however, mean that we should stop making demands, stop developing the policy, or stop discussing how the support is best designed. We do not need to have exactly the same arguments as long as we reach the same conclusion: to support Ukraine.

Vänsterpartiet wants to see a strong, long-term and just Swedish support for Ukraine, a support that contributes to Ukraine's defense here and now but also to a just peace in the long run.

When history is written, it will judge those who stood passive and honor those who acted. Sweden shall be one of the countries that stands up for international law, for democracy, and for a free Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! I would like to move for approval of reservation 2 regarding reducing the dependence on American war materiel.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Aron Emilsson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Today we are therefore debating the Committee on Defence's report on Sweden's military support to Ukraine, perhaps one of the last debates of the mandate period on this important issue.

For the Sweden Democrats, support for Ukraine has never been subject to doubt. Furthermore, the Ukraine issue became particularly significant for two of our members who tragically have passed away during this parliamentary term – Sven-Olof Sällström and Lars Wistedt, both vice chairs of the Committee on Defence. Together with me, they were the driving forces in raising the issue within the party.

The Sweden Democrats proposed early on that Sweden should contribute heavier military materiel to Ukraine, while at the same time we argued that the then Social Democratic government initially acted too slowly. A few weeks after the full-scale invasion, however, everyone was on board, both here in the chamber and in the European Parliament. Since then, the unanimity in Sweden and among all our parties has been a strength. Unlike some other parliaments where they compete over who can do the least, we have instead competed over who can do the most.

Already in January 2023, the Sweden Democrats requested that Sweden send Leopard tanks to Ukraine to strengthen the country's ability to retake lost territory. The issue was followed up, and Sweden subsequently initially delivered a dozen tanks which, in hindsight, have performed very well. We have since consistently in the government cooperation presented deliveries of both Stridsfordon 90 and the Archer artillery system, Stridsbåt 90, Robotsystem 70 and several other Swedish material systems which have de facto shown very good effectiveness on the battlefield. As recently as a few weeks ago, some of us in here could also witness how they protect vital energy infrastructure in the form of heating plants and also listen to the Ukrainian soldiers who described the excellence of the Swedish support.

Mr. Speaker! As late as last week, we, as several have already mentioned, could rejoice at the news that Sweden and Ukraine are entering into a deal for the delivery of 20 Jas 39 Gripen E. Sweden also donates 16 aircraft of the C/D version, which will further strengthen Ukraine's defense capability.

A few weeks ago, I was on-site in Ukraine at Maidan Square and met a woman from Poltava who was an aircraft technician. It was impossible to miss her euphoria and hope of one day being able to receive the Gripen planes in Ukraine. On a Ukrainian flag, I and a few colleagues signed a small greeting saying that the Gripen is on its way, which felt incredibly powerful. It was with great pride and as a nod to the world-unique engineering in Östergötland that we could declare that this is actually on its way now.

The question of advanced military support was of course already raised in connection with the full-scale invasion but was far from uncomplicated during 2023, which was largely linked to Sweden's Nato application. Sverigedemokraterna chose to support all proposals, not least against the background of the security guarantees that Sweden also received during the process.

At the same time, both then and now, a limited risk remained that Russia expands the war, even though we can see glimmers of light in the form of Ukraine actually doing quite well for the moment – thank goodness for that! Are there any conclusions and insights that we as decision-makers need to take with us? It is namely that an actor like Russia acts if it can. We have also seen what they are capable of.

Mr. Speaker! This brings me to a broader issue that Russia's actions reflect and something that is all too often overlooked in the debate: Why is it so important to support Ukraine, both for reasons of solidarity and for purely security policy reasons?

After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia was met with trade agreements and significant financial support from the West in the hope of a peaceful and democratic development. Unfortunately, the development went in the opposite direction. In 1999, the Sweden Democrats warned in an article of the problem that Russia posed and of the need for a strong Swedish defense force.

If there is any question that we, unlike many, have consistently championed during our years in the Riksdag, it is that our defense must be dimensioned based on the worst imaginable scenario and not according to how the world looks at the moment. Ukraine has had to experience this. The consequences and the price tag of previous inaction and a too late buildup are clear today. It is not the main issue, but it must be included as a background.

Russia's unlawful annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the full-scale invasion on 24 February 2022 clearly show that the country today does not belong in the European community. It is a country that, throughout history, has indeed given us great cultural contributions in the form of composers such as Tchaikovsky and authors such as Dostoevsky and others. But today, the country has sunk to a political, moral, and human rock bottom where war crimes and acts of terrorism are frequent.

Mr. Speaker! The Sweden Democrats is a social-conservative party with the nation's best interests in mind. This also means a clear view on the importance of the nation-state and on the importance of a people's traditions and culture but also on its will to survive. The struggle that Ukraine is fighting against Russia is existential, similar to the struggle that our brother people in Finland fought during the Winter War.

We mean that it is our duty to support Ukraine in this fight, because it could have been us, Sweden, who were subjected to a similar attack and requested support from others. Like-minded states with historical ties help each other, and now it is actually not just that we assist Ukraine – Ukraine also assists us with its experience, its know-how and its knowledge and can actually share with us others in our preparations for increased resilience.

It is also becoming increasingly clear that the only type of diplomacy that Russia respects is military strength and deterrence. Therefore, it is crucial that the military support to Ukraine is not only maintained but also developed and strengthened.

Sweden has shown that we are a reliable partner who has stood by Ukraine's side since the beginning of the war without flinching. Several countries have launched different initiatives while we have continued to belong to the group that, considering our size, has contributed the most. The NB8 circle are so-called front runners in an international perspective.

Unlike the Left Party, we believe that the defense industrial cooperation with the USA is of continued great importance for both Ukraine's and Europe's security. When the American defense industry mobilizes, we know that it also delivers. The Armed Forces are able to distinguish between the daily technical work and the cooperation that occurs on a daily basis on one hand, and the unpredictability in the political leadership on the other. This is something that politics should and must also be able to handle.

Mr. Speaker! In the situation we find ourselves in, there is limited room for political posturing and symbolic politics, we believe. I nevertheless want to emphasize the obvious which I believe we can all here also agree on: It is Russia that has started the war in Ukraine, and it is Russia that at any moment can end the war by withdrawing from occupied Ukrainian territory. Until then, Sweden, the Sweden Democrats, and all of us across party lines will continue to work for a strong defense and sustained support for the people of Ukraine, for freedom and self-determination. Ukraine's cause is also our own.

I vote in favor of the committee's proposal in the report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Gustaf Göthberg (M)

Mr. Speaker! Today we are considering the government's communication regarding Sweden's military support to Ukraine. I would like to begin by moving for the approval of the committee's proposal in the report.

Since February 24, 2022, Ukraine has fought for its freedom, its independence, and its right to exist as a nation. But one is also fundamentally fighting for something greater than that: for the principle that a country's borders cannot be moved by force, for the principle that democracies must always have the right to choose their own path, and for the European security order that was built up after the Second World War and for which this country also has much to thank.

When the Ukrainian soldiers defend Kharkiv, Kherson or Mykolaiv, they are not only defending their cities – with weapons in hand, they are also defending European security, which, as we have said, we are so dependent on.

Mr. Speaker! The document reports the extensive military support that Sweden has provided since the invasion. We have contributed with materiel, training, ammunition, air defense, combat vehicles, financial support, political support, and defense industrial support. Our country has provided 21 military support packages amounting to 103 billion Swedish kronor. All parties in the Riksdag stand behind this support. It is a strength for Sweden, and it is a strength for Ukraine.

Stöden har utvecklats lite grann över tid, men den grundläggande insikten har varit densamma: Ukraina måste ges förutsättningar att vinna kriget och på så sätt säkra en rättvis och hållbar fred där Ukrainas naturliga plats i Europa också garanteras. Därför är Ukraina också den svenska regeringens viktigaste utrikespolitiska prioritering. Det handlar inte bara om blågul solidaritet utan i grunden även om svenska säkerhetsintressen. Support has evolved a little over time, but the fundamental insight has been the same: Ukraine must be given the conditions to win the war and in this way secure a just and sustainable peace where Ukraine's natural place in Europe is also guaranteed. Therefore, Ukraine is also the Swedish government's most important foreign policy priority. It is not just about blue-and-yellow solidarity but fundamentally also about Swedish security interests.

As Aron Emilsson said, we also learn. It has been noted that Ukraine's drones account for 85 percent of the Russian losses at the front lines, and that is something that Sweden and our allies in Nato learn a lot from. When I visited the Älvsborg Amphibious Regiment Amf 4 at home in Gothenburg a couple of weeks ago, it was precisely this message that was conveyed, that is to say, what the Swedish Armed Forces learn directly from the Ukrainian front.

Mr. Speaker! I am proud of my Finland-Swedish origin. As a little boy, during the summers, I heard my grandfather, who was born in 1926, tell me about how it was in the old days – about childhood mischief and about full-scale war.

He told how, from the school in Grankulla, he saw how it burned in Helsinki on November 30, 1939, the day Russia invaded Finland. He told about the village's shoemaker and his daughter, who did not manage to get out of the cottage up on the height when the Russian planes unleashed the fire. He told about how, as a little boy, he had to scout from a civil defense watchtower for the Russian bombers, which he described as wasps that could be heard from many kilometers away.

It has been said that the birds fell silent in Ukraine when the Russian bombers, missiles, and attack helicopters plowed through the country in the spring of 2022. So a testimony from the war may read, but alongside all other testimonies, we also know what Russia has been capable of in terms of evil, imperialism, and revanchism against its neighboring countries over the last hundred years. Finland and Ukraine remind us of that.

Mr. Speaker! Sometimes, not least last week when Zelenskyy visited Sweden, formulations are heard where we are thanked. Even Aron Emilsson described this from when he was in Kyiv. All of us who have been in Ukraine have met Ukrainians who really want to thank us. It always feels so strange to hear it. Yes, we have sent weapons, we have sent money and we have made decisions. But it is actually not exclusively Swedish soldiers who are sitting in the trenches, even if there are a few. It is not Swedish families who wake up every night from air raid sirens. It is not Swedish cities that are being bombed to pieces.

It is Ukraine that bears the heaviest burden. Therefore, it is not Ukraine that should thank us; it is we who need to thank Ukraine for also defending our freedom. Thank you, all Ukrainians – also those of you who have come to Sweden – for standing against a brutal aggressor with immense courage, even though many thought it would be over in a few days! The convoy that stopped north of Kyiv, the battles for Hostomel airport – I believe many remember where they were during those days in February 2022, when we did not know if it would work. Ukraine has, however, kept the capital free, and they have kept their country free as well as they could.

Mr. Speaker! It is also worth reminding ourselves how it looked here at home in Sweden during those days in 2022. When Sweden for the first time since the Winter War decided to send weapons to a country at war, there was one party that stood alone on the sidelines: Vänsterpartiet said no to sending armored vehicles to Ukraine. SVT reported at the time that the government had broad support for the arms deliveries but that Vänstern said no.

After massive criticism, led by Jonas Sjöstedt, the party was forced into an extra party board meeting and changed its line. It is naturally better to change one's mind than to stick to a bad decision, Mr. Speaker. But I also think it is important, not least in election times, to remind oneself of what conclusions different parties here in Sweden drew when the danger was near. Today we stand united behind Ukraine, and I believe there are few such great friends of Ukraine as the Left Party's foreign minister candidate Håkan Svenneling. I would like to give him that. But one must also remember how it has looked and what spinal reflexes were shown by certain parties.

Sweden has shown leadership. Sweden has sent advanced weapons systems, ammunition, and financial support. We have increased the level of ambition step by step as soon as the situation has required it. The government has also continued on that path, with clarity and determination. The latest decision, to proceed with the Gripen system, is another example that Sweden not only expresses its support for Ukraine but also delivers in words and actions. We will donate 16 Jas C/D, and Ukraine will purchase 20 Jas Gripen E. This provides a direct effect in the war for Ukraine's part.

Despite the historical twists and turns, we are, as said, in agreement. It is important for Ukraine that Sweden stands united – and it is important for Sweden that Sweden stands united – regarding the support for Ukraine. It is also important that we maintain both the European support and the transatlantic support.

Mr. Speaker! In conclusion: The Russian war continues, and people are being killed constantly. Volodymyr Zelenskyy went out yesterday and warned that the Russian bombing attacks against Ukraine, according to intelligence reports, will intensify in the coming days. Tens of thousands of children are constantly being deported to Russia.

At the same time, it is obvious that the outcome of the war will have consequences far beyond Ukraine's borders – also for us. If Russia succeeds, it will send the signal that aggression pays off. If Russia succeeds, Ukraine will be beyond help and rescue for the foreseeable future. It will not stop in Ukraine either, even if it is in Ukraine that we can stop Putin.

If Ukraine succeeds in defending its freedom, a different message is sent, namely that democratic nations can actually withstand, that international law actually means something, and that tyranny does not win. Therefore, we stand with Ukraine – not for days, weeks or months but until Ukraine wins. It is right, not only for Ukraine but fundamentally also for Swedish security. Ukraine's cause is ours.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! I had not planned to request a reply in this debate, even though it is somewhat of my favorite activity here in the Riksdag, but I could not help but request a reply to Gustaf Göthberg's speech.

I actually have nothing to object to in substance regarding the historical description of what happened during those days when the war began. I just think it is important to remember that it happened very quickly. On the same day or the day before, I myself was on the radio debating against military support. I did not really imagine that we would be standing here four years later and having decided on 22 military support packages. Above all, I did it based on the party program that Vänsterpartiet had at that time, and where it stated that we were against arms exports, especially to countries at war.

I think one should remember the time aspect and how quickly the first decision was made. It was good because it meant that Ukraine quickly received support, but it went a bit too fast for Vänsterpartiet to have time to make a turn. I was not in the Riksdag at that time, but in practice it was about 24 hours from the time the notification was received until one was to appear in the Riksdag, have a debate and make a decision. It is very fast. It is rarely that fast in politics.

We changed our minds quickly, however – the same week. It was a bit chaotic on my part as I was in the hospital after a collision, but the party still resolved that in a good way. I believe it is important to stick together. It was also my very clear message to the Prime Minister: I thought that people were allowed to criticize us for a year, and then I thought that people had to stop.

I think, however, that what is our strength, and what is our democracy, is that we now have a debate about our support for Ukraine where we discuss how we can strengthen it and what we can do better. That it is rather what constitutes political points, as Aron Emilsson touched upon earlier, actually makes us stronger as a country and in the support for Ukraine. We need to convince different voters, with slightly different arguments, as to why we should continue to support Ukraine.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Gustaf Göthberg (M)

Mr. Speaker! I agree.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! I am satisfied.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Emma Berginger (MP)

Mr. Speaker! For us in Miljöpartiet, it is clear that Sweden should contribute to Ukraine's struggle for self-determination and self-defense. Miljöpartiet supports that Sweden continues to help Ukraine with both weapons and humanitarian aid as well as with civil and economic support. We have stood behind all support packages to Ukraine that the government has presented.

I am very pleased that we have a broad consensus in the Swedish Riksdag in support of Ukraine. This is a brutal war. It is a violation of international law. Supporting Ukraine is important both so that Ukraine can defend itself against the illegal invasion and to stand up for international law. That we help Ukraine defend itself against the aggressor Putin is important for the security, democracy, and freedom of all of Europe. Whether Putin's crimes are allowed to pay off has a decisive significance for the view on international law. This is something that risks affecting many conflicts around the world. Therefore, the government must continue to work to ensure that the EU stays united in its support for Ukraine and put pressure on the USA to resume its support.

Miljöpartiet has on several occasions emphasized the importance of long-term perspective regarding the support for Ukraine. We want Sweden to support Ukraine both so that the war can be won and so that peace can be won and the country rebuilt when the war finally ends. Therefore, we welcomed the Ukraine framework that the government presented in the budget bill for 2025. It is, however, important that the framework is extended so that it does not have a final stop.

Persistence in the support for Ukraine is also an important political signal, not least to other allies and partners who contribute to Ukraine. In Sweden, there is always broad political support and a clear public opinion to support Ukraine, but unfortunately, this is not a given in other countries in Europe. It has now been more than four years since Russia's brutal full-scale invasion, and there is a risk that the focus will shift. Therefore, we need to constantly emphasize the importance of persistently and long-term supporting Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! Miljöpartiet wants Sweden to work for Europe to stay united in its support for Ukraine and to put pressure on the USA to contribute. Even though the conditions for getting President Trump to change his stance are poor, the signals to other parts of the American state apparatus and the population need to be clear. Support for Ukraine is important for both Ukraine's and Europe's security, and our common security also lies in the USA's interest.

We also mean that it is important for Europe to take increased responsibility for its own security and not rely on American support in the way it has done previously. At the same time, it is important to be aware that the dependencies that have been built up over a long period cannot be changed in a heartbeat. American capabilities and materiel will always be important for a long time, both for Europe and for Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker! Last week, the government presented support package 22, which means that Ukraine will get access to the Jas Gripen through a donation of up to 16 Gripen C/D and the sale of up to 20 Gripen E/F. I hope that "up to" is more of a formality. This will be an important addition to Ukraine's defense, and it is something that we from Miljöpartiet have also pointed out the need for on repeated occasions during these years. I am particularly happy to see that it is now becoming a reality.

The weapons systems are important, but I also want to highlight a part of the support that is sometimes perhaps a bit overlooked, namely our support for training efforts. In addition to training on the equipment that we donate, we also provide training within the framework of Eumam Ukraine, which stands for European Union Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine. We further contribute to the UK-led operation Operation Interflex, which provides basic military training to Ukrainian citizens, Operation Intercharge, Task Force Legio and mine clearance training in Lithuania.

In these trainings, personnel from the Armed Forces and the Home Guard meet Ukrainians and help them develop their ability to defend and survive. After the trainings, the Ukrainians return to high-risk positions at the front. It is tough to be the one who trains someone who is going to return to their position at the front and fight a war where the risk of dying is great. I want to extend a big thank you to everyone who, with time and commitment, contributes to this important task.

Mr. Speaker! The Left Party has in this matter motioned to prioritize the arms exports to Ukraine as well as to reduce the dependence on American war materiel. Even though these are well-intentioned approaches, I can, as stated in the report, observe that the defense companies in Sweden are privately owned, which makes it difficult to influence their production and direct the exports toward individual countries. Regarding American war materiel, the committee emphasizes that Europe needs to take a greater responsibility for its own security and that a strong European defense industry is important. At the same time, the support to Ukraine must be designed based on what is most expedient to meet Ukraine's needs.

In conclusion, Mr. Speaker: Even though the military support, which we are debating here today, is important, we must continue to scale up the efforts to stop the shadow fleet that contributes to Putin's financing of the war by making it possible for Russia to export oil and gas. By reducing the dependence on fossil energy, we reduce our vulnerability. It is important that we, in the long term and clearly, stand up for Ukraine's right to defend itself. Miljöpartiet is part of the broad consensus in the Swedish Riksdag.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anders Ekegren (L)

Mr. Speaker! Today we are going to discuss Sweden's military support to Ukraine. This is one of our most important matters in the Riksdag, even if it is not a traditional decision-making matter. The question is not only about Ukraine's security but also about Sweden's and all of Europe's security.

It is gratifying that Sweden, the other Nordic countries, and the Baltic countries are the largest donors to Ukraine, if one takes the countries' size into account. It appears from the report that Sweden has previously decided on 21 support packages amounting to 103 billion kronor. To this, it should be added that other parts of the public sector and civil society contribute money and aid in various ways. Recently, a 22nd package also arrived, which means that we are to give and sell Jasplan to Ukraine.

This must be put into perspective. The unfortunate and sometimes purely destructive dismantling of Swedish defense, especially in the 2000s, led to the fact that the strategically most important part of Sweden – Gotland – completely lacked defense. The Liberals therefore did not support the 2004 defense decision. Sweden must now support Ukraine while simultaneously building up its own defense. It has worked.

In 2014, Russia took Crimea and occupied parts of the four eastern regions of Ukraine. Russia was not satisfied with this and launched a full-scale intervention in February 2022. The war has since continued for over four years.

Ukraine has fought a heroic war, and now we are beginning to see a turning point. Russia is not as strong as many believe, rather the country has significant difficulties on all fronts. It is entirely possible for Ukraine to win the war. It is therefore important that Sweden continues to support Ukraine both militarily and civilly, especially considering that it is difficult to know what the USA wants. Trump is very unpredictable, as we all know.

Europe must therefore continue to upgrade both military and civil defense. Europe must work towards becoming more and more self-reliant in the long run. Sweden's purchase of French frigates is an example of this, and as I understand it, these frigates completely lack equipment from the USA.

Mr. Speaker! That Ukraine wins is not impossible. Russia's economy is roughly as large as Italy's or Spain's or the Nordic countries' combined, and Russia's defense and technical expertise are overrated. Ukraine, on the other hand, is successful in many areas, such as the manufacture of drones and other military weapons, and the latest Nato exercise showed that Ukraine has much to teach even the Nato countries' soldiers. In the long run, there are also great conditions for Sweden and Ukraine to jointly develop weapons systems.

It is extremely important that Europe continues to support Ukraine. Many are outraged by how many are being killed in Ukraine and by how much is being destroyed in the country. It is a fully natural indignation. Russia's war of aggression is aggressive and involves attacking the civilian population and infrastructure and civilian buildings such as housing, hospitals, schools, museums and churches. The list can be as long as one likes.

Mr. Speaker! There must be a good peace for Ukraine, otherwise Russia will return and make a new attempt to conquer the entire country. We must not believe otherwise. Russia considers that Russia, Belarus and Ukraine belong to the most important parts of the old Soviet Union. Russia also has greater ambitions than that. Already in Putin's historical speech in Munich on October 10, 2007, the West learned of Putin's military ambitions.

If Russia wins the war against Ukraine, it could lead to other countries that once belonged to Tsarist Russia or the Soviet Union being attacked, and then parts of Sweden could be important for Russia to control. We must put a stop to this, and we can do that by continuing to support Ukraine. Ukraine must get a good and sustainable peace.

Mr. Speaker! With this, I move for approval of the committee's proposal.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decision was to be taken on 3 June)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)