Ukraine

Aron Emilsson (SD)

Madam Speaker! Ukraine - that is the short heading of the report we are now to debate and later decide upon here in the chamber. I initially wish to move for the approval of the Foreign Affairs Committee's proposal in the report in its entirety.

The Committee has processed proposals from the motion period 2022 as well as current issues and has reached a unanimous position on Ukraine. The Committee continues to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine and emphasizes that the blame and responsibility lie entirely with Russia and its president Vladimir Putin.

The Committee also notes that massive violations are occurring in Ukraine, in violation of international law. Therefore, the Committee welcomes that the International Criminal Court has decided to issue an arrest warrant against Russia's president and also against the children's rights commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova. The arrest warrant concerns the suspected illegal deportation of children that is taking place.

The Committee believes that the ICC, together with other judicial bodies, will probably be able to issue further arrest warrants against the Russian leadership as more suspected crimes against international law in Ukraine are uncovered and can be investigated.

Russia's illegal, unprovoked, and violation of international law war in Ukraine is a watershed in Swedish foreign policy. How we act against Russia's war of aggression will determine the future of both ourselves, Ukraine, and Europe. We who are gathered here know that Russia's aggression against Ukraine began in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea, but the full-scale invasion that broke out on February 24 last year fundamentally changed the European security order.

Russia's war is not just a war against Ukraine but a war against the collective West and the rules-based world order. If Russia wins the war, the future could be like the time before 1945 when states could divide up the world and the great powers could attack neighboring states without any far-reaching consequences.

Sweden is a country that, just like Ukraine, lies in Russia's neighborhood. Russia wants, when it comes to Ukraine, to control the Swedish security policy choices. Therefore, it lies, not only for moral and solidarity reasons towards Ukraine, but also to the highest degree in Sweden's interest to support Ukraine in every conceivable way. For that, we need to strive for a Swedish policy with a spirit of consensus, but we also need to welcome and see the value of a debate and discussion on how we can most effectively and with the best tools support Ukraine. Support for Ukraine is also a way to build our own security.

Madam Speaker! It is important to note that the war unfortunately appears to be able to continue for a long time to come. It will probably take several years until we see a proper conclusion in all parts. It must be a freedom that Ukraine declares and a peace that is sustainable. The outcome will be decisive for how security in all of Europe will look.

A Russia that emerges victorious from the war can rebuild its military capacity and, from the new geographical position, constitute an even greater threat to Europe's democratic states. What we are now seeing in Russia is unfortunately not opposition activity but rather new generations being raised into Russia's self-perceived right to dominate and oppress other peoples.

We must take this seriously. Therefore, we need to design a policy that fully supports Ukraine and that takes into account a continued aggressive Russia. The committee points out in its considerations and conclusions a number of important areas.

On the grounds of the Sweden Democrats' motion, the committee has also taken the initiative to gather significant information regarding the conditions for recognizing Stalin's orchestrated mass famine in Ukraine 1932-33 as genocide. The information gathering has contributed to deepened knowledge of the Genocide Convention and its origin, application, and implementation. Likewise, state practice and current constitutional considerations have been clarified.

It has been important to show that the committee takes the issue seriously. State practice says that governments, rather than parliaments, generally speaking, make decisions to categorize events as genocide. At the same time, as appears from the committee's considerations, it is evident that parliaments and parliamentary assemblies, such as not least the European Parliament, have in recent times made decisions to recognize the mass famine holodomor as genocide.

The Sweden Democrats choose in this report to stand behind a well-elaborated and unanimous report where the strength of the committee's common view on Ukraine and Russia's unjust war of aggression is evident with all desirable clarity. We consider, which also appears from the committee's report, that the motion regarding genocide is partially satisfied. Today's situation is, however, as there is also consensus on, exceptional. Therefore, we will in the future closely monitor this issue and how the government acts.

I also want, from a Sweden Democrat perspective, to raise the question of Russia's place in the UN and the UN Security Council. I believe we have only seen the beginning of an important discussion on what it should look like. Can a country be suspended or completely excluded from the UN Security Council given that it has actually violated the UN Charter? It is also not legally unambiguous whether the country took over the Soviet Union's place in the UN Security Council at the beginning of the 1990s. Acting here could open up opportunities for the international community to act more decisively. I am convinced that this question will be discussed from more and more perspectives.

Madam Speaker! The Sweden Democrats have since before the war campaigned for the support for Ukraine to be expanded and for war materiel to also be exported to the country. It is now obvious to everyone in this chamber that so must happen. Unfortunately, it has not always been so. Before the outbreak of the war, we had a Foreign Minister who incorrectly claimed that it would not be possible based on the current regulatory framework. It has, however, not only been possible but completely necessary. And today we see a coalition of states that all contribute to the best of their ability.

Sweden contributes with weapons and humanitarian support. And in the United Kingdom, we train Ukrainian soldiers within the framework of the Interflex mission. In total, Sweden has contributed 4.2 billion in humanitarian and civil support since the invasion began. After the invasion, Sweden was able to contribute with weapons such as armored vehicles and other materiel such as protective equipment.

With the current government, the support has been increased. The contribution now includes advanced air defense systems, and decisions have been made that combat vehicles, artillery pieces, and tanks shall also be included.

Madam Speaker! It is important that crimes against international law are followed up and can be prosecuted. That work needs to continue regarding the war in Ukraine. The crimes against international law from the Russian side continue. We have seen executions of innocent people, not least in communities such as Butja. Most recently this week, further evidence has emerged in the form of video recordings of executions in violation of international law of prisoners of war that are said to have been committed by the Russian armed forces. These crimes need to be followed up. Sweden shall contribute to that work in every way.

Sweden has also taken the lead in the work of investigating how frozen Russian assets can be used for the reconstruction of Ukraine. The Ministry of Commerce is now leading the important work starting during Sweden's EU presidency.

Madam Speaker! It is a strength that the parties in the Riksdag are united regarding the support for Ukraine. And it is a strength that Sweden, under the current and previously, can contribute to Ukraine's defense. It is a task that will continue for a long time and which is a comprehensive, sustained support.

Ukraine's fight for freedom is also our fight for freedom, both today and tomorrow. It must be Ukraine that decides how the Russian aggression is fought. It is our duty to assist them in that endeavor.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Azra Muranovic (S)

Madam Speaker! When Russia's illegitimate and unprovoked large-scale invasion of Ukraine began on 24 February 2022, our entire world changed. The invasion was and is an attack against Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty, but it is also an attack against every country's right to choose its own direction for its own country.

Madam Speaker! Every sovereign state has the right to make independent security policy choices. Every sovereign state has a territorial integrity and a political independence. It is a pillar of the international legal framework. Therefore, Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine is an attack against Europe's security order and the peace that we have jointly, democratically and constructively built up since the Second World War. Russia has chosen to completely disregard that peace, and it has shown the whole world that Russia completely lacks respect for human rights, international law, and the international community.

There is no doubt that the Russian ambition is to build up Russia into a great power with control over parts of the former Soviet Union. Putin's goal was to divide Europe, but it failed as we in Europe united like never before around Ukraine's struggle. The EU was strengthened in its conviction that Ukraine must not fall and that the path to peace goes through victory for Ukraine.

Madam Speaker! Russia's illegal war in Ukraine has proven to be a brutal story that few thought would repeat itself on our continent. The large Russian military apparatus crushes cities under its weight, instilling terror in the civilian population through cluster bombings of civilians who have taken shelter, summary executions, systematic abuse, torture, rape, and the kidnapping of children. Often, the civilian population in occupied areas is detained for interrogation, which then ends in torture and executions. Filtration camps reminiscent of concentration camps have been established in several places where, from the Russian side, they want to purge nationalistic Ukrainians before they are allowed to flee further.

Two particularly serious war crimes are aimed at breaking Ukrainian society in the long term: systematic sexual violence and the kidnapping and indoctrination of children. These are cheap and long-lasting weapons with the goal of humiliating, demoralizing, and harming the opposing side and an entire people. These war crimes leave deep scars in the entire society and hinder healing, recovery, and the rebuilding of society after the war.

Through deliberate and systematic war crimes, mass atrocities, and crimes against humanity, Russia is now doing everything to force Ukraine into submission. Russia's approach belongs in the historical dustbin. Right now, Putin's war is killing Ukrainians but also the country's own countrymen who are sent to the front to be cannon fodder. It is shameful and unacceptable and must continue to be condemned in its strongest sense. The events in Butja, Chernihiv, Kyiv, Mariupol, Kharkiv and these cities' regions are just a few examples of the Russian brutality that lacks all respect for human rights, the laws of war, and international humanitarian laws.

Madam Speaker! Children are particularly affected by armed conflicts, even in Ukraine. To ensure that their needs and rights are met in accordance with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, all steps in both humanitarian response and reconstruction efforts need to be carried out with an integrated child rights perspective. In Ukraine, a needs analysis has been conducted regarding children's specific vulnerability and protection needs in the conflict.

The war in Ukraine constitutes a comprehensive and acute child rights crisis. Ukraine's 7.5 million children live under constant stress, pressure, and risk of being subjected to violence, including deadly violence, threats, and other violations of their human rights. An independent UN commission has reported that children as young as four years old are subjected to sexual and gender-based violence.

The International Criminal Court recently issued arrest warrants against Russian President Vladimir Putin and the children's rights commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova. The suspicions concern the forced displacement and deportation of children from occupied Ukrainian territory to Russia. The decision from the International Criminal Court is important, but efforts from more actors are needed to map the serious crimes affecting children in Ukraine, hold those responsible accountable, and in various ways support those who have been subjected to abuse.

It is important that the UN Human Rights Council continues to ensure a strong mandate for the independent commission on Ukraine. Another concrete step would be to, through the UN's work for children in armed conflicts, establish a special mechanism to monitor and report on serious crimes against children in Ukraine – a so-called monitoring and reporting mechanism. The UN's work to protect children in armed conflicts was something that the Social Democrats prioritized during the Swedish chairmanship in the Security Council. The International Criminal Court's arrest warrants against Putin and Lvova-Belova have also turned the world's eyes toward the vulnerability that children experience in war-torn Ukraine.

Madam Speaker! When we woke up to Russia's illegal and large-scale invasion of Ukraine, the social democratic government acted lightning-fast and clearly by supporting Ukraine humanitarily, militarily, and economically. I am pleased that the right-conservative government chooses to continue on that path, but Ukraine also needs reinforced psychosocial support to help people - especially children - with the deep traumatic scars that have been left in them. Sweden must be a strong voice and assist Ukraine long-term during the reconstruction process. This applies both materially and psychosocially.

Ukraine needs legal support to handle the prosecution and accountability for Russia's crimes of aggression against Ukraine. Sweden has, as mentioned, welcomed the International Criminal Court's arrest warrant against Putin and Ukraine's initiative to establish a special tribunal, but we also need to continue the long-term support to ensure accountability and prosecution because this will take a long time.

The government has welcomed the decision from the International Criminal Court and on several occasions raised the issue of accountability in connection with the conflict in Ukraine - but in the foreign policy declaration, a children's rights perspective is missing. It is conspicuous by its absence.

In all work for accountability, expertise in both children's rights and equality needs to be present. Special knowledge is required to investigate children's situation in conflicts in a way that takes into account children's rights and special needs. Children's gender identity can also affect the threats and risks they are exposed to. There is also a need for increased cooperation between different institutions working for accountability. Therefore, it is important to continue the support to the UN so that the UN is not scaled down and to recognize that the UN is actually the body that brings us together for discussion, cooperation, and collaboration and organizes our common work.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Stefan Olsson (M)

Madam Speaker! The Russian attack on Ukraine is unprovoked, unjust, and illegal. It is a great sorrow that the Ukrainian people are to be affected by war in this way. But a light in the darkness is that the Foreign Affairs Committee's report, which we are debating today, has been able to be presented in unity, with support from all parties in the Riksdag.

The war has rightly upset the Swedish people, who through their representatives in the Riksdag have risen as one - it is not often one can use that expression because we disagree on so many other political issues, but here it fits - to protest against the Russian war of aggression. The unity is total. All parties in the Riksdag condemn the war, condemn the Russian war crimes, and stand united behind Sweden's support for the Ukrainian people.

All this is important to say because we can assume that foreign intelligence services are following what we say here in the chamber to see if there is any small gap to exploit in order to weaken the credibility of our support for Ukraine. But it does not. We are united.

Sweden's support to Ukraine since the invasion last year has now reached more than 21 billion kronor. Of this, the military support consists of around 17 billion. The remaining part consists of support in the form of humanitarian aid, civil crisis management, and financial support to the Ukrainian treasury. Around 50,000 Ukrainian citizens are currently in Sweden as refugees.

Sweden acts actively within the EU and the UN in support of Ukraine and has been a driving force in securing maximally tough sanctions against Russia.

Sweden is also now working to ensure that we, after the war, obtain a comprehensive and solid legal process where those responsible for the many Russian war crimes can be prosecuted and convicted. Sweden has increased its funding to the International Criminal Court, ICC, and is providing both prosecutors and investigators. We are also working for a special war tribunal to be established for the crime of aggression itself, that is, the war of aggression. The ICC has no mandate to prosecute for such crimes, but it is obvious to everyone that Russia's attack on Ukraine is illegal. That responsible Russian politicians are brought to justice is therefore more than reasonable.

It is not only the Swedish state that is involved. Civil society organizations have in the same way been very active. Newly formed aid organizations have emerged to provide the Ukrainian army with medical supplies and trucks. Collections are being made to send diesel generators to provide the population with electricity where the Russian terror bombings have knocked out the power supply.

Everywhere one goes in our country, one can see Ukrainian flags. On the lapels of jackets, the Ukrainian flag is worn together with the Swedish flag. Sweden's support for Ukraine is thus compact and united.

For decision-making technical reasons, the Committee on Foreign Affairs proposes that the Riksdag reject the submitted motions, but this is done in agreement with reference to the fact that what is requested in the motions is already being implemented.

Madam Speaker! Let me now say a few words about the motion that the Sverigedemokraterna have submitted regarding the Soviet Union's staged mass famine that affected Ukraine during the years 1932 and 1933 and which bears the name holodomor. The Sverigedemokraterna have proposed that the Riksdag should request the government that Sweden should declare that holodomor shall be classified as a genocide. The Sverigedemokraterna's intention behind the motion is not difficult to understand and sympathize with. The forced mass famine has obvious similarities with the bombing campaign that Russia today subjects Ukraine to. Then they wanted the Ukrainians to starve, now they want them to freeze.

A symbolic stance from the Riksdag's side would in this way be a good manifestation of support for Ukraine. However, there are also other aspects to consider for a parliament when it comes to historical mass atrocities.

Legally speaking, genocide is a specific term defined by the UN Genocide Convention of 1948, and good legal practice dictates that one does not apply new laws to old crimes. We call this the principle of legality. Sweden is a constitutional state, and as such, it acts with the help of laws. The laws are the state's tools.

If we are to be the meticulous rule of law state that we want to be, we must have a legal order for how and when our parliament shall decide on how historical events shall be classified. We have no such order in our constitution, and we should not go in on a whim and make symbolic decisions that admittedly feel good but which do not have legally binding force.

Furthermore, we from the Riksdag should also be careful not to become part of the academic discussion that always takes place regarding historical events. The famine campaign that Josef Stalin subjected Ukraine to was not only intended for the Ukrainian population but also affected people, for example, in Kazakhstan.

The research surrounding the famine campaign is ongoing, and it is not a parliament's task to try to establish what has happened in the past. It is a task that is best performed in free forms where researchers and the public themselves choose the words that shall describe mass atrocities. Researchers need the freedom to add new facts and reinterpret sequences of events without feeling that the political power is standing and watching over their shoulders.

For the Moderates, we see that the Holodomor has all the characteristics that make it possible to speak of the event as a genocide in general terms. No serious actor denies its existence. Therefore, no political intervention is needed to demand that hidden facts be brought to light or that previously secret archives be opened. For legal and research reasons, we therefore believe that the Riksdag should refrain from a formal decision to classify the Holodomor as genocide.

Madam Speaker! No foreign policy issue is of greater importance for the world right now than Ukraine's survival as an independent nation, primarily for the sake of the Ukrainians themselves. In the same way as all other peoples, they deserve to live in peace and freedom. But it is also about the world at large and about Sweden. We must never again have a world order where the strong has the right to strike the weak simply because he is stronger.

I would like to thank the parties in the Riksdag for good cooperation and move for approval of the committee's proposal for a decision.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! The Russian invasion of Ukraine is unprovoked, illegal, and unjustifiable and stands in complete defiance of international law. The attack is a violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty and entails great human suffering for the Ukrainian people. The invasion means that we have a full-scale war in the middle of Europe. It challenges the European security order and places new demands on individual countries in Europe. Russia's aggression must not be tolerated; Ukraine must have the support of the world.

The Kremlin and Putin have for a long time ruled Russia in a direction that makes us today see a reactionary, conservative and patriarchal regime that oppresses oppositionists and human rights defenders as well as acts aggressively towards its neighboring countries and plays a destabilizing role in world politics. In Ukraine, this has practically occurred ever since independence in 1991. The full-scale war is an extension of the Russian imperialist idea of having power over the people of Ukraine. When corruption and influence of power did not work, war became the only tool for the Russian regime.

Something that has been significant and important for Ukraine is the Swedish consensus in the support for Ukraine. It also shows today's unified consideration regarding Ukraine. Regardless of elections and political winds, Sweden and Swedish politicians will be determined in a long-term support for the Ukrainian people. It concerns both military and civilian, humanitarian and financial support to the country to maintain welfare and the functions of society, create resilience, and contribute to military successes.

It is right to provide military support to Ukraine. It is about the Ukrainians' right to defend themselves against an imperialist power that wants otherwise.

When the Riksdag last year decided on an arms export to Ukraine, it was an extremely fast process. I have never witnessed anything similar here in this house. Vänsterpartiet was clear in our support for Ukraine. But we were initially hesitant to send armor plates. It was a wrong decision by us, but also a decision that we were prepared to reconsider, and since then we have stood behind all the eleven support packages that the Riksdag has decided on.

I believe there is a need for clearer security policy considerations before the Riksdag's likely future decisions on arms exports to Ukraine. I am not convinced that the order we have today is good, where the decisions are seen to a very large extent as economic issues linked to the budget rather than security issues. Reasonably, we in the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Defence should express ourselves to the Committee on Finance before the Riksdag makes decisions on more support packages.

I also want to take the opportunity to praise the Moderate Defense Minister Pål Jonson for his answer and clarity regarding the importance of Swedish defense. Some parties seem to be conducting some kind of lobbying for, for example, the Swedish Jas plane. Swedish security must be in the first place. Russia's military capacity may be reduced, but in the air and at sea it is still in good condition and thereby continues to be a threat to Sweden and our neighboring countries that we must be able to avert.

We must be clear in our communication, both towards Russia and towards the rest of the world, that Sweden is not a party to the war and does not intend to be, and that the war is most simply ended if Russia decides to withdraw its military from Ukrainian territory. It would be the right decision for Putin to make.

It is clear that women and children are particularly vulnerable to the war. Around 7 million people are internal refugees in the country, and even more have crossed the border. Of those who are fleeing, according to UNHCR, as many as 90 percent are lone women and children. Systematic rapes have been used as a method to exert violence and oppression against the occupied areas, this together with the abduction of children. Many stories that have been heard, ranging from forced "summer camps" to the clearing of orphanages, demonstrate the systematic nature of Russia's abduction of children. It is therefore welcome that the International Criminal Court, ICC, has issued an arrest warrant against the Russian children's rights commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova together with Vladimir Putin. One day the war criminals will be judged.

Madam Speaker! Moving forward, it is important to have a clear international dialogue with our partners regarding the support for Ukraine and its scope, as around the world it is beginning to grate about the extent of the support and who should pay. If Trump, God forbid, were to come to sit in the White House again, the American support could quickly collapse, just as happened in many other places in the world during his last presidency.

One day there will be peace. We do not know when and how, but peace will always come. We Swedish politicians also need to take the debate on peace and on what terms the peace should be negotiated. It must be Ukraine and the Ukrainian people who decide when and how they negotiate with their aggressor Russia. It is Ukraine that has been attacked. It is therefore they who should decide the terms for peace, not European politicians. Therefore, we must take the discussion with our political colleagues around Europe. We must participate in meetings that may not always have perfect agendas and explain why they should listen to Ukraine and its people's needs and desires, even when it may involve consequences in their own country, such as increased prices, inflation, and the like.

It is important that we also distribute the costs of the consequences of war fairly. It is not reasonable that arms dealers earn a fortune while ordinary people cannot afford food and rent. Governments around the world must pursue a redistributive policy, so that the consensus in support for Ukraine remains.

We also need a strong and active dialogue with Ukraine. Even though the country is in an extremely difficult and tough position, we must convey substantive, correct, and clear criticism in the dialogue. It is about doing this for the country's best interests and for the country's ambitions for EU membership. It does not mean weaker support, but care for the Ukrainian people.

Madam Speaker! The report also touches upon the question of whether a genocide during the 1930s would be recognized by the Riksdag. I think the committee has reached a very wise conclusion where we state that it is not the Riksdag's business to decide on the question of whether it is a genocide or not. It is research, academia, and courts that define the grounds for genocide. What we in the Riksdag can state is that Stalin's terror was cruel and ruthless. His policy created mass famine and death, especially for the landowning peasants in Kazakhstan, the Kuban Province, and Ukraine. We will never forget that cruelty, but will remember and draw attention to it.

I will also remember President Zelenskyy's speech in this chamber. He is one of the few foreign representatives who has been allowed to speak here. He reminded me then of the common colors in the flags of Sweden and Ukraine. Both are blue and yellow.

With that, I move for the proposal in this historically unanimous report to be approved.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Madam Speaker! I was at Maidan 2014 and experienced how people stood up for the opportunity to decide for themselves and how they pushed the demand to retain their independence. I have monitored elections after this, when the Ukrainians went to free elections despite being in a war where parts of the territory had been occupied. People have fought for a long time in Ukraine for their independence and for their right to choose their president and their path in life. It was mentioned that President Zelenskyy has spoken here in the chamber. I think there are reasons to remind that he won an election after two rounds with a very clear majority, 73 percent.

Madam Speaker! When I visited the eastern parts of Ukraine, I met people who stood up with pride and said: We have made democracy real. We have gone and voted. Despite what you see around us, we have spoken our minds. One had hope. Hope is, of course, something that it is important to feel in Ukraine - hope for a better future, hope for one's nation, hope for one's country.

Ukraine, an independent democracy, a state that is a member of the UN, OSCE, the Council of Europe and a long line of other organizations, has been hit by Russia's brutal war, which has been ongoing openly and clearly since 2014. It is a war against Ukraine but at the same time a war against the global world order, against the European security order and against us and our way of life.

This becomes clear when one now hears the Kremlin speak of peace and peace talks. Then it is not about Ukraine, but about the global world order. It is, of course, something that we must remember. Ukraine is fighting a war for our sake, for Europe's sake, but also for so many people around the world who are subjected to oppression by authoritarian leaders.

It is important that we see what is happening in Ukraine. The Russian colonial war that is ongoing clearly hits civilian targets. Preschools, theaters, hospitals, schools, apartment buildings - nothing is impossible to erase. What was seen in Grozny when Putin ravaged and crushed the city, we now see in Ukrainian cities and villages. These are war crimes that must be investigated. Alongside the information that the committee mentioned has gathered regarding the issues of genocide, we have also delved deeper into the issues of war crimes, which is also interesting. Sweden contributes to gathering evidence, because it is important that war criminals do not go free. They must face their punishment.

That is why it is good that the ICC has started by having two identified criminals when it comes to the abducted children. But it is important that it proceeds and that we ensure that The Hague has more to do regarding the crimes that were committed.

What happened in the 30s has been referred to as the Holodomor, the mass famine in Ukraine. It was something that one was not allowed to speak about. Evidence could not be collected because it was destroyed by the Soviet authorities and those subordinate to them.

It was a reality that made people in Ukraine hardly know about this when new generations came. It was heard from the elderly. That was the way the stories were passed on. There was a ban on speaking about it for a long time under Soviet rule.

Therefore, it is important that we raise those questions, spread knowledge, and ensure that we have a debate about this. History does not repeat itself. But there are still reasons to ensure that history is not forgotten, but rather that we have opportunities to learn from it.

The famine, the Holodomor, which happened 90 years ago, hit the Ukrainian people extremely hard. It also naturally meant that Stalin's rule had the opportunity to then take control of the resources that Ukraine possesses. In the same way, it is wanted today from the Kremlin.

When we now enter the committee, it is important that we have a common understanding and that we emphasize that we are united in our view on Ukraine in the committee. The Chamber is united. We have, during these months, just over a year, delivered eleven support packages from Sweden. We will do more. That is something we are also united on.

We see that Ukraine must win the war and peace for democracy, freedom and hope for people living under oppression. Sweden and the EU must continue to assist Ukraine. It is important in all areas to ensure that their fight is not in vain.

From the Center Party's side, we have had a motion where we demand increased appropriations and that we should be more forward-looking. We would also like to mark here that we do not need to be last in line. We can be earlier out.

We have, from our side, highlighted a number of things. This concerns, for example, being able to train combat pilots so that one is prepared if there were to be a later stance taken. In the same way, one could have trained for tanks and other things. That could have made it possible to act faster.

There are reasons for everyone to be able to see how we could be more forward-looking. We also have reasons to highlight the special tribunal that must be established to handle the crime of aggression, something that the ICC does not have the mandate to do.

We also hope that we will be able to manage the reconstruction with the support of the frozen Russian assets. I would like to thank my colleagues from all political groups for jointly inviting to a seminar on that theme next week in the Chamber of the House of Commons on April 19.

Madam Speaker! There is a unanimous statement. We may say that we stand as one for the joint statement, even though we also have a separate statement.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! Ukraine's war is ours. Those words have much more significance than one might think. Not in 70 years has a conflict been so significant for Sweden. What we do and which side we stand on will be decisive for which values and what message we convey.

On one side stands oppression, autocracy and violence. On the other side stand democracy, human rights and freedom. There is a clear consensus among the parties in the Riksdag about which side we want to stand on. It shows that even in tough times, Swedes stand on the side of freedom and democracy. I want to thank all colleagues in the committee for that.

Our support will continue. We will not stop supporting Ukraine until Russia has left Donetsk, Luhansk and Crimea. For Ukraine to be able to drive Russia out of its territory, the Ukrainian army needs ammunition and heavy weapons.

The government has already announced that Sweden is sending the Archer artillery system, anti-tank missiles, Leopard tanks, and grenade launchers, among others.

We also provide humanitarian aid. A large part of the aid will now also go towards helping the Ukrainian population. After the war ends, we will also be involved in helping to rebuild Ukrainian society.

Madam Speaker! European unity is crucial for Ukraine, and it is also in the interest of Sweden and Europe to continue to support Ukraine. Putin's ambitions do not stop at Ukraine's borders. The Kremlin remains firm in its plans to station nuclear weapons in Belarus. Russia's aggressive intentions are crystal clear. These actions give more significance to the words that Ukraine's cause is our cause.

We must also look forward. Ukraine has a possible bright future. The country is now a candidate to become a member state of the EU. The path to the EU is neither fast nor easy. It will likely take time before Ukraine has achieved all the criteria required to become a member.

But we will help and assist them on the way. Even now, in the middle of the war, Zelenskyy has made great progress to ensure that steps are taken on the way, not least with the fight against corruption. I am fully convinced that when the war is over, Ukrainians will be given the opportunity to live in a free, democratic and European country.

Madam Speaker! The war that is now ongoing in Ukraine is heinous, and innocent people are being affected. Mothers and children are being killed by Russian soldiers and buried in unmarked graves. Putin is responsible for these crimes against the Ukrainian population and must be held accountable for his actions.

That an arrest warrant has now been issued by the International Criminal Court is therefore good, and it has been long-awaited. Putin is not only guilty of ordering the death of Ukrainian citizens but also of using his own countrymen as cannon fodder for his territorial ambitions.

Even in the UN, the EU and Sweden must continue the work for a global unity in the condemnation of the invasion. More countries must stand up against Putin, which is why we also need to talk with countries with which we otherwise have an active cooperation. This applies, for example, to countries in Africa and Asia but also in other places. I want to mention that we have most recently seen how Brazil has voted in the UN votes.

The Russian aggression must be stopped. The Ukrainians must get back their lives, their homes and their freedom. Ukraine has our full support, and it will have it until it has won the war. From the Swedish side, we will continue to stand united.

Madam Speaker! With this, I move for the approval of the committee's proposal in the report UU14 Ukraine.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! It has now been more than a year since Russia's violation of international law and invasion of Ukraine. Thousands of lives have been lost, families have been torn apart, and millions of people have been forced to flee, both within Ukraine and to the rest of Europe. Infrastructure and buildings have been bombed to pieces, and Putin's army has indiscriminately attacked civilian targets, including schools and hospitals.

It is often said that truth is the first casualty of war, but that is no longer the case. In today's interconnected society, with a camera in every man's mobile phone, the horrors of war and the war crimes that Putin and his puppets commit are being documented. They will be held accountable. The only question is how soon.

No, a war's first victim is no longer the truth. Nor is it solely all those hundreds of thousands killed and injured. It is the invisible values that are sacrificed first - equality, freedom of speech, human freedoms and rights, culture, everything that upholds democracy, everything that is the core and heart of society.

Madam Speaker! When we talk about the support for Ukraine, we have almost exclusively talked about the military support. What kind of armored plating should we send? Which tanks? Are we prepared to send Swedish Jas planes? These questions are, of course, very important and can be decisive for how soon we can see an end to the war. But today I also want to highlight the other support, the support that does not make headlines but which is quite important for maintaining Ukrainian society and its resilience.

When the war is over one day, we want to see a Ukraine that quickly stands on its own feet, that is quickly rebuilt both economically and structurally, and that is well on its way to becoming a member of the EU. The journey there is long, but the more we invest now in upholding democratic institutions and freedom of the press and expression, working against corruption and supporting democracy advocates and cultural workers, the faster and simpler the journey will be.

Madam Speaker! This weekend, Mustafa Can wrote a moving article in Svenska Dagbladet about the Ukrainian rock star and author Serhij Zjadan, who has now become something of a national hero. Zjadan argues that the Russian invasion is also a culture war: In addition to civilians, maternity clinics, hospitals, ambulances, and schools, the Russian army also attacks churches, theaters, galleries, museums, libraries, and historical monuments. The goal: to erase everything that has shaped and continues to shape Ukrainians into who they are.

I quote from the article: "When a war breaks out, 'time runs out'. The future extends only as far as the next morning. Every breath is taken with effort. With terror and death as the everyday backdrop, language is shattered."

Madam Speaker! Russia seeks with precision and with ideological drive to erase Ukraine, as a country and as a culture. Theaters, museums and monuments have not only happened to be destroyed but have been direct targets of Russia's aggression.

Culture and freedom of speech have a strong and important role for our societies and for our thoughts. During the ongoing invasion, culture, the word, song, and storytelling contribute to strength and community. Therefore, it is not surprising that Russia does what it can to diminish and destroy Ukrainian culture.

That is also why it is so important that we already now begin to plan for the reconstruction of Ukraine's cultural life and cultural heritage, while at the same time we need to continue to support the artists, authors, and free cultural creators who continue to work - both those who are in flight here in Sweden and those who remain in Ukraine. We must support free speech in the form of free media in Ukraine, we must support democratic institutions and we must support Ukrainian culture.

Madam Speaker! We need to have more powerful sanctions against Russia. But that is not enough. We must also stop the fossil dependency and stop the import of Russian gas and Russian uranium to Europe. At the same time as we have increased the sanctions against Russia, Europe's fossil dependency is fueling the war in Ukraine, and Sweden continues to import Russian gas - this less than a year after the Riksdag voted to stop the import of Russian oil and gas. It is money that goes straight into Putin's war chest. It is unacceptable. We cannot with one hand impose sanctions and with the other hand support Putin by continuing to contribute to his war chest.

It is now also showing in these days that Hungary has secured new gas deliveries from Russia. It is both very upsetting and remarkable. It is surprisingly quiet from the government's side on this issue. Sweden needs, as the chair of the EU, to do much more to drive this issue. The import of oil, gas, and nuclear fuel from Russia must cease now!

With that, I move for approval of the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Martin Melin (L)

Madam Speaker! A great deal about Ukraine has already been said here today, and I simply want to agree with what many of the previous speakers have said.

We here in the Swedish Riksdag strongly condemn Russia's heinous invasion and war of aggression against Ukraine. Today, there is no party that does not stand behind a strong condemnation. The attack is a violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty. It is a crime against international law and is condemned by both the UN and the EU.

The Ukrainian soldiers fight today in trenches to defend their country, to defend their families and to defend their children's future. They fight for their survival.

But in the hands of the Ukrainian soldiers also lies Europe's freedom and Sweden's freedom. We have a war of aggression in Europe with a Russia that indiscriminately bombs villages and cities to pieces. We see how the civilian population is hit hard and forced to flee when the bombs come and the shots ring out. We see how civilians are executed and mutilated. We receive reports that women and girls are severely affected by sexual violence in the conflict, and it is important that rapes are documented as war crimes and investigated. We see families torn apart, either through flight or through death.

A systematic attack against the Ukrainian identity is taking place in the form of abuses against children and parents, as a loathsome, deliberate pattern of kidnappings of Ukrainian children is occurring from Ukrainian territory to Russian territory. Putin wants to erase the Ukrainian identity in this way.

And this is happening now, today. When we Swedes begin to wake up and welcome the spring, when we see the light and begin to plan for cozy afternoons at the outdoor cafes, when the cherry trees in Kungsträdgården bloom - then, at the same time, families with children are being bombed on their way home in Ukraine. People are being shot and murdered in Ukraine, and we must never turn a blind eye to that, while we sit here.

Madam Speaker! The soldiers in Ukraine are also fighting for us. We are all well aware that if Ukraine falls, it could mean that other countries also fall.

In Putin's world, it is he who decides, and he wants to see a new, large, Russian-led union. He simply wants to change the world order.

When Putin planned to invade Ukraine, he thought it would be an easy match. He believed that the "clown," as he calls Zelenskyy, would not be able to withstand it, that he could easily be replaced by a more pro-Russian puppet. Putin also misjudged the Russian people, whom he believed would welcome a Russian takeover.

It did not turn out as Putin thought. Instead, Zelenskyy emerged as a strong popular leader and won over the Ukrainian people, who went out of their houses, armed themselves, and took up the fight against the Russians.

And they have done well. They have managed to defend the capital, and they have managed to regain control over several of the areas that Russian troops took over early in the invasion.

The Ukrainian people are not backing down. But they need help - humanitarily, economically and militarily - and they shall receive it. I am happy and proud that Sweden's government is generous with contributions to our brothers and sisters in Ukraine and that there is broad support for it here in the chamber as well.

Putin also misjudged the EU. He wanted to see a weaker EU, but he got a stronger and even more united EU. Cooperation was supposed to be hindered, but instead, it has been accelerated. Putin also wanted to see a weaker Nato, but instead, he got a stronger Nato with more member countries.

I hope that this unity holds, because this war will continue for a long time. There are clear indications that Russia has now settled on a multi-year conflict. Therefore, we should seriously discuss how the EU countries and our partners should design a more systematic, long-term and multi-year plan for strong European support, both economically and militarily.

What Putin wants is for us in the West to grow weary and gradually begin to abandon Ukraine. But that must never happen. We must show the Ukrainian people that we stand behind them all the way to victory.

Madam Speaker! The reconstruction of Ukraine is already underway, and it is happening financially with state grants, through aid and with loans. It is also happening with the help of voluntary efforts, and I would like to give them some attention here.

I met Johan, who works with the organization Operation Aid, which, moreover, received a public thank you from the Minister of Defence last week. Just days after the invasion, he began his work by finding volunteers who could help with receiving refugees from Ukraine here in Sweden. He ensured that everything was organized, from the reception at the Polish border to housing here in Sweden. In the weeks after the invasion, Johan and the others in the organization worked around the clock. They did a great job, and all of this was funded by voluntary donations – donations from the Swedish people.

Operation Aid's work in Ukraine has continued since then. Deep inside Ukraine, near the front, they distribute everything from water to food parcels, building materials, and toys for the children. They encounter bombed-out homes and shattered families, and they do so at risk to their own lives.

To all the volunteers who work so that the people in Ukraine can have a better and more bearable life: Thank you so very much! You are heroes!

We Liberals believe in the European cooperation's ability to bind people and countries together. When parties in this chamber begin planning for next year's elections to the European Parliament, we must not lose focus on Ukraine's membership application. The Liberals welcome that the committee sees a position to consider Ukraine as a candidate country to the EU as an "unwavering support for the country's right to independently and without interference make its foreign policy choices."

We Liberals also stand behind the decision to let the International Criminal Court start an investigation regarding war crimes. It sends signals to the Russian leaders, both politicians and military personnel. The initiative from the ICC to, in addition to Putin, also issue an arrest warrant against Russia's commissioner for children's rights, Maria Lvova-Belova, is particularly welcome as she is responsible for the systematic kidnappings, which I mentioned earlier.

Ukraine

No one guilty shall get away, but those who have been responsible shall be held accountable. It is we who owe a debt to the Ukrainian people.

(Applause)

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 8.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)