Activities in the European Union during 2025

Rasmus Giertz (SD)

Madam Speaker! Today we are debating the Committee on Foreign Affairs' report, Activities in the European Union during 2025. It is a broad document that reflects a year largely characterized by the serious security situation in our neighborhood: Russia's continued war of aggression against Ukraine, an unstable Middle East, increased hybrid threats, economic uncertainty, and increasing geopolitical competition.

For the Sweden Democrats, EU cooperation is important, but it must be a cooperation between independent member states. The EU should be strong where the EU provides real benefit, for example in the support for Ukraine, in the sanctions against Russia, in the work for Europe's security, in free trade, in the protection of the internal market and in the defense of the rules-based world order.

The EU must not develop in a direction towards a centralized federation so that more and more decisions are moved from the member states and their elected parliaments. Strong European cooperation requires respect for national sovereignty, subsidiarity, and the legitimate interests of the member states.

It is against this background that the Sweden Democrats have submitted a special statement on the report. We largely share the committee's assessment but wish to clarify two fundamentally important starting points: the view on decision-making within the common foreign and security policy and the importance of a responsible and merit-based expansion.

Madam Speaker! When it comes to the overarching issues, we share the committee's assessment that the EU's expansion is a geostrategic issue. It is evident that Europe's security is affected by the developments in Ukraine, Moldova, and parts of the Western Balkans. That these countries approach the EU can contribute to stability, reforms, and increased resilience against Russian and other authoritarian influence. But precisely for that reason, the process must be credible.

The Sweden Democrats want to emphasize the importance of a responsible and merit-based expansion. Candidate countries must fulfill the Copenhagen criteria, including the requirements for stable democratic institutions, the principles of the rule of law, human rights, a functioning market economy, and an ability to fulfill the obligations of membership.

The EU shall help the candidate countries in their reform work, but membership can never become a symbolic act or a shortcut. It must be built on actual, tangible, and irreversible progress. The EU must not let geopolitical pressure replace actual reforms.

Madam Speaker! Another overarching issue concerns the EU budget. The Sweden Democrats view positively that the government is pursuing the line of a more restrained and prioritized EU budget. EU funds should be used where they provide real benefit. Security, competitiveness, support for Ukraine, and measures with a clear European added value should be prioritized over constantly growing budget frameworks and new areas of expenditure.

For Sweden, it is also central to safeguard a reasonable Swedish fee. Swedish taxpayers must feel confidence that EU resources are used responsibly and effectively.

Madam Speaker! When it comes to foreign policy, the committee notes that the rules-based world order is being challenged. We see this every day in Ukraine. Russia's full-scale invasion is not only an attack on Ukraine but an attack on the entire security order of Europe and on the principle that borders may not be changed by force.

The EU must therefore continue to be a strong and persistent actor in support of Ukraine. This applies militarily, economically, humanitarily and politically. Sweden's line shall be clear: more support for Ukraine and increased pressure on Russia.

At the same time, the EU's security policy work needs to be strengthened in the right way. Europe must take greater responsibility for its own security, build up its defense industrial base, and increase its defense capability. But this work must be member-state-driven and proceed from NATO as the basis for Europe's collective defense. The EU shall complement NATO, not compete with NATO.

It is also here that the question of the EU's decision-making becomes important. The committee notes that the effectiveness of the common foreign and security policy during 2025 has been challenged by increased difficulties in finding consensus and that more decisions have been hindered by individual member states. It is a real problem. In a time of war, hybrid threats, and authoritarian power politics, the EU needs to be able to act quickly and unitedly.

For the Sweden Democrats, the conclusion is not that one should proceed with permanent interventions in the EU's decision-making order. Foreign and security policy concerns the core of the member states' sovereignty, national security, strategic interests, military considerations, and relations with the rest of the world. Therefore, the Sweden Democrats believe that the requirement for unanimity shall continue to be maintained in those parts of the common foreign and security policy where the member states' national influence and security policy interests are particularly affected.

This does not mean that we turn a blind eye to the problems or accept that individual member states abuse their influence. But problems that ultimately stem from a government's actions should not, without strong reasons, be met with permanent changes to the EU's decision-making order. Before the balance between the union and the member states is changed, other possible measures should be tested.

Madam Speaker! Sanctions are one of the EU's most important tools for exerting pressure on states, actors, and individuals who violate international law, undermine international security, or commit serious abuses. The Sweden Democrats welcome that the government is working to increase the pressure on Russia, among other things through more effective measures against the Russian shadow fleet and its facilitators and against sanctions evasion. It is crucial that it is not only decided on sanctions but that these are also complied with. Russia must not be able to finance its war through loopholes, intermediaries, or shadow structures.

The Sweden Democrats also view positively that sanctions are used against persons and actors who bear responsibility for serious human rights violations. At the same time, it is important that sanctions are well-considered, legally sound, proportionate and effective.

When it comes to the Middle East, the EU should be able to support efforts for a lasting peace and at the same time use restrictive measures where it is justified. The Sweden Democrats welcome the work on targeted sanctions against extremist settlers on the West Bank. It is important that the EU maintains pressure on all parties to respect international law.

Madam Speaker! Common trade policy is an area where the EU is of great importance for Sweden. Sweden is an export-dependent country. Our prosperity, our companies, and many Swedish jobs are built on open, rule-based, and fair trade. Sverigedemokraterna views an offensive free trade agenda positively, which opens markets for Swedish companies and strengthens Europe's competitiveness.

At the same time, EU trade policy must take into account security, vulnerabilities, and strategic dependencies. We must not be naive towards authoritarian states that use trade, investments, energy, or technology as geopolitical tools. EU trade agreements shall contribute to economic growth and better conditions for Swedish and European companies. Trade policy shall strengthen Europe, not make us more dependent on regimes that do not share our values or security interests.

Madam Speaker! When it comes to the EU's bilateral and regional relations, the report shows the breadth of the union's foreign policy engagement.

Ukraine is the most acute issue for Europe's security. The EU must continue to contribute so that Ukraine can defend itself, maintain its public administration, and stand strong in every future negotiating position. A peace cannot be built on the attacker being rewarded. A peace must be just, lasting, and anchored in international law.

In relation to Russia and Belarus, the EU also needs to continue to support democratic forces, independent media and civil society. This is important both for the people in these countries and for Europe's security.

When it comes to Israel and Palestine, the EU needs to work towards concrete steps towards a lasting peace and a credible process. Hamas cannot be given a future role in the governance of Gaza, and civilians must be protected. Humanitarian aid must get through. At the same time, extremist settlers and settler violence that undermine the possibilities for a lasting peace must be countered.

Madam Speaker! In summary, this report shows that EU cooperation during 2025 was characterized by major, serious issues: war in Europe, a deteriorated security situation, increased geopolitical tensions, and a need for strengthened competitiveness and a more cohesive foreign policy.

The Sweden Democrats' starting point is clear: the EU should be strong where the EU is needed – when it comes to support for Ukraine, the sanctions against Russia, the work for Europe's security, the protection of the internal market, and the defense of the rules-based world order. But the EU must also respect the member states' self-determination and the principle that decisions should be made as close to the citizens as possible. This balance, which characterizes the Sweden Democrats' view on the EU, implies strong European cooperation where it is needed but not an EU that step by step takes over more of the member states' national decision-making power.

With this, Madam Speaker, I move for approval of the committee's proposal in the report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Matilda Ernkrans (S)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, the member, for the speech! It is still interesting to listen to the Sweden Democrats – a party that doesn't really believe that we should cooperate with other countries and who probably don't even think that we should sit there around the table in the EU. The member also said that decisions should be made as close to the people affected as possible, and I agree with that.

The Chairman also pointed out that the Sweden Democrats believe that more work should have been done with the sanctions against Russia. In that case, I would like to ask a question. Sweden still stands out as one of the few EU countries where not a single indictment has been filed for violations of the sanction regulations, despite the fact that we have had sanction systems in place. What is the reason for this?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Rasmus Giertz (SD)

Madam Speaker! Initially, claims were made that the Sweden Democrats do not believe in cooperation with other countries. I dismiss this as nonsense, as it has no connection to reality whatsoever. The Sweden Democrats believe in cooperation on equal terms between different countries and in intergovernmental cooperation.

When it comes to sanctions and prosecutions regarding sanctions, the Sweden Democrats are the party that most clearly in the Swedish Riksdag has pushed for increased sanctions and increased pressure on Russia. When it comes to what Matilda Ernkrans describes, that no prosecution has been initiated even though in many cases there are strong reasons to do so, it is the courts that make the decisions on prosecutions. It is not we politicians here in the Swedish Riksdag who make those decisions.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Matilda Ernkrans (S)

Madam Speaker! That was not an answer to my question. Sweden is one of the few EU countries where not a single indictment has been filed for violations of the sanctions regulations, despite the fact that we have had sanctions systems in place.

There are many things a government could do to speed up that work. One could gather authorities, the business sector, and the transport sector to intensify the work of closing the gaps and ensuring that circumventions of the sanctions against Russia are detected earlier, prevented more often, and punished more severely. Here, Sweden can do more and has its own autonomy. My question therefore remains: Why has Sweden not done this?

I want to add a second question. When this parliamentary term began, we were told that the Sweden Democrats would not participate in the government's decisions regarding EU work. It only emerged a few weeks later that this was not true; the Sweden Democrats are to a very high degree a part of the government's EU work. In the member's opinion, what have been the Sweden Democrats' clearest reins and leashes towards the Swedish government when it comes to the EU cooperation?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Rasmus Giertz (SD)

Madam Speaker! I agree with what Matilda Ernkrans says about the importance of the crimes against international law committed by Russia leading to indictments and convictions.

Then Matilda Ernkrans will speak about what the government has done in this issue and what a government could do. Now, the Sweden Democrats themselves are not in the government, but we have a close cooperation with the government. Now we also have the EU Minister on site today. Questions about what the government is doing are well suited to be asked to the government's representative here.

Matilda Ernkrans also asks about the Sweden Democrats' cooperation with the government regarding the EU. But what the government and the Sweden Democrats discuss in the meetings we have with each other is nothing I intend to tell Matilda Ernkrans in this debate. But it is clear that we have a cooperation and speak with each other even when it concerns foreign policy and EU issues. Anything else would be very strange.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Matilda Ernkrans (S)

Madam Speaker! Europe stands in a time that will characterize our continent for a long time to come. The war in Ukraine continues. Geopolitical competition is hardening. Democracies are challenged by authoritarian forces. At the same time, the green and digital technological development is underway, which will determine the future's jobs, investments, and prosperity.

In such a situation, Sweden needs to be a strong and active force in European cooperation. The European Union is not an end in itself but a tool to create safety, security, jobs, and faith in the future for people in Sweden and in Europe.

That is why we need an EU that can act when security is threatened, that can stand up for democracy when it is challenged, and that can invest in future competitiveness when other parts of the world are running faster.

There is also strong support for European cooperation among the Swedish people. SOM-institutet's measurements show that support for EU membership is now higher than it has been in many years.

When war rages in our immediate vicinity, when trade conflicts threaten our economy and when organized crime operates across national borders, more and more people see that Swedish interests are best defended together with other European countries.

But it also places high demands on Sweden's leadership in Europe. We need to be a country that builds alliances, pushes for solutions and takes initiative when Europe's future is at stake.

Madam Speaker! The greatest and most urgent task is Europe's security. Russia's brutal war of aggression against Ukraine continues. Every day, Ukrainians are not only defending their own country. They are also defending the European peace order. They are defending democracy against dictatorship and freedom against oppression. Therefore, Europe's support for Ukraine must continue for as long as is required.

We Social Democrats want to see stronger European security cooperation. We want to strengthen Europe's defense capability. We want to strengthen our resilience against cyberattacks, disinformation and hybrid threats.

We must also be honest about the fact that the sanctions against Russia still have shortcomings. The economic pressure on Putin must increase.

The Russian shadow fleet continues to transport oil around the world. Sanctions are being bypassed. Revenues continue to fill the Russian war chest. Here, the government needs to be significantly more offensive.

Sweden still stands out as one of the few EU countries where not a single indictment has been filed for violations of the sanction regulations, despite the fact that we have had sanction systems in place. The government should bring together authorities, the business sector, and the transport sector to close the loopholes and increase efforts to uphold the sanctions. The government needs to act immediately so that circumvention of sanctions against Russia is detected earlier, prevented more often, and punished more severely. Here, Sweden can do more and thereby push for tougher measures within the EU.

When Europe's security is at stake, it is not enough to follow the developments. One must also lead them.

We Social Democrats stand behind all our reservations, but I move for approval only of reservation 7.

Madam Speaker! Europe's responsibility does not stop at Ukraine's border.

During the past year, we have seen how the international legal order has been put under severe pressure. War and conflicts have continued to claim lives in the Middle East, in Sudan, and in eastern Congo. At the same time, we have seen how great powers increasingly act out of power rather than justice.

When Donald Trump again questions fundamental parts of international cooperation, Europe leaves and acts in a way that only contributes to strengthening Russia, when claims are made on Greenland and when trade conflicts risk being deepened – then Europe must be a stable force for security, international law, diplomacy and international cooperation.

Now is not the time for passivity. Now is the time for European leadership.

For us Social Democrats, foreign policy is not something that happens far away. It is ultimately about what values Europe shall stand for in the world. It is about security both here and there.

It is about a Europe that defends democracy when it is threatened, a Europe that stands up for human rights when they are violated, and a Europe that sticks to international law even when others choose to abandon it. That is the role Sweden shall take in Europe. And it is the role Europe must take in the world.

Madam Speaker! The same applies to Europe's competitiveness. Today, a global race is underway for investments, technology, and the jobs of the future. Europe cannot win that race by competing with lower wages or worse conditions. We shall win through innovation, education, and green industry.

Sweden has all the prerequisites to lead the way, but that requires political leadership. Let me take a couple of examples.

EU's emissions trading is one of Europe's most important climate tools. It is a system that has reduced emissions, driven climate investments, and strengthened the transition in industry.

Sweden played a decisive role when the system was reformed. What came to be called The Swedish Proposal in 2027 contributed to saving the emissions trading system and making it effective – giving it a climate backbone. But today we see something else.

When several countries want to undermine the emissions trading, Sweden should gather allies, build coalitions and push forward. Instead, we see a government that speaks warmly about the system but is conspicuously absent when the fight is to be taken.

We see the same in the negotiations on the EU's long-term budget, which will shape Sweden's and Europe's development for many years to come. EU resources should be used to a greater extent where they do the most good – for Europe's security, for support for Ukraine, for the climate transition and for investments in research, innovation and competitiveness as well as for democracy and the principles of the rule of law.

At the same time, taxpayers' money must be used responsibly. New priorities must primarily be met through reprioritizations and a better use of existing resources. Strong demands must be made that EU funds should only go to member states that respect democracy and the principles of the rule of law. Sweden cannot risk receiving an increased EU fee of over 60 percent. Sweden must do the work where the battle is toughest, also in those negotiations.

Madam Speaker! We Social Democrats believe in a Europe that grows. We become stronger together. Therefore, we support an expansion of the union.

Ukraine, Moldova and the countries in the Western Balkans belong in the European community. Albania and Montenegro are close, as frontrunners, and we truly hope that Ukraine and Moldova will be able to open their first chapters in the negotiation clusters here shortly.

But the expansion must be responsible. The Copenhagen criteria shall apply. The principles of the rule of law shall be respected. Corruption shall be combated. Trade union rights shall be protected.

The EU needs to be reformed to function effectively in a larger union. And Sweden needs to be prepared for a union that is expanding. Here, the government is noticeably passive.

If we are to build a stronger Europe for the future that is good for Sweden and Europe, Sweden must also be prepared for it.

Madam Speaker! Criminal networks know no national borders. Weapons used on Swedish streets are smuggled across borders. Money is laundered between countries. Recruitment takes place on digital platforms that reach young people across all of Europe.

Therefore, the fight against organized crime must also be European. We need stronger police cooperation, strengthened customs authorities, and more efficient information exchange. Safety must be defended collectively.

For us Social Democrats, the choice is simple. We want to see a Europe that holds together, that builds security and defends freedom. We want to see a Europe that invests in the jobs of the future and a Europe that stands on Ukraine's side. We want to see a Europe where Sweden takes the lead again.

Sweden is strongest when we lead together with others. Therefore, it is time to take Sweden seriously.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Fredrik Ahlstedt (M)

Madam Speaker! Today we are debating the government's communication on activities in the European Union. For us Moderates, the starting point for European cooperation is crystal clear: the EU shall focus on the major issues that the member states cannot solve on their own. It is about our common security, about strengthening Europe's competitiveness, and about safeguarding the fundamental democratic values upon which the entire union rests.

When we now look back on the past year, we see a world characterized by deep uncertainty. Russia's illegal and brutal war of aggression against Ukraine continues to threaten the entire European security order. In this serious situation, the European Union has shown evidence of historical unity and capacity for action. In that, Sweden has also been a major driving force.

The military, economic and humanitarian support to Ukraine must continue as long as it is required. Ukraine is not only fighting for its own freedom. They are also fighting for Europe's security and freedom. Securing and protecting the Union's external borders, while we support our neighboring countries in the east, is perhaps our time's most important task.

Madam Speaker! Security, however, is not only about military defense. It is also about combating cross-border organized crime, which has also eaten its way into Sweden. Serious crime knows no national borders. Drug smuggling, weapons trafficking, and money laundering are eating their way into our societies. Here, the EU together with the nation-states has an important key role. We must continue to strengthen the operational cooperation through, among other things, Europol, tighten controls at the external borders, and ensure that criminals cannot hide from justice in another member state. Safety on the streets and squares in Sweden requires resolute action even at the EU level.

At the same time, we must build a financially strong Europe. The internal market is also the engine in the Swedish economy. To meet global competition, not least from the USA and China, the EU must prioritize regulatory simplification and free trade. The major work currently underway regarding regulatory simplification must be completed. We must see more free trade agreements. We shall not meet global challenges with protectionism or burdensome over-regulation that stifles our companies. Instead, we must invest in innovation, research, and a fossil-free energy supply that secures both the climate transition and our competitiveness.

Madam Speaker! I also want to take the opportunity to highlight the importance of the EU's enlargement process. A larger EU is strategically important for both peace and stability in our region. But enlargement must not occur at the expense of the requirements for the rule of law principles, anti-corruption, and fundamental freedoms and rights. The countries that want to become members must implement the necessary reforms. We see that many countries want to. We also see that many countries are implementing changes that will lead to them being able to become members.

Sweden shall continue to be a proactive, constructive and clear voice in the European cooperation. We shall safeguard the free market, stand up for security and ensure that taxpayers' money is used where it does the most good.

With that, Madam Speaker, I move for approval of the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker, the EU Minister and the observers! The EU today has a great influence over political decisions in Sweden, and for several decades, the EU has imposed a policy on member states that has entailed privatizations and market adjustments. Governments in Sweden have lacked the ambition to do anything about these problems and have instead chosen to pursue a harmful EU policy in Sweden and to hide behind references to the EU – this in order to avoid taking action.

After the election in June 2024 – two years ago – the European Parliament received a new composition. Not least, the representation of conservative and xenophobic forces has increased, which has had a negative effect on several policy areas. This applies in particular to areas such as climate, equality, and migration. This we have seen clearly during the last two years.

Mr. Speaker, I want to talk about the situation in Lebanon, in Gaza, and in the West Bank, because it is a nightmare. It is famine and death. It is children dying. Our world has failed to act. A blind trust in Benjamin Netanyahu's far-right government has led us to this point, where children die and extremism flourishes.

Vänsterpartiet is clear. We demand that Sweden and the EU increase the pressure on Israel to the maximum. It is Israel that is stopping aid from reaching civilians in need. It is Israel's military that is violating international law. It is Israeli settlers who instill fear in people with their violence in the West Bank.

Israel's occupation of Palestine would never have been possible without the EU's favorable trade agreement with Israel and without the USA's military aid to the country. The EU Commission directs year after year of limp criticism at Israel's policy without it changing the situation for the Palestinians. Israel has been able to ignore the EU's criticism without any consequences whatsoever. The EU must put weight – pressure – behind its messages. The cooperation between the EU and Israel is extensive. The EU is Israel's largest trading partner, but for the EU, Israel means almost nothing economically.

The Association Agreement between the EU and Israel is, for example, conditioned on respect for human rights. The Association Agreement contains favorable trade terms that provide the Israeli business community with great economic advantages. In this way, the EU contributes to strengthening the economic base for the occupation policy. Sweden must push for the EU to suspend the Association Agreement with Israel. We must stop the genocide, lift the blockade of Gaza, dismantle settlements and checkpoints, tear down the wall in the occupied West Bank, and bring an end to the war in Lebanon.

Even Donald Trump has now come to the realization that Benjamin Netanyahu is crazy. He said a few words, but I do not intend to utter them in this chamber.

One of those who is ultimately responsible for the Israeli violence is the far-right minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. He is a leading settler and the architect behind the legislation on the death penalty. For months, he has walked around with a noose on his lapel, and when the law passed, his wife offered a cake with a noose on it. This is legislation that aims to murder Palestinians, to introduce the death penalty solely for Palestinians.

As long as Israel refuses to respect the Palestinians' fundamental human rights, it will not be possible to achieve peace.

The sanctions that the EU has adopted against extremist settlers within the framework of sanctions for crimes against human rights are welcome but far from sufficient to constitute a powerful statement against the Israeli settlement policy. What would be reasonable is to brand the militant settlers as terrorists.

We also need to choke off the supply of weapons – it is an effective tool for exerting pressure. Today, no arms exports occur from the EU to Palestinian parties. But several EU countries, including Sweden, export weapons to Israel. All arms exports from the EU to Israel must cease, and Sweden should take the initiative for the EU to introduce an arms embargo against Israel.

Committed war crimes must be investigated, and those responsible must be held accountable in the International Court of Justice, ICJ, and the International Criminal Court, ICC. Sweden should push for the EU to take measures to facilitate accountability regarding the committed war crimes and protect the court from the sanctions that Donald Trump has imposed against it. It is simply time to arrest Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Sweden and the EU must work to ensure that Israel's occupation of Palestine now ceases.

Madam Speaker! In Iran, US President Donald Trump has truly hit a dead end. It was not a quick regime change following the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei. The Iranian regime proved to be stronger than the USA and Israel believed, and now all three countries – USA, Israel, and Iran – have violated international law time and again.

At the same time as international law is being undermined, the rest of the world is seeing the consequences of the war in our economies. The uncertainty surrounding fuel and energy prices as a result of the US and Israel's attack on Iran continues, and yesterday the American House of Representatives passed a resolution against Donald Trump and the war.

The EU is currently sitting on the sidelines, which perhaps is not entirely wrong given that this is Trump's and Netanyahu's war. At the same time, European leaders have had an incredibly difficult time even slightly criticizing Trump's initiation of the war and even more his inability to end the war with a peace agreement. The global consequences of the USA's and Israel's war against Iran will likely be large and long-lasting.

Madam Speaker! Today the Riksdag receives the Speaker of Turkey. Turkey is the country that has been stuck in the EU's accession process the longest. Now, it has practically frozen in place, but at the same time, the EU still provides extensive economic support to Turkey.

Under Erdoğan's rule, the development in Turkey has taken clear steps in the wrong direction. Thousands of people have been arrested and prosecuted for what they like or post on social media, and it is not uncommon for journalists to be deprived of their liberty or imprisoned for terror crimes because of their journalistic work. The Swedish journalist Joakim Medin is one of them. Almost all media are owned by companies close to Erdoğan, and they avoid critically examining the regime.

Activists fighting for human rights are being suppressed. Organizations fighting for women's rights are affected in particular. Violence against women is legitimized in state media, women who demonstrate for their rights are imprisoned, and representatives of the government party AKP claim that women and men are not equal according to natural law.

Turkey has also chosen to leave the Istanbul Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence.

In addition to the regime's repressive actions against Turkish civil society, military attacks have also been carried out, particularly against the Kurdish population and their areas. Turkey has repeatedly carried out territorial violations of its neighboring countries, and both air and ground attacks have been carried out against Kurdish areas in the neighboring countries Syria and Iraq.

To this Turkey, the EU and Sweden send significant economic support. Some of it consists of accession support, which Turkey receives to negotiate EU membership. Between 2014 and 2020, it amounted to approximately 50 billion kronor.

In the current situation, it is obvious that Turkey does not fulfill the requirements for democratic and human rights that are set for countries that wish to become members of the EU. The situation is so difficult that negotiations on membership must be totally frozen for the time being. This means that all the benefits that the pre-accession program provides, both politically and economically, should be immediately withdrawn.

Furthermore, Turkey has so far received over 60 billion kronor from the EU to maintain refugee camps. The EU has not dared to act against Turkey for fear that Erdoğan will cancel the shameful agreement that prevents refugees from traveling from Turkey to Europe. The government should work to ensure that the EU terminates this refugee agreement with Turkey and instead act so that the violence and repression against oppositionists in Turkey ceases and that everyone who has been imprisoned on political grounds is released.

To this is added the ongoing development that opens up for peace talks. At Abdullah Öcalan's proposal, the PKK has decided to dissolve. Peace is now possible, but then there must be will – will from Erdoğan but also will from the rest of the world. An EU that works for peace and that does not support Erdoğan's regime could make a difference both in Turkey and in the region.

Madam Speaker! The development in the world's most populous country, China, with 1.4 billion inhabitants, does not lend itself to being easily summarized. But the Left Party has, in any case, attempted to do so in our motion on China, which we submitted during the general motion period of this parliamentary session.

The development in China is complex, contradictory and in many parts deeply alarming. China is still a hardline dictatorship that systematically violates fundamental human rights: freedom of expression, freedom of association, and freedom of religion and belief. At the same time, hundreds of millions of people have been lifted out of poverty during the recent decades. But parallel to this, the inequalities have increased and the repression against dissent has hardened.

We see a country that is at the forefront when it comes to green technology but also a country that emits the most carbon dioxide in the world and continues to expand coal power. We see a country that invests in infrastructure globally and thereby acquires a new global security policy position.

China's Communist Party has ruled the country for over 70 years, and under President Xi Jinping, the situation for human rights has clearly deteriorated. The already limited space for civil society and political debate has shrunk even further.

At the same time, we often hear Chinese representatives speak about human rights in international contexts. However, it is not about strengthening these rights, but about redefining them and filling the concept with entirely different content.

There has long been a hope that economic development and increased trade would lead to the democratization of China. That hope has proven to be mistaken. On the contrary, the development has moved backwards for many years.

At the same time, the EU and Sweden are dependent on China, not least for critical raw materials and advanced technology. China's investments, not least within green technology, often occur through loans that risk making recipient countries economically dependent. This gives China a valuable security policy influence globally.

Against this background, we argue that Sweden must be a clear and consistent voice for human rights in the relationship with China. Our economic interests must never take precedence over democracy and human rights. We must always prioritize democracy and human rights over economic relations.

The extensive and gross crimes against human rights must be at the top of the agenda in our contacts with China. Unfortunately, Swedish governments, regardless of color, have all too often been unclear in these matters. This was noted in particular when a Swedish Foreign Minister, for the first time in over a decade, chose to travel to China last autumn. She chose a strangely bad date: the same day that the Swedish book publisher Gui Minhai was arrested by China ten years ago.

And she is not alone. Far too many so-called world leaders are traveling by shuttle to Beijing right now while Xi Jinping can calmly wait for their arrival.

This traveling is occurring at the same time as China and Russia speak of a multipolar world order. In practice, it is precisely about weakening international rules and dismissing criticism of abuses as internal affairs. At the same time, we see how China's military capacity is rapidly growing. The buildup, not least of nuclear weapons, is deeply worrying and contributes to increased global insecurity.

We therefore need a clear strategy from the EU, an EU that puts human rights before economic interests in its China policy, otherwise there is a lack of credibility in the criticism that Sweden and others direct towards China. We must push for this to be at the center of the EU's foreign policy relationship with China.

Madam Speaker! Vänsterpartiet has very many motions and reservations in this report. More than half of all proposals come from us. I have, however, landed on to motion for approval only to reservation 5 regarding foreign policy.

(cont. § 9)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)