Labor market and working life

Magnus Persson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! It will be a long day in the chamber today.

Sweden has for a long time had a labor market policy that has been effective when it comes to costing money but ineffective when it comes to creating results, in terms of regular employment.

Throwing away billions on inefficient labor market measures just so it looks good on paper simply does not work. Previous governments have tried this. They have failed time and again, year after year. If we are to truly safeguard security in this country, a different policy is required.

Even though unemployment is decreasing within certain groups, it is a fact that it is significantly higher among those born abroad than among those born in Sweden. It is a fact and something we cannot turn a blind eye to. In the job and development guarantee, for example, the proportion of those born outside of Europe is over 54 percent today. Of these, more than half are 45 years old or older, many with poor or, in the worst case, non-existent education. Anyone can understand that many of these people will probably never enter the Swedish labor market, unfortunately. That is how it looks for many people in this society, and we cannot turn a blind eye to it, however much we might want to.

The error here does not primarily lie with the human being themselves. Many have actually not been given any reasonable chance. The error lies built into a completely unrealistic policy where small extreme parties have been allowed to set the agenda, solely because the power of some overshadows everything.

The attitude has been clear. It doesn't matter how many people we receive; there won't be any problems. But it is a problem, a very big problem. And the biggest problem of all is naive, tone-deaf and out-of-touch politicians who do not notice reality, even if it is standing and knocking on the front door.

Labour market and working life

It is a betrayal, not only against society but also against all those who, because of the past policy, have not even been given the chance to become a part of our common society. We have betrayed these people with the past policy.

Mr. Speaker! We have a massive task ahead of us when it comes to repairing what has been destroyed. We must be clear that our entire mission, to more easily and effectively guide people into the labor market, is about more than just the labor market.

Having a job means more than being able to support yourself and your family. Having a real job affects you directly as a human being. Having colleagues, the feeling of having achieved something good, the knowledge that on Monday I have a real job to go to – all of that builds you as a human being. It is obvious for many but not for everyone.

To be naive and believe that the way forward is to bombard certain areas with money to dress up the statistics is to deceive oneself. The absolutely most effective labor market policy measure is instead to rely on people's own ability by setting requirements. Do your duty, then you demand your right! If you embrace this principle and strive to participate and contribute to our common good, you shall also be given a basic security. You shall know that if you lose your job in bitter times, you shall not have to leave house and home. You shall be given an opportunity to transition. You shall be given a breathing space which means that you shall not have to lie sleepless and worried during the nights. And if any country is to have the means for this, it is a country with one of the world's highest tax pressures. It should not even be debatable in a country like Sweden. What the state takes in, the state shall give back when it is a critical situation. It is that simple.

Mr. Speaker! Had the Sweden Democrats not stood up and defended the unemployment insurance, would it have looked different today, now that we are entering a recession? The parties that have wanted to loosen this safety net are running into trouble now that we Sweden Democrats are fully standing up for our promise to the voters, namely that Sweden shall have a secure and solid unemployment insurance, a transition insurance that gives Swedish wage earners and their families security, even if one were to lose their job.

I know how it feels to live on unemployment insurance. I know how it feels to sit with a newly purchased house, have just become a father, and be laid off from my job. I have been there, and I wish that all the people in this chamber who debate these issues have at some point felt how it really feels to be in such a situation in their lives.

They promised Europe's lowest unemployment; it became one of Europe's highest. They promised and pushed for the introduction of the EU's social pillar; it became a serious threat to the Swedish model. They exclude thousands of employees from being able to engage in work for a better working environment because of the wrong party book. Thousands of safety representatives are missing. They have conducted an immigration policy that has created long-term unemployment for thousands of people. And we can, Mr. Speaker, state that the closing balance for the red-green former government's labor market policy can be called nothing other than a fiasco with enormous consequences for society.

Mr. Speaker! The Sweden Democrats are not naive and believe that it will not be quick to turn this ship around, as we enter a recession fueled by the highest inflation in 30 years. It will require long-term thinking and the ability to dare to take tough decisions. If one does not dare that, one should not be involved in politics. It will also require dialogue across the block divide for all parties in this chamber to arrive at common solutions ahead of the difficult times we face. Here, this budget is a small step on a very long road.

I therefore move for approval of the committee's proposal in the report AU2 Labour Market and Working Life.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! A large part of the immigration to Sweden consists of labor migrants. Now, signals are coming that labor immigration is increasing, and I note that this is not something that Magnus Persson mentions in his speech.

Today's regulatory framework for labor immigration came about during the Alliance government's time, and it is difficult to find other countries that have such liberal rules as Sweden. It is something that we Social Democrats have constantly been against, because we believe that labor immigration should primarily be used when it is not possible to find the right competence in Sweden. It should not be used as a way to compete with low wages and poor conditions.

We Social Democrats have long fought against the wind in these issues. But when the field began to open up during the last parliamentary term, we, in a government position, naturally saw to it that we acted and introduced a subsistence requirement, among other things. Above all, we appointed an inquiry to produce proposals on how a modern labor market assessment can be designed, for that is, after all, the most effective way to bring order and clarity to labor migration.

Now the Sweden Democrats choose to postpone the implementation of important parts until the future, and some means-testing regarding labor migration does not seem to be happening.

Then I wonder why the Sverigedemokraterna do not demand that of the government. It is Sverigedemokraterna, we were told here during the presentation, who dictate the terms for the government. But why should no labor market screening not be introduced, so that we can stop the fraud and the crime in the labor market and so that we can stop bringing in cheap labor and instead ensure that the job seekers who are already here in Sweden can take those jobs?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you for raising a very interesting topic, Teresa Carvalho! The reason I chose to leave it out of this speech is that the specific debates will occur in the spring. There, above all, the labor immigration and the work environment work, which are in other committee reports, will be addressed, so we will be able to go into more detail on them. Therefore, I chose the rest. But I will answer the question.

I want to mention first that I do not know if I trust the Social Democrats when it comes to authority-approved labor immigration. Before the 2014 election, I stood on the barricades at Swedish construction sites with union representatives and active Social Democrats. At that time, the Social Democrats went to the election with labor market screening. The same thing was done before the 2018 election. But when they entered and sat down in negotiations with the Green Party, they chose to scrap it. I therefore do not quite know how great the Social Democrats' credibility is in this issue.

I don't quite have a grasp on what the wording looks like in the Tidö Agreement, but in all issues that lie outside the Tidö Agreement, the Sweden Democrats can reach an agreement with the Social Democrats. There are surely issues where we can have a discussion in the future; I absolutely have no problem with that.

I agree with Teresa Carvalho regarding her description of the problem but do not consider the Social Democrats to be so credible in this matter. They have betrayed Swedish wage earners two elections in a row, and given the government base of the 2022 election, what is it that says they can be trusted in the next election? One must make an agreement with the Center Party, which wants the most liberal labor migration policy in all of Sweden. How that equation is to be balanced, I do not know.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Madam Speaker! As we just heard from Magnus Persson, there was indeed a significant difference between the Social Democratic government and the government we have now because we did not have a majority behind our policy on labor immigration here in the chamber. The current government does have a majority thanks to the cooperation with the Sverigedemokraterna. We simply did not have the possibility to push through our policy in this area when we sat in government, unlike the current government—if it is indeed the case that the governing parties agree with the Sverigedemokraterna on the problem.

We acted as said when it began to open up at the end of the last parliamentary term, and I maintain that the most important measure to address the cheating and low-wage competition is precisely means testing. The Sweden Democrats have also thought so, and I understand from Magnus Persson that he still thinks so. The Sweden Democrats' representative also stood here in a debate in the Committee on Labour Market a year ago and said that it was the most important measure to combat crime in the working life.

If it is indeed the case that the Sweden Democrats, despite their influence over the government, choose not to act, it means demonstrably that the paradigm shift that is being talked about most is just talk. Paradoxically, we could end up in a situation where immigration to Sweden increases next year because labor immigration is now increasing. I believe many along with me wonder why the Sweden Democrats are not acting. Could it be that it is because the employers and the business community, after all, want to keep the liberal rules in order to keep wage levels down? Could it, Madam Speaker, possibly be that when the business community knocks on the Sweden Democrats' door, it is very difficult to say no, because it sounds louder to get into that warmth than to stand up for Swedish workers' decent conditions and wages?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Madam Speaker! I think Teresa Carvalho is a very skilled and sympathetic person, but it is a bit wrong when she claims that she did not have a majority for the proposal on means-tested labor immigration.

When we have put the proposal on the table here in the chamber of the Riksdag, the Social Democrats have chosen to vote no to it. And it is not just that proposal; it also concerns many other of their own proposals that they campaigned on. It concerns, for example, extended prescription periods for workplace environment crimes, an S-proposal that you promised LO already in the 2014 election that you would push through in the Swedish Riksdag. We have had a majority for it in the chamber every year since then, but the Social Democrats choose to vote no to their own proposals.

Why is that, one might wonder, Madam Speaker. Yes, because it is more important not to make a deal with the Sverigedemokraterna. The most important thing is to keep the Sverigedemokraterna out. That is why one prefers to vote no to one's own proposals. Had one sought support from the Sverigedemokraterna for means-tested labor immigration, that proposal would have been hammered out and finished. But one chose to vote no, because one did not want to stand on the same side as the Sverigedemokraterna. It was more important for the Socialdemokraterna than to listen to the LO unions and all the wage earners who are affected by this.

I know from experience myself what it looks like on the Swedish labor market. I have worked for many, many years as a construction worker and was both a safety representative and a union representative until I, as everyone knows, was fired because of the wrong party book. To stand here and say that we are saying no to the proposals is not correct. It is the Social Democrats who are saying no to these proposals. It would have been hammered out and settled a long, long time ago if you had dared to make a deal with the Sverigedemokraterna. That is how it is.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Serkan Köse (S)

Madam Speaker! When I listened to Magnus Persson, I felt that I needed to get some clarity on what he meant when he pointed out that many have not been given a reasonable chance. He also pointed out ineffective measures and took up effective measures. What those were, I did not quite understand.

In Arbetsförmedlingen's own budget basis for the period 2022-2024, it is stated that subsidized employment is "one of the measures that can be effective in helping people who are far from the labor market into jobs. This applies in particular to foreign-born women where extra services have been successful for them to enter the labor market."

My simple question to the chairman of the Committee on Employment, Magnus Persson, is: Do Magnus Persson and the Sverigedemokraterna trust the state's labor market policy expert agency, especially in light of the discussion the member has been involved in regarding ineffective measures?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Madam Speaker! For me and the Sweden Democrats, the most important thing regarding labor market measures and the like is what the situation looks like with regular jobs. What comes out at the other end? We have tried extra services for a very long time, for many years, and it is one of the measures that generates the fewest number of regular employments.

I understand that Serkan Köse from the Socialdemokraterna is very happy about the extra services, because it is one of the services that is abused the most, especially in social democratically governed municipalities. We have, for example, a municipality called Malmö, which praises extra services and received hundreds of people. But people sat at home in their apartments and were paid, because there were no jobs to go to. There was also a bonus system linked to extra services, so Malmö stad received many millions as a bonus just because extra services were created – which did not exist. One simply abused a system.

There is a common thread through this. If you look at which municipalities are utilizing this the most, you see that it is mostly social democratically governed municipalities with very large deficits in their budget. And it generates, as mentioned, very few jobs.

That is how it looks, and that is the reason why we do not want to invest in the extra services but in other measures instead.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Serkan Köse (S)

Madam Speaker! It is very clear that the Sweden Democrats do not trust the state's labor market policy expert agency. They also do not trust research that clearly shows that subsidized employment is an effective measure for job seekers to enter employment, especially people who are far from the labor market.

Extra services, which the member pointed out, and introductory work are examples of such employments. Therefore, it is unfortunate that the Sweden Democrats and the government have chosen to remove the support for extra services.

I can also link to the discussion that the Sweden Democrats want to phase out labor market policy programs. They want to phase out subsidized employment such as nystartsjobb, etableringsjobb, and so on. In other words, we can well conclude that the Sweden Democrats do not want to invest in placement initiatives, subsidized employment, or educational initiatives for the unemployed.

Now we are heading into a recession. Unemployment will increase, like long-term unemployment. The member pointed out that we have high inflation and that we will see increased unemployment. Therefore, I would like to take the opportunity to ask the Sweden Democrats about the government's budget. There is not much preparedness for this. The question to Magnus Persson is how the Sweden Democrats will get more people to become employable or equipped to get a job, now when you actually want to remove everything that makes it possible for people to be equipped and become employable.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Madam Speaker! I do not know if Serkan Köse has bothered to read the budget that the government parties and the Sweden Democrats have prepared. It is stated clearly and explicitly there that one chooses to opt out of the extra services but instead chooses to invest, among other things, in the "nystartsjobb" (new start jobs), which is one of the labor market measures that has resulted in the most regular employment in the end.

We also want, for example, to invest in the new establishment jobs - and here it becomes very interesting, Madam Speaker. The Social Democrats want to keep the extra services, and they want to finance them, among other things, by cutting large sums from appropriation 1:13, which covers the start-up jobs and the new so-called establishment jobs. Do the Social Democrats and Serkan Köse mean that the establishment jobs that the parties have been involved in developing are not an important labor market measure? Does he perhaps prefer to invest in the extra services, which in the end do not generate any jobs?

This has been tested for many years and by many governments, with very poor - actually lousy - results. Why not look up and dare to think a bit differently?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Madam Speaker! The Government and the Sweden Democrats have placed a budget bill on the table of the Riksdag that does not meet the restless times we live in and the economic downturn we face.

We Social Democrats have submitted a budget motion with substantial investments to protect welfare and household finances and to increase security throughout Sweden. Since we have a budget alternative with a larger appropriation for the expenditure area Labor Market and Working Life, I would like to refer to our specific statement.

When it comes to labor market policy, we Social Democrats take the goal of full employment as our starting point. By that, we mean that everyone who can work shall work. Work is, of course, a prerequisite for one's own livelihood and that which gives people the freedom to shape their own lives.

Growth and fair distribution through general welfare and robust security systems are only possible when people have jobs and pay taxes. It is jobs with fair conditions, secure employment, and wages that are livable that enable a good and equal school for our children, good care for our elderly, and a publicly funded healthcare of world-class standard.

Madam Speaker! In Sweden, we have a rather unique labor market model, where a supporting part is that the labor market parties - that is, the employers and the trade unions - negotiate wages and conditions, which are signed in collective agreements. The collective agreements give the employees security and the employers industrial peace, and in this way, they create order and predictability in the labor market.

Even though I, as a Social Democrat, naturally safeguard the integrity of the labor market model, I do not intend to mince words regarding whose interests I prioritize. My party, Socialdemokraterna, was born out of the trade union movement to also pursue the interests of wage earners politically, and in the same way, it remains a fundamental part of our policy today to safeguard the Swedish model and seek to strengthen the position of workers in the labor market.

To achieve full employment, an active labor market policy is needed. People are different and have different needs, and therefore there needs to be a broad range of different labor market policy tools. This includes, among other things, labor market training, subsidized employment, matching support, internships, work-oriented rehabilitation, skills mapping, and guidance.

To get people who are far from the labor market to come closer to it, it can often be necessary to have a chain of interventions where different tools are combined. We must also not forget the role of the employment agencies. Being met with respect and seen as an asset - as a whole human being - is also a significant part of the chain.

I also want to emphasize that the Swedish social contract does not only rest on rights. Making oneself employable cannot be optional; those who lack the necessary education or speak insufficient Swedish must participate in the measures offered. That is why we Social Democrats, among other things, introduced a duty to study and took the initiative for a duty to be active for those receiving subsistence support. Requirements and support are, in fact, two sides of the same coin. It is not enough to do only one or the other.

Madam Speaker! We are heading towards a recession. Unemployment is predicted to rise next year while inflation and higher interest rates are already eroding households' purchasing power. What is needed now is a strong and solidary unemployment insurance so that those affected by unemployment are not also cast into poverty.

It is good that the new government has accepted the reinforcements of the welfare system that the Social Democrats implemented during the pandemic and went to the election on making permanent. On the other hand, we strongly oppose the right-conservatives' irresponsible cuts to the active labor market policy. It is now that we must equip people so that they can take the jobs that exist when it eventually turns upwards again.

Thanks to a responsible Social Democratic economic policy, Sweden is nevertheless facing the recession from a position of strength in the labor market. There are 450,000 more people working today compared to 2014. The employment rate is the highest in 30 years and is also in the absolute top tier of the EU. Long-term unemployment has decreased for the first time in many years, and unemployment is lower than when we entered the pandemic.

To achieve this, we have turned several knobs. We created new extra services, we expanded Kunskapslyftet and the training sites, and we have tasked Arbetsförmedlingen with expanding its local presence. At the same time, we took the opportunity to lay the foundation for the world's best transition support.

The Social Democrats also implemented initiatives to transition the industry, the results of which we are now seeing: fossil-free steel is being produced in Sweden, and closed industries are becoming battery factories. This creates thousands of jobs and new hope for the future in places that have long struggled with high unemployment.

Swedish industry plays a key role in our social construction and will be crucial both for emissions to decrease faster and for jobs not to disappear to other countries. It is a completely different approach prevailing than when the Moderaterna last led a government, when the then Prime Minister declared that industry in Sweden was "basically gone". The position of strength that Sweden has now regained must not be forfeited.

We have now received a new right-wing government, which, together with the Sweden Democrats, is lowering the ambitions for the jobs policy. The appropriations to Arbetsförmedlingen are decreasing, and in a heartbeat, another 1.5 billion disappears from the toolbox. The government is also cutting back on adult education, which results in a double blow to those who need to strengthen their position on the labor market.

The Minister for Employment claims that the support for the unemployed shall remain just as good, or even become better, despite the cuts. I think that he either has a magic wand, or also – and it is perhaps more likely – this is once again an example of classic bourgeois wishful thinking. The last time we had a bourgeois Minister for Employment, nearly half a million Swedes were removed from the unemployment insurance. Furthermore, phase 3 saw the light of day – do you remember that? I hope that the governing parties have learned from their mistakes and do not repeat them.

We Social Democrats choose the opposite path instead. Note that we have the same money to work with as the government! We are thus not fueling any inflation, but we prioritize the resources that exist in a completely different way.

We say no to large tax cuts for the more well-off in society and instead invest twice as much in general state grants for welfare, i.e., for the school, elderly care, healthcare, and the crime prevention work that takes place throughout our municipalities.

We also maintain the funds for the labor market policy and allocate means so that Arbetsförmedlingen can have a local presence throughout the country, especially where unemployment is highest.

We are also reintroducing the extra services, which the right-wing parties removed last year. Yes, they were in opposition, but they still managed to gather a majority in the chamber for this when they pushed it through as a budget. It was very unfortunate, I think, because it turned out that the extra services were an important tool for getting people – not least foreign-born women – closer to the labor market and ultimately into self-sufficiency.

In addition, I want to say that we are also investing money in Arbetsmiljöverket to further ramp up the work against crime in the working life. A colleague of mine will return to this a bit further ahead in the debate.

That the government and the Sweden Democrats are cutting back significantly on the jobs policy is, to say the least, unfortunate and worrying, but unfortunately not at all unexpected, Madam Speaker.

We Social Democrats are serious about our desire to break segregation. There, the labor market policy plays a key role. Sweden shall, in fact, be a country where children get to see both their mothers and fathers go to work and where people can live on their wages and have secure employment conditions.

People's work is Sweden's greatest asset. It also gives the individual the empowerment to shape their own life. Therefore, these issues are incredibly important for us Social Democrats.

With that said, I would like to wish the Madam Speaker, the committee members, the secretariat, the observers in the chamber and everyone else who may be listening to the debate a Merry Christmas.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Oliver Rosengren (M)

Madam Speaker! When Teresa Carvalho speaks, one can almost believe that it is a representative of a workers' party standing in the speaker's chair. But we know that it is the Social Democrats all over Sweden who are holding back when my party colleagues do their best and toil day in and day out to establish an offensive local work line.

Madam Speaker! My question to Teresa Carvalho is: What are the Social Democrats in the Swedish Riksdag actually doing to ensure that everyone in Sweden can participate in the work line and to ensure that we do not have social democratic municipalities all over our country that prevent the work line from being implemented in their municipality?

They are stopping proposals for full-time activation for those receiving social assistance. They are blocking various initiatives that could ensure that all people get into work. The Tidö Agreement promises full-time activation, socially useful measures as part of the activation, and a subsidy ceiling to support the local work principle. But what do the Social Democrats actually promise, Madam Speaker?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Madam Speaker! We Social Democrats do quite many different things here in the Riksdag to ensure that people get into work. It is in the Social Democrats' DNA to strive towards full employment and to combat unemployment.

It may not come as a shock that I say that we Social Democrats would most preferably be in a governing position. That is where we can best influence society and make society a little better.

Regardless of whether we sit in government or in opposition, we are always in opposition to injustices. Few injustices are as clear as those that have their root in precisely unemployment. Therefore, it is one of our absolutely most important issues to constantly combat unemployment.

We are doing a number of different things to combat unemployment. We did that in government, and we will, of course, continue to be a constructive force also in opposition.

Let me mention a few things where we differ from the government and the Sweden Democrats. We can start with welfare. We invest twice as much as the right-wing parties in the general state grants. They are a basic prerequisite for the municipalities to be able to retain the employees in welfare. This applies, for example, to nursing assistants and childcare workers, not to mention the staff who toil in healthcare. That is one thing.

Another is that we invest more money in Arbetsförmedlingen so that it can perform its work. It is about it being able to meet the job seekers and being present throughout the country. We remember the Alexander cut from the right-wing parties which meant that Arbetsförmedlingen had to close offices around the country. We want it to be present in the whole country and be able to meet job seekers in the whole country.

Now I realize, Madam Speaker, that my speaking time is over. I must return in the next reply.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Oliver Rosengren (M)

Madam Speaker! In Swedish municipalities, local politicians strive to ensure that local politics also contributes to the work line. Requirements for full-time activation are introduced for those receiving social assistance. They ensure that everyone has a practical placement and education, and they carry out a number of different measures. But in municipality after municipality, this is hindered by Social Democratic colleagues of Teresa Carvalho.

Madam Speaker! It is a problem that Social Democrats in Örebro are fighting for increased benefits for all families with children. There, it is a problem that in Social Democratic Malmö, they ensure that even those who are illegal in Sweden shall receive benefits, even though they do not even have the right to be in the country.

It is a problem that the Social Democrats in Växjö have voted no to our proposals to ensure that we get increased requirements for those who today do not have a job. It is about them, for example, educating themselves for jobs if they lack an education.

Thank goodness the Moderates can nevertheless implement it in many municipalities. But what is actually the Social Democrats' proposal in the Swedish Riksdag so that the municipalities can receive support for their work line and so that all municipalities shall introduce an offensive work line?

It was the simple question, and on that, there were no answers. I think that is unfortunate, Madam Speaker.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Madam Speaker! Now I will come straight to the point so that Oliver Rosengren gets his answer. We also have a policy on this area.

It is a bit difficult to address sweeping examples from municipalities when I do not know what lies behind them. I can state that it was the previous government that commissioned an inquiry to establish an activity requirement within the social assistance. The new government is warmly welcomed to complete it so that it becomes a reality.

But that is not all. We have also introduced a duty of education for newcomers who need education to enter employment. In addition, we saw to it that establishment measures became an obligation and not just a right, which the Moderaterna introduced last time they were in government.

We have many good examples of what we have done to set requirements, which I perceive Oliver Rosengren is leaving out here. But it is two sides of the same coin.

It sounds like we are relatively in agreement that we should demand that people do everything they can to make themselves employable. But support was also needed. It is obvious that this is where we differ.

As we now enter a recession, we choose to continue investing in labor market policy and adult education. Then the right-conservatives choose to cut by billions.

In what way does Oliver Rosengren believe it will get more people into work?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Madam Speaker! I asked a rhetorical question in a previous exchange of remarks. Serkan Köse never got the chance to answer it. I hope that Teresa Carvalho can answer the question.

One wants to finance the extra services with cuts to appropriation 1:13, Nystartsjobb, etableringsjobb and support for vocational introduction employment. What is it in that appropriation that the Social Democrats think is bad?

The "Nystartsjobb" (New Start Jobs) is one of the labor market measures that generates the most regular employments in the end. It is not many, but it is significantly more than with the extra services.

The establishment jobs are something that the parties have been involved in developing and which both employer organizations and employee organizations stand behind.

My question is: What should be cut in 1:13? It is over 1 billion that the Social Democrats want to cut there.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Magnus Persson, for giving me the opportunity to clarify this!

It is quite correct that we Social Democrats are redistributing 1 billion from 1:13, which finances new-start jobs and establishment jobs, to 1:3, where among other things the extra services were located, but also other important labor market policy interventions such as labor market training and so on.

The reason why we are making this redistribution, in addition to the fact that we say no to the cuts that the Sverigedemokraterna and the government are implementing of the labor market policy, is that we, for example, see that all the resources that have been allocated for the nystartsjobben have not been used. At the same time, it is the case that the nystartsjobben are to a large extent going to people who, even without the support, could have obtained these jobs. It is a support aimed at employers to lower employment costs. And I am not saying that it is bad. We also stand behind the fact that we should have the nystartsjobben.

But we think there is an imbalance in the distribution of the appropriations. And if you listen to employment agencies and municipalities across the country, very many say that if there is anything that is needed, it is for the toolbox to be filled with more preparatory measures, and the extra services were just such a very important tool. Therefore, we say that since not everything of what is allocated for the nystartsjobb is used, we redistribute some resources there to reintroduce the extra services. At the same time, we therefore say no to the cuts of the appropriation that finances, among other things, labor market training.

To answer Magnus Persson's question very concretely, it is therefore not the establishment jobs that are to receive fewer resources.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Madam Speaker! I thank you for the clarification. It does not appear in the budget text.

Regarding the extra services, it can be observed that they are utilized very much by the municipalities, and this also creates very many displacement effects within the municipal operations and especially within elderly care and so on. It also creates very large problems - language barriers and so on.

I will not prolong this debate. But when it comes to labor market measures, what is the driving force for the Social Democrats in the end? Is it that they want to create as many regular jobs as possible, or is it solely about massaging the statistics and hiding people in various labor market projects with poor results as we have seen? We can go back and look at budgets over several years, even during the Social Democratic government's time, and see that they are extremely poor outcomes.

When it comes to, for example, taking back the extra services, I can say that during one year during the previous term, 15,000 were enrolled and barely 5 percent proceeded to a regular employment. Do the Social Democrats and Teresa Carvalho think that is a good outcome?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Madam Speaker! I will answer very concretely: No, I and the Social Democrats are not interested in grooming any statistics. What we are interested in is getting as many people as possible into regular work.

Regarding the extra services, we have never said that it is a realistic goal that 100 percent of all those who have received an extra service proceed directly to regular employment.

For many, the path into the labor market is crooked. It is not always straight, and a chain of different measures over a longer period may be needed. We must never lose hope for people. As a Social Democrat, I will never capitulate before unemployment. A broad palette of measures was needed. And the extra services were precisely such a tool that we saw primarily directed at foreign-born women as a good tool to bring them closer to self-sufficiency. Sometimes a first step forward from the extra service could be that one could access another measure, for example, a labor market training. But it was a meaningful occupation, a meaningful experience, and an important support in the step toward the regular labor market.

When I speak with employment agencies and municipalities, they say very much in unison: What a shame that they disappeared. We hope that they will come back.

We Social Democrats want, as said, to reintroduce the extra services. We also want to allocate more resources to the rest of the labor market policy - labor market training and so on - because people are different with different needs. Therefore, different interventions were needed, so also extra services.

I want to conclude by saying that extra services and other subsidized employments are also a way to maintain the work line because they establish work as a very clear norm that in Sweden, one is expected to go to work and support oneself and one's children. Sometimes the first step can be a subsidized employment in order to take the step forward to a regular one.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Madam Speaker! In the current expenditure area debate on the labor market and working life, I would like to state at the outset that in my speech I will stick to labor market issues, and my colleague Saila Quicklund will go into more detail on working life and working environment issues.

Madam Speaker! These are tough times in both the Swedish and the international economy. Inflation is high, interest rates are rising, and energy prices here in Sweden are affected by both the previous government's failed energy policy and a restless world. There is continued war in our immediate vicinity. It is inconceivable that there is war in Europe in the year 2022.

All of this affects Swedish households and companies, which are now being pressed hard. Unemployment, which according to the Social Democratic government was to be the EU's lowest in 2020, rose the most in the entire union to the EU's third highest and remains high compared to how it is in other member countries. In these uncertain and economically tough times, it is important to be careful with the state's finances.

Madam Speaker! Sweden will, as it has so many times before, work its way out of these difficult times. We Moderates, together with our coalition partners the Sweden Democrats, the Christian Democrats, and the Liberals, know that the work line is the right way to go. Therefore, during the mandate period, we will prepare proposals in several areas. An important part is to make it more profitable to work. The re-entry of the work line began during the alliance government years 2006-2014 when, above all, low- and middle-income earners all over the country were able to keep more of their own wages. Ordinary wage earners such as nursing assistants, bus drivers, and others received an extra month's salary per year after tax, something that the Social Democrats opposed at every opportunity when the job tax deduction was to be strengthened. It is important to remember.

The work continues now, after a very long eight-year pause during the S-government's time. When the economy allows, the tax on work and pension will be lowered further. That is our announcement.

The Moderate-led government and the coalition partners will also implement a major benefit reform aimed at improving the chances for more people to get into jobs and leave exclusion. A benefit ceiling shall be introduced, clear and adapted activity requirements shall be set for everyone who receives social assistance, and the possibility for socially useful activities shall be investigated.

Madam Speaker! An important part of being careful with the state's finances is to always strive for the greatest possible efficiency when it comes to distributing the taxpayers' money.

We mean that there are good opportunities to be more efficient when it comes to labor market policy. By prioritizing cost-effective measures that are close to the workplace and contribute to a high level of job-seeking activity, the appropriation for labor market policy programs and measures can be reduced in 2023.

It is about the fact that we Moderates, together with the coalition partners, are allocating approximately 1.5 billion SEK less to the labor market policy programs during the current year. Furthermore, the funds for the current year have not been spent, and the costs are estimated to be 1.6 billion SEK lower than budgeted. With the correct use of the money, we can thus manage the labor market policy in a more efficient manner.

We also propose that Arbetsförmedlingens operations should be further streamlined and therefore reduce the administrative appropriation so that the taxpayers' cost is reduced by 270 million kronor next year compared to this year.

Madam Speaker! We are investing in more internship placements, so that more people get the opportunity to test their wings on the labor market. It lowers the thresholds, and employers get an opportunity to see a person's competencies and potential. At the same time, it breaks the passivity for the individual. Therefore, a special investment is made outside of the so-called framework programs with 45 million kronor.

Madam Speaker! In accordance with the Tidö Agreement, the unemployment insurance is now also being made permanent at the higher level that applied during the pandemic. In the budget, it is also proposed that the temporary reliefs in the working conditions and the grace period conditions in the Unemployment Insurance Act that applied during the pandemic shall be extended.

Let me be clear that this is a major concession for us Moderates, who would rather have seen these funds of 5.8 billion kronor used for something else, while a return to the levels and rules before the pandemic would have further strengthened the work line because it would have contributed to making it more profitable to work.

As the Prime Minister has also said, this is an unambiguous and profound loss for us Moderates. But we can live with it, because the a-kassa is a necessary part of the compromise in the Tidö Agreement. We Moderates naturally stand behind the entire budget, but I still think it may be worth pointing out where we, as an individual party, are actually of a different opinion.

Madam Speaker! The work line needs to be re-established in Sweden. The work line is the foundation of Moderate politics. If this is something we also agree on with the coalition partners. We are now taking the first steps for the parliamentary term in the spirit of the work line regarding labor market policy. I therefore move for approval of the Committee on Employment's report 2, which deals with expenditure area 14 in the government's budget bill.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Madam Speaker! When I left home this morning, I started the Spotify list of the most played songs this year. It shows that it has been an election year; the song "Sverige jobbar" by the Moderate Youth League started playing. It can truly be said to be the irony of fate when one is on the way to this debate to speak about the work line.

When one reads and examines the government's budget, one sees however that the Moderaterna choose the benefit line over the work line. It is remarkable from many perspectives that a government that claims to be both conservative and liberal chooses precisely the benefit line over the work line. In the government's own budget, it is stated to be "a consequence of the assessment that the negative effects on employment and unemployment of maintaining today's level of unemployment benefits are judged to be greater than the combined positive effects of other reforms".

Sweden needs more work-line and less subsidy-line. Sweden needs more people who go to work every morning. I am glad the member raised exactly that part and said that it is not the Moderaternas policy. But it is starting to become a recurring answer from this government: "We don't think so, and we don't think so." Someone must stand up for the whole. The Moderaterna actually have the Prime Minister's post, and you are presenting a budget that goes straight against the work-line.

I want to ask why the Moderates and the Moderate Finance Minister choose to prioritize higher unemployment insurance benefits over more job-creating measures.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Madam Speaker! The epithets seem to be important for the member Cato. If we are to start there, the Moderaterna continue to be quite clearly a liberal-conservative bourgeois party. From the rostrum, I accounted for and took responsibility for the budget in its entirety, but I also wanted to mention where we differ and where we actually would have wanted to prioritize differently. It is about compromising.

I am completely convinced that the Tidö Agreement is the right path for Sweden compared to the red-green mess that would have arisen if Jonny Cato and his Center Party members had been allowed to vote in Magdalena Andersson as Prime Minister once again. There, we can talk about the subsidy line and absolutely not the work line.

It would also be interesting to know how the red-green side would make that work. If one looks at the budgets that Centerpartiet, Vänsterpartiet, Miljöpartiet, and Socialdemokraterna have presented, one sees that they diverge in very different directions. In labor market policy, Centerpartiet wants to reduce radically much more than the left-wing parties want to do. Centerpartiet also wants a lower a-kassa than the red parties want. Some parties to the left also want to raise the a-kassa much more than is the case today. I cannot make that add up.

It is necessary to find a majority in this chamber somewhere. The Moderates are the unifying party in Swedish politics. That is what we were clear about during the previous mandate period. Together with our friends in the coalition parties, we have now succeeded in securing a majority in the chamber. In that case, it is a matter of compromising. This is, just as I mentioned from the rostrum, a compromise that we can live with.

Eventually, we will move forward with tax cuts on low and medium-sized incomes. We will also further strengthen the work line. How it would have gone with the left-wing parties' policies, where I actually include the Center Party, is harder to understand.

The work line will be strengthened. But I pose a counter-question to Member Cato. How would it have been possible to negotiate with Vänsterpartiet, Socialdemokraterna and Miljöpartiet on that, when the tail-following is so high?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Madam Speaker! We should not label one another, said the Moderate Party. Then he says that our policy is left-wing policy.

One can check the budget proposals. Our policy is exactly what we claim to be - both conservative and liberal.

I am the first to agree that the Center Party and the Social Democrats are two completely different parties. It is no secret that we have different views on labor market policy. It is something I am quite happy that we can say, and I believe we can both agree on that. I would have gladly seen the Moderates have done the same instead of accepting the Sweden Democrats' entire policy area by area.

Yes, politics is about compromising. But I can state that when the Center Party compromised during the last mandate period within the framework of the January Agreement, it did not become a concession. Instead, it became a major, historical reforming of LAS, and it became a major, historical reforming of Arbetsförmedlingen – such as things that the Moderaterna did not manage to do during the years we cooperated within Alliansen. Back then, there was always someone who said stop. But the Center Party got it through. We have shown that we can compromise and stand up for bourgeois liberal proposals such as changed labor law, LAS, and Arbetsförmedlingen.

Now it is not the Social Democrats, not the Left Party, not the Green Party and not the Centre Party that are in power. It is the Moderates. You say: "You have had eight years." But you have also had eight years to prepare yourselves to take over power. It is completely obvious that you have not been ready. When it comes to everything that is not in the Tidö Agreement, it echoes empty. The work line is one such thing.

My question to the member is: What measures can the member promise here that will increase the work line and decrease the benefit line?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Madam Speaker! I begin where Jonny Cato ended, with what will improve the work line forward compared to the situation we are in today after eight years of stagnation with a Social Democratic government with the support of the Center Party.

We will, when the economy allows, continue to lower the tax on ordinary incomes so that bus drivers, nursing assistants, and other people with completely ordinary jobs can keep more of their own earned wages. We succeeded in doing that together with Centerpartiet during the eight years we sat in the alliance government. Then, as I said, we strengthened ordinary earners when they received an extra month's salary per year to manage. I think that is something we can continue to work on.

I also mentioned a subsidy reform. We have ensured that it is included in the Tidö Agreement as an important moderate key issue, to ensure that it will always pay off better to work than not to work. It is something that will come during the mandate period. That is what we have agreed on.

The reason I asked the questions to Jonny Cato regarding the underlying data is that the underlying data matters. The Centre Party has parked itself to the left in Swedish politics. One joins the red-green opposition side with 173 mandates against our 176 – thank goodness we received a majority in the chamber! That is why those questions are asked.

The Center Party's results across the country nevertheless call for some kind of reflection. I am thinking of my own home county and the counties north of Dalälven where the results have been poor. I believe that people want the Center Party to return home to the bourgeois side and ensure that we can together reform Sweden in the right direction. That is what people are demanding in the countryside where the Center Party has traditionally had strong support.

My appeal is therefore the same as the voters': Come home to the bourgeoisie, and then we will surely be able to do something good even moving forward with the Center Party.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Madam Speaker! The right-wing government and the Sweden Democrats have taken power in a situation where the employment rate is the highest in 30 years and also in the absolute top tier of the EU. Pleasantly enough, unemployment is also lower than when we entered the pandemic. We do, however, have too high unemployment. I want to be clear that I also think so. But it is still from a position of strength in the labor market, with falling unemployment, that this government has taken over.

It depends largely on the fact that we Social Democrats have pursued an offensive and active labor market policy with a broad range of measures tailored to the job seekers' needs, in combination with clearer requirements for the individual regarding what is expected to make oneself employable.

Madam Speaker! Now we are heading towards a recession. Everyone, including the government itself, makes the assessment that unemployment will increase next year. We Social Democrats choose then to invest in labor market policy and in adult education to equip people, so that they stand ready when it eventually turns again. But the government parties and the Sweden Democrats do exactly the opposite. They cut.

My simple question to the member from Moderaterna is: How does the government intend to proceed when cutting the active labor market policy by billions of kronor at the same time as we enter a recession?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Madam Speaker! Regarding the fact that employment has increased: It would be strange otherwise, given how the population has grown during the recent years. It is clear that there is an answer somewhere as to why employment has increased to this extent.

But it remains the case that the Social Democrats put forward a promise before the 2014 election that Sweden would have the EU's lowest unemployment in 2020. Stefan Löfven's most important promise, which his Finance Minister Magdalena Andersson was involved in driving forward, was precisely this. The voters were promised that this would be the case. What result did we get then? Well, just as I mentioned in my speech, unemployment in Sweden rose the most in the entire union, to the EU's third highest. The result of Social Democratic labor market policy and the subsidy line is not something I believe Teresa Carvalho and her Social Democrats will take with them in the argumentation moving forward, for we have seen the opposite.

It is still the case that Sweden has an all too high unemployment rate. And just as the member mentions, we are heading towards harsher times. We are in harsh times, and we may head towards even harsher times ahead. In that case, it is a matter of doing the right things. One such thing is to hold the state's finances firmly and to ensure that we do not counteract other parts of the policy that are intended to keep inflation in check and ensure that people's incomes are not eroded. It is a matter of being frugal with the taxpayers' money moving forward. I think that is a basis to carry with us in these discussions.

Then there is this matter regarding the labor market policy. We are on the track that there must be efficiency in this area. We had an exchange of remarks about this earlier, I and Teresa Carvalho. We simply must be frugal with the taxpayers' money. Teresa Carvalho and her Social Democrats want to raise the tax for 1 million ordinary wage earners. Then one has more money to distribute. It is no stranger than that. We are not of the opinion that one should do that.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Madam Speaker! I actually must begin by addressing the lie that came at the end of Viktor Wärnick's reply. He says that we Social Democrats want to raise taxes for 1 million wage earners. That is a pure and utter lie, Madam Speaker.

We Social Democrats do not raise taxes in our budget alternative. What we do is say no to large tax cuts for high-income earners. I stand for that, with pride. In this tough situation, we say no to large tax cuts for the most well-off in society in order to instead invest those resources in an increased child allowance for families all around our country and in a fuel subsidy for people in rural areas who are dependent on cars. We strengthen the welfare.

Viktor Wärnick says that we want to raise taxes. That is a lie; it is not true.

Madam Speaker! I am not ashamed for one moment that we Social Democrats have a history of having high ambitions and high goals to combat unemployment in our country. I am not ashamed for one moment for that.

It would be interesting to hear if Viktor Wärnick has any thoughts on what level of unemployment he considers acceptable, whether he himself has or dares to have any targets, and above all, what he is prepared to do to combat the unemployment that everyone, including the government, assesses will occur next year. The only thing that is being done is that they are cutting back on active labor market policies and on adult education, which is intended to equip people in bad times so that they are better equipped when it eventually turns upwards again.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Madam Speaker! I want to say something regarding the increased tax for 1 million wage earners. The threshold for state income tax is regulated based on the price base amount. It was the Andersson government that established the price base amount. I do not know if you remember that the former Minister for Education, Anna Ekström, during the election campaign posted pictures on social media and proudly proclaimed that the increased price base amount level would strengthen the economy for students, pensioners, and others. It is therefore the previous government that has determined this level, not this government. And with that level, the threshold is raised.

What the Social Democrats are now putting before the Riksdag concerns approximately every fourth midwife receiving a tax increase. That is exactly what it means. In reality, this means a tax increase, because you will then have to change the tax regulations that you yourselves have established and the price base amount that you yourselves have decided, Teresa Carvalho. I think it is important that this is included when one speaks of falsehoods and truths.

That we must be careful with the taxpayers' money is, so to speak, our basic principle. In order for us to be able to afford to make various interventions during the coming year, we must be tight right now. We are also tight regarding the distribution of funds across the different expenditure areas. This applies, among other things, to the labor market policy, where we know that not all resources have been used even this year when it comes to the labor market policy measures. It concerns 1.6 billion kronor that will not be used. And we are reducing by 1.5 billion for next year.

High ambitions and goals will not lead very far. One can be big on words, but one must follow it up with politics. We believe that the work line is the right way to go. It is a matter of setting demands but also ensuring that there are carrots for people to take a job. In that case, lowered taxes for low- and middle-income earners is a way to move forward – but also a contribution ceiling.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Ciczie Weidby (V)

Madam Speaker! You who are still alert and sharp will now hear what the Left Party thinks regarding the labor market and the working environment.

I want to first address the Moderates. It is very unfair that you accuse the Social Democrats of raising taxes, because the Social Democrats do not do that. It is usually we who do it, because we think that is how you actually finance a good welfare. So, I have said that.

Madam Speaker! We have today an economic situation characterized by high inflation, rising interest rates, and the effects of Russia's war in Ukraine. In this situation, it is central to safeguard the Swedish households' economy. It is also time to restore the welfare society that previous generations have built up.

Vänsterpartiet strives for a social development with good and equal conditions for all who live and work in our country. We need an economic policy aimed at full employment and economic equality while the climate transition work is significantly accelerated so that we can reach our climate goals.

The Sweden Democrats' and the government's budget bill is characterized by a shocking passivity in the face of both major structural societal problems and the effects of the ongoing cost crisis. Vänsterpartiet presents a completely different direction in its budget motion with powerful measures to meet the challenges that exist.

Madam Speaker! The Left Party's budget alternative implies a focus on a more ambitious labor market and work life policy than the one that the government and the Sweden Democrats stand behind. We advocate for the positive work line with a policy for full employment in combination with strong security systems that provide protection for individuals during temporary periods of unemployment, illness, and parental leave, as well as when work life is over.

I truly regret the negative labor line that characterizes the government's proposal, where already vulnerable groups are made even more vulnerable. In these uneasy times heading into a recession, a unifying policy and strengthened efforts are needed instead to equip and support those who are without jobs.

In recent years, Arbetsförmedlingen has undergone an extensive restructuring which has resulted in a large part of the agency's activities being privatized. Furthermore, the agency has undergone extensive cuts, resulting in thousands of employees being laid off and a large number of local offices being closed.

Vänsterpartiet is, lo and behold, still strongly critical of the ongoing restructuring and the cuts that have been implemented within Arbetsförmedlingen. The effects at the local level are clear, with major deficiencies in the agency's local presence and support for those who are job seekers.

Madam Speaker! It is, therefore, high time to re-establish the active labor market policy. The focus in the area should be on preventing and breaking long-term unemployment. But the government's direction is the opposite by, in a situation with continued high unemployment and a beginning recession, carrying out substantial cuts to the labor market policy programs and measures.

The efficiency that the government says it wants to achieve will, with great probability, mean that one replaces effective measures in the form of labor market training with, for example, the purchase of matching services. It is not an arrangement I can stand behind.

In addition to rejecting the savings that the government wants to see in the area, there are reasons to allocate additional funds to give more unemployed people the opportunity to participate in labor market training. Furthermore, there are reasons to improve the conditions for newcomers' establishment in the Swedish labor market. Through increased resources, it is possible to strengthen the state's responsibility and expand the initiatives on establishment.

Madam Speaker! An unemployment insurance that provides income security during unemployment is crucial for creating strong and secure employees. In order for those who lose their jobs to have good opportunities to either retrain or find a new job that corresponds to his or her competence, the unemployment insurance needs to provide a reasonable compensation. During the recent decades, however, the unemployment insurance has deteriorated.

It is certainly welcome that the government stands behind the fact that the improvements implemented during the pandemic shall also apply in the future, but further reinforcements are needed. To re-establish the unemployment insurance as an income insurance, permanent improvements are required in the coming years where the state takes its responsibility and provides the resources that are needed.

During 2023, Vänsterpartiet would like to see a significant increase in the appropriation to make the temporary qualification and replacement rules permanent, change the replacement level to 80 percent during the entire replacement period, and raise the ceiling for the entire replacement period. At the same time, there are reasons to increase the basic amount and the payments in the activity support in relation to the increase of the ceiling.

Madam Speaker! When it comes to labor market policy, I would very much like to emphasize the decisive importance that the Swedish Work Environment Authority's inspection activities have for the workers' work environment. In order for the Swedish Work Environment Authority to be able to carry out more inspections, more work environment inspectors are required and, of course, significantly reinforced support to be able to employ these people. It is unfortunate that the government does not see the need that exists to strengthen the inspection activities.

Finally, the regional safety representative activity should be given increased financial support. The regional safety representatives truly have a central role in the work environment work, especially at workplaces where the workforce varies and at smaller workplaces where it can be difficult to recruit a local safety representative.

Madam Speaker! Since the Left Party's proposal for appropriations in this area exceeds the level that the Riksdag has determined, I unfortunately cannot reserve myself in favor of a separate proposal but instead submit a special statement.

Thank you so very much for taking the time to listen!

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Jacobsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! I would like to begin my speech by moving for the approval of the proposals in the committee's report.

Unemployment is currently 6.6 percent, a total of 331,000 individuals. Of these, approximately 50 percent are long-term unemployed. Compared to 2021, this is an improvement, but now the risks are increasing, and the situation is difficult given that we have emerged from a pandemic affecting the world economy as well as Russia's dreadful attack on Ukraine.

This, in combination with the fact that we in Sweden, through previous political decisions, have created problems within both the energy and fuel markets, causes inflation to increase, which in itself affects the entire economy. All of this means that we must do what we can to improve the matching on the labor market and facilitate for people to find a job or an education that in the long run leads to jobs.

Madam Speaker! I share the government's goal that the labor market policy shall contribute to a well-functioning labor market and that the work life policy shall lead to good working conditions and opportunities for development in work for both women and men.

Even though I am well aware of the research that exists regarding mobility in the labor market in relation to how the compensation systems look, I believe it is good that the government extends the temporary provision in the unemployment insurance. We are in the middle of a recession, and in that case, it is important that those who risk losing their jobs due to changes in the labor market have a well-functioning unemployment insurance.

Even though the government, through this report, has responded to all the motions regarding Samhall, I believe it is important that the government, in the long term, returns with a larger review of this activity.

Samhall and wage subsidies are different methods aimed at getting more people into jobs. This is good because a job does not only provide a salary and better welfare. When one has a job to go to, one also gets a context, a community where one is needed and where one can also be there for others. Being outside the labor market is not only negative for personal finances - it is at least as bad for the personal sense of belonging. It is therefore important to continue working so that everyone who is unemployed gets the opportunity to get a job or an education.

Madam Speaker! We in the Riksdag and the government will not be able to break the cycle of unemployment alone. For it to succeed, we must have good cooperation with the business community and the trade unions. We must also listen to and cooperate with the municipalities, which are often those who have to catch the individuals who, for various reasons, do not succeed in entering the labor market.

In my own work of learning more about Sweden's labor market policy, I have during the autumn met various labor market partners as well as made a number of study visits in a couple of municipalities. One of the strongest meetings was when I got to meet the study association Bilda in Örebro and see how they work to get people who are far away from the labor market to get jobs as solar panel technicians.

Another exciting meeting was when I was in Norrköping and listened to how they work with issues regarding the labor market, integration, adult education, and social assistance in a committee. Based on my previous municipal political experiences, I believe that this type of integrated committee is a good way to work when one is trying to reduce, above all, long-term unemployment.

Madam Speaker! In my conversations with the parties in the labor market, one returns to the need for a regulated and well-functioning labor immigration. Even when I visited Örnsköldsvik, where, among other things, Hägglunds' great export successes result in other companies having difficulty finding the right personnel, the issue of well-functioning labor immigration was highlighted.

Everyone I have spoken with agrees that this must be regulated and that we cannot have a situation where individuals are harmed. But everyone also signals that they are concerned about whether the regulatory framework becomes too strict, which could hinder the economic development in the companies and the country.

For my part, I hope that the government chooses to use the method that we have used in the rest of the labor market, with the labor market's parties and the minimum wages that exist within the collective agreements. This is a method that aligns well with the rest of the labor market, and it can be used without giving the trade union parties a veto regarding which personnel are needed at a company.

Regardless of which method the government uses, it is important that we manage to reduce unemployment in the country while simultaneously facilitating for those companies that are growing and need to recruit staff both within and outside the EU.

Madam Speaker! To facilitate the matching, it is important that we continue to work with different forms of educational initiatives. In this context, I would like to take the opportunity to say that I consider it very good that the labor market parties have reached a new agreement, the security agreement. This is the largest agreement on the Swedish labor market since the Saltsjöbad Agreement.

In this agreement, an agreement has also been reached on a transition study support, which means that those who already have a job will get the opportunity to further their education in order to thereby improve their own conditions on the labor market. As a Christian Democrat, I am extra happy about the transition study support, as this is a reform that we began working for as early as the end of the 90s. It is incredibly good that it is now becoming a reality.

Another reform that I am very positive about concerns establishment jobs. It has been developed together with the labor market partners in order to reduce long-term unemployment and create conditions for newcomers' establishment in the labor market. The model is based on an initiative from Unionen, LO and Svenskt Näringsliv.

The establishment jobs are aimed at two target groups among the job seekers: the long-term unemployed and newcomers in Sweden. The goal is to improve employers' conditions for skills supply through a simple support model. As a Christian Democrat, I think this is a very good reform, Madam Speaker, as several parties are cooperating.

The Christian Democrats are strong supporters of civil society and the Swedish labor market model, which is based on the principle that the parties in the labor market negotiate the conditions on the labor market and that we as legislators only intervene with legislation where this supports the agreements that the parties have reached. This is a good principle that we must protect together against, among other things, the EU, where work is carried out based on other models according to which legislation regulates more. Sweden's model has contributed to Sweden being able to build a welfare state where common efficiency gains have been able to be distributed in a way that has benefited both employees, employers, and other parts of society.

Madam Speaker! It is important that we have a good and secure working life. Therefore, the government has three sub-goals to monitor the developments within the working life.

The first is a work environment that prevents ill health and accidents, which counteracts people being excluded from work, which takes into account people's different circumstances and which contributes to the development of both individuals and operations.

The second is a labor law that creates conditions for a working life that meets both the employees' and the employers' needs for flexibility, security, and influence.

The third is a wage formation in socio-economic balance and industrial peace.

Based on the indicators that the government follows to see if these goals are met, the government notes that most of the goals are being met. At the same time, there are differences between men and women in the labor market, and we can never be completely satisfied when work-related accidents occur.

We must therefore continue to work together with the labor market partners for a good working life characterized by the fact that the staff have good conditions to develop and that the employers can develop their operations, regardless of whether it concerns the public sector or the private business sector.

Madam Speaker! During the debate, a great deal has, once again, been raised regarding the general economic policy. I would like to make a few brief comments on this.

It is said, among other things, that we are conducting an irresponsible policy regarding the labor market policy area. I can state that 90 billion is allocated and that the red side adds another 1.7 billion, which corresponds to a difference of 1.8 percent. It is thus 1.8 percent in a budget that is the difference between a good policy and an irresponsible policy. Somewhere here in the chamber, we have to be a bit careful with how we use words.

We also have the discussion about the sharp tax increases - or tax cuts, however we want to use the terms. The fact remains: When you change the threshold, it is 1.3 million workers who get a tax increase. It is generally not about high-income earners but about police officers, teachers, midwives and nurses. It is ordinary workers who will get a tax increase in a situation where we need to protect purchasing power.

Madam Speaker! I stand by my motion to approve the government's policy.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! I refrain from reprimanding the member regarding his talk about tax cuts and tax increases. I believe my colleague Teresa Carvalho has clearly spoken about what is in our budget proposal regarding higher or lower taxes.

Just as the member said in their speech, this appropriation covers not only what concerns active labor market policy but also labor life policy. We Social Democrats have done very much and taken a number of initiatives to prevent and stop labor life crime in Sweden. Labor life crime is about companies systematically breaking the work environment regulations and dumping conditions and wages for the employees.

We have begun a powerful effort to address this through more joint agency controls, the appointment of a delegation against crime in the workplace, and an action plan to tackle crime in the workplace. Stopping crime in the workplace is an important part of the former government's work environment strategy.

Given how deprioritized labor market policy has been among the right-wing parties previously, I am concerned about what this will look like moving forward. Therefore, I wonder how the right-wing government will take the work of stopping labor market crime further.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Jacobsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! The discussion we have had internally has focused very much on reviewing the control systems. For example, a decision is being made today regarding a new agency that will be responsible for how the compensations coming from the state are paid out, which in itself aims to be able to see when someone cheats and behaves in a negative way.

We have also had major legal proceedings, including within LSS, where we have seen how people have quite systematically cheated the systems and in that way accessed compensations that they do not actually have a legal right to.

Just when it comes to these questions of principle, I actually do not think that Member Johanna Haraldsson needs to be worried, because we are probably in complete agreement on principle. I share the view regarding the documents that have now been presented in connection with the negotiations for a new government. Everyone sitting here in the House knows that there is a budget act that says when things should be in place. There is not much text in the documents, but I am completely convinced that we agree on the basic principle itself. I otherwise think that the Social Democrats have done a good job in this area by taking action to begin the process.

In the future, we will discuss, for example, recruitment from abroad. How are we going to work with this? In what way is it controlled? What are our replacement levels? It is also at least as much about the fact that none of us, I assure you, want a situation where, for example, a chef comes here and then sleeps on the floor in the kitchen. No one among us is interested in that type of labor market.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! I thank you for the answer and the reassuring messages.

A question that immediately comes to my mind is why the government does not invest more in Arbetsmiljöverket. It is the authority that is the spider in the web to tackle crime in the working life in Sweden, and it is the authority that holds together and coordinates the work against crime in the working life.

We Social Democrats are investing in Arbetsmiljöverket in our budget proposal to demonstrate how important the work against crime in the workplace is and to try to increase the number of inspections at workplaces to create a good working environment and good working conditions, just as the member said in their speech. Why is more not being invested in Arbetsmiljöverket so that the work can be further strengthened?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Jacobsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! Just regarding the question, I will be held accountable for the answer. However, we are allocating resources to Arbetsmiljöverket. I also believe it is important that Arbetsmiljöverket works with both planned and unplanned inspections. Just as I said in my speech, it is important to have a dialogue between Arbetsmiljöverket and the various parties. It is usually with the parties that the work is seen. The union does a great deal of work by sometimes reporting various forms of irregularities.

At the core, we are in principle in agreement, and in the future when I meet ministers, I will gladly bring with me how the issues should be viewed in the longer term. But just today, I am indebted to the answer.

I still want to include a reflection regarding our budgets. There is a difference of 1.8 percent between what the red team, the Social Democrats, invest and what we invest. On the other hand, it differs by 2 to 2 ½ percent in the other direction if one looks at the Centre Party's budget. Even if we do not agree on every single detail, there are four parties presenting a stable budget that will pass through the Riksdag.

I have asked the question on several occasions, and I will let the following question hang in the air, Madam Speaker: Where is the Social Democrats' future government basis?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Madam Speaker! During the recent parliamentary terms, the Swedish and global economy have been subjected to a long series of crises. The financial crisis, the euro crisis, the corona pandemic, and now Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine have all left deep marks on the Swedish economy and created great challenges on the Swedish labor market. Our economy is characterized by high inflation and rising interest rates, and we are likely heading into or even are at the beginning of a recession. This will also affect the labor market, where unemployment is expected to increase and employment will fall back.

Today, nearly 331,000 people are openly unemployed or enrolled in labor market policy programs. 188,000 of them are foreign-born, the majority of whom were born outside of Europe. Many of these people have also been unemployed for more than 12 months. Unemployment is largely the result of a failed job integration. In order for more children to see their parents go to work and for more adults to be able to support themselves, the door to the Swedish labor market must be opened wide. Unemployment is many times very draining for the individual, while at the same time contributing to large costs for the public sector and constituting an incredibly untapped potential for society.

During the previous parliamentary term, the Center Party pushed through historical reforms of the Swedish labor market with a modernized labor law and extensive transition packages, regarding matching and the reception of newly arrived people. These reforms need to continue to be implemented to achieve their full effect.

But this is not enough. Still, high costs for hiring keep people out of the labor market. To enable more simple jobs and thus more paths into the labor market, both reinforced education, lower costs for hiring, new forms of employment, and a better introduction to the labor market are needed.

Despite the fact that unemployment is predicted to increase, there is still a labor shortage in many sectors at the same time. While unemployment is high, many companies are crying out for labor, and in many industries, companies are not finding the competence they are in such great need of despite advertised positions. Matching is a gigantic problem in our labor market and not least for Swedish companies.

To improve matching, the Center Party pushed through a historic reform of Arbetsförmedlingen. The unemployed shall receive help from efficient, independent, and results-based actors. The reformed model for independent matching actors has, however, not yet been fully implemented, and it is partially problematic. Arbetsförmedlingen instead uses an intermediate step, Kundval Rusta och Matcha, "Krom", which does not have as clear a profile towards results and does not reward efforts for the most vulnerable as clearly as intended.

Despite these limitations, and despite the fact that it took a long time to introduce, a very large proportion of those unemployed who have received help through Krom have moved on to work and education. It is clear that the reform was truly needed.

The problem is that the government does not provide Krom with the economic resources required to reach its full potential, while the Arbetsförmedlingen's organization has had difficulty assigning unemployed people to independent matching actors. Only a small portion of the unemployed, between one-quarter and one-fifth, have therefore received access to an effective, independent matching actor, which has severely hindered the efficiency within the labor market policy.

At the same time, many successful projects that Arbetsförmedlingen has conducted in cooperation with municipalities have been phased out due to a lack of resources. The Government proposes reduced resources for these many times successful and independent parts of the labor market policy. To counteract this, the Centerpartiet proposes funds to ensure that the funding levels for, among other things, matching actors do not decrease.

Madam Speaker! The labor market policy also depends on Arbetsförmedlingen being present in all parts of the country - both where there are large labor needs and where there are large needs for vulnerable people to book physical meetings.

The presence of Arbetsförmedlingen throughout the country cannot be overemphasized. Despite this, Arbetsförmedlingen has in recent years choked off resources to the smallest local offices in a pursuit to centralize operations, despite clear directives in regulatory letters to re-establish local operations all around the country. This is a major problem that the government needs to address immediately. We cannot afford to have a functioning labor market policy only in parts of the country; it is needed in all of Sweden.

Madam Speaker! During the previous parliamentary term, the Center Party pushed through historical reforms of the Swedish labor market. Now the government must nurture, develop, and gear up the tools that the Center Party has given it. At the same time, major reforms are needed so that more people can move from unemployment to jobs.

In conclusion, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the committee secretariat for their good work during the autumn and wish both the secretariat and the Speaker's Presidium a Merry Christmas.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Camilla Mårtensen (L)

Madam Speaker! I would like to begin by moving for approval of the committee's proposal in AU2 regarding expenditure area 14.

It is a restless time we have ahead of us, not least in the area of the labor market, where the forecasts say that unemployment will increase. With rising inflation, skyrocketing energy prices and a lack of faith in the future, many will face the darkness with warnings and unemployment.

Nor neither is it a good idea to meet a recession with higher taxes when it is already difficult enough to make the money last the whole month. When resources are not infinite, the resources must be directed where they do the most good. I view positively that more resources are allocated to match and support the unemployed towards real jobs and not "made-up assignments" at the municipalities' offices.

At the same time as notices of termination and bankruptcies threaten companies, many operations within the welfare sector lack labor - nurses, nursing assistants and biomedical analysts but also bus drivers and police officers. The list can be long. It is an opportunity and a chance to, with the help of a results-oriented labor market policy, match job seekers with shortage occupations.

It would be a cardinal error if I, as a liberal, did not highlight the most important tool against unemployment and matching issues in the labor market, namely a functioning education from primary school to upper secondary school and further to higher education.

Let us stop for a short moment at upper secondary school. A passing upper secondary school grade is, in fact, the most effective unemployment insurance. If you have also chosen an upper secondary school that provides a professional title, you are very close to a job on the very day you graduate.

We need more people who choose craft professions, more who want to earn their money and see their future on a construction site, in a kitchen, or within health and social care. For years I have heard that we must make the practical jobs more attractive. I do not believe that the jobs are unattractive. I believe it is because the education programs are.

I believe that we here in this chamber, but also parents and teachers, must change our attitudes. We simply need attractive educations that show the way to available jobs, clear study and career counselors, opportunities for lifelong learning, and many alternative educational paths.

Madam Speaker! It is good that the government is directing resources to matching services. It contributes to shorter periods of unemployment and prevents people from falling into long-term unemployment. When the economy turns around, it is important that people do not get stuck in unemployment but quickly return to the workforce.

Extra services, which create lock-in effects and push out real jobs while people who are furthest from the labor market do not receive the support they need, must go. Now the Liberals and the government are changing the policy. More people shall get real jobs and become part of the middle class.

More people will be able to participate in work placements so that those who need to get a foot in the door on the labor market get the chance. For those who are going to pursue education, there will now be more places at regional vocational adult education.

Equipping individuals for working life and truly improving their job opportunities during a recession is an important measure.

I hope that will also happen in Skåne. With all respect for the increased need for border controls, consideration must be taken that the Öresund region is a common labor market with Denmark and very soon also northern Germany, where one will be able to commute for work when the Fehmarn Bält connection has been inaugurated. In Skåne, unemployment is higher than the average in Sweden - 8.5 percent compared to 6.7.

In Denmark, unemployment is around 3 percent. The Danes are crying out for Scanian labor. Let us not miss that chance. We must think carefully so that we can have both a sensible border control and a smooth labor commuting.

I am relatively new to the Committee on Employment, and I am pleased that the wise committee chairs, with the Liberals at the forefront, have driven changes for the opportunities of people with disabilities to work.

Samhall has now made a much-needed change with a clearer focus on work that suits the group that stands outside the labor market due to disability. Let us not stop there. I hope that during the mandate period, the conditions for giving people with disabilities greater power over their participation in professional life with the help of job checks are investigated.

Madam Speaker! The work line must be restored. Those who can work shall work, and the individual resources needed shall be deployed.

In worrying times, the connection between labor market measures and the private sector must be extra strong. A strong business sector builds a strong welfare. We must dare to give the private business sector the opportunity to participate. Modern Swedish business builds companies that are environmentally, economically, and not least socially sustainable, with a great commitment to society and individuals. It is not only because they want to and feel that it is urgent, but also because it is a good business idea to work with the Agenda 2030 goals. Just as we see the private business sector driving forward sustainable environmental measures today, the private business sector will be able to help us with social sustainability. Let us not miss that chance!

With the government's and the Liberals' labor market policy, we open up more simple paths to the first real job.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Serkan Köse (S)

Madam Speaker! I completely share Camilla Mårtensen's analysis that we are heading into a recession and that unemployment will increase. Everything indicates that. Therefore, I am a bit worried when the Liberals, with the support of SD, are now scaling back active labor market policy entirely.

In the budget, we can read that the labor market policy toolbox is being narrowed and the opportunities to tailor interventions to the job seeker's needs are being worsened.

Arbetsförmedlingen's administrative grant will be reduced by 219 million kronor next year. This affects both wages and, not least, premises. In practice, this means that the ambition level for the agency is being lowered. In order to be able to perform its work, it will be forced to make reprioritizations in its operations.

Not only that – we also see reductions in the administrative budget for 2024 despite the fact that we, as the member was pointing out, are heading into a recession and that unemployment will increase.

I mean that Arbetsförmedlingen needs financial stability and peace and quiet to focus on its mission. It needs foresight but also a long-term plan to manage long-term unemployment but also to strengthen its local presence.

In view of this, I would like to ask the member if the Liberals consider that Arbetsförmedlingen is well-equipped as we are now heading into a recession and will experience increased unemployment.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Camilla Mårtensen (L)

Madam Speaker! I thank you for the question.

I believe that the change that has occurred in Arbetsförmedlingen's mandate has been necessary. I also believe that Arbetsförmedlingen should be given time to be in the suit it is in now.

That is not to say that additional appropriations will not be needed. The situation may change such that they will be needed. But as someone said earlier, it is about the fact that we must have efficiency in the measures we propose. That is not always the case. The steering of measures shall be towards that which provides the best efficiency for those who are job seekers and the best possible matching in the labor market.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Serkan Köse (S)

Madam Speaker! It can be stated that the M-KD-SD budget 2019 affected both the programs and the administrative appropriations. It had enormous consequences when we entered the pandemic in 2020. It was forced to reduce local presence and lay off 3,500 employees. It naturally affected the conditions for Arbetsförmedlingen to focus on its core mission. But we will continue that discussion.

The members of the board were also involved in adult education and the labor market-oriented vocational training, which I think are very important. But when one looks at the budget, one can, just as LO has calculated this, observe that 25,000 places disappear from vocational adult education, komvux, folk high school, and so on as an effect of this budget.

Representatives for the employers are also a bit angry. In an article in Svenska Dagbladet on December 11, representatives for the train, construction, and education industries write the following: "When one cuts, one thereby deliberately cuts off the business sector's opportunities for new competence and growth." The headline is "'Kristersson betrays promise on the vocational college'".

What we see now is fewer places, not least at the university college. That does not quite align with what the government wants. One example is that they want to prepare people for a crisis such as the one we are heading into now.

I would very much like to hear how the Liberals intend to handle the challenge we have with mismatching in the Swedish labor market. We need to equip more people to be able to take the jobs that exist. At the same time, we have high long-term unemployment. How is that going to work now when the opportunities for adult education are being reduced?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Camilla Mårtensen (L)

Madam Speaker! There were many questions. I will start by commenting on this regarding Arbetsförmedlingen's local presence.

As an active local politician, I can say that it was many years ago that Arbetsförmedlingen left my small municipality. I actually cannot see that there was any major difference in connection with the previous budget, which M, KD, and SD pushed through.

It is true that we have made efficiencies regarding adult education. At the same time, this is in relation to the extra appropriation that was available for education during the Covid times. This measure was time-limited and is now disappearing. I do not consider it impossible that we will need to allocate additional funds, but for what types of education the government must take time to investigate. One must also discuss with the labor market partners where the needs are greatest.

Let me point out again that the regular education for our children and youth, preschool, primary school and upper secondary school, despite everything, is the most important unemployment insurance for the future, and here we have much to do.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! I still have all my fingers. It could very well have been different. There is no difference between my old workplace and other industries. I had a good employer who meant well and good safety representatives, and there was a well-functioning systematic work environment management. But it was also a workplace with old machines where one had not succeeded in building out all the risks, something that has resulted in accidents, injuries and, however bad it sounds, several lost fingertips. At this workplace, one has of course continued to constantly review the safety equipment and the possibility of building in machine parts without hindering the work. One has systematically worked for a safer workplace.

Sometimes we talk about the human factor as the cause of accidents and ill health, as if this cannot be influenced because we are human beings. But it is because we are human beings and sometimes make quick and not so well-considered decisions or simply blunder and do what humans do when they are a little stressed that one constantly must work to minimize risks at work so that no one comes to harm. One also needs to plan and organize the work according to those who work, not solely according to the job that is to be done.

Madam Speaker! Within expenditure area 14, there is what everyone else has spoken about during this debate: the active labor market policy and Arbetsförmedlingen – or the soon not so active labor market policy after the government's and Sverigedemokraternas cuts.

In this part of the budget, there is also that which concerns working life: the appropriations to Arbetsmiljöverket, the activities of the regional safety representatives, and the Agency for Occupational Health Knowledge. They are quite small in relation to other items in the expenditure area, but the working environment has a decisive impact on our working life. It is tangible and is felt in the body, in the shoulders and back, and in the form of anxiety or well-being. We spend a large part of our waking time at work, and how light, noise, posture, and the atmosphere between colleagues manifest has a major impact on our well-being. When one has a developing job, a good boss, and fine colleagues, one feels good, perhaps even better than when one went to work in the morning. A good working environment contributes to well-being and health.

An inadequate work environment, on the other hand, can be life-threatening. The ultimate consequence of a poor work environment is when someone is involved in an accident, when someone's parent, sibling, or child goes to work and never comes home again. During this year, a lack of routines, risk analyses, and failure to establish protections has resulted in 44 people losing their lives at work. It is 44 people who will never come home again. No one should have to risk their life at work, nor because of work. This objective is the only reasonable one, and it is part of the previous Social Democratic government's work environment strategy which was decided in 2020 and applies until 2025.

Madam Speaker! The goals in the strategy are, in addition to the zero vision, among other things about more people being able to work until retirement and that regulations shall be adapted according to how working life develops. It is about improved research and knowledge in the area of the work environment and about the need for a review of the regulatory framework to see how the work environment can be strengthened in female-dominated sectors.

The final goal in the strategy concerns a labor market without crime and fraud. Labor market crime is widespread in Sweden. When companies deliberately cheat, break the law and exploit people in the labor market, it affects serious companies, employees and the entire society.

Serious companies risk being competed out by those who dump working conditions and wages. The work environment is substandard and many times outright life-threatening when employers break rules and laws and do not make the efforts required to protect the workers that serious companies usually do.

Workplace crime is also not separate from other crime but often has links to serious organized crime.

We Social Democrats want it to be difficult to cheat, easy to get caught, and palpable to be punished. Therefore, in a government position, we established agency cooperation with joint inspections of workplaces, a national strategy with an action plan, and new regional centers – all to strengthen the work against crime in the workplace and gather society's resources to best counteract this crime. During 2021, a delegation was also appointed to support the work to counteract crime in the workplace as well as to increase and spread knowledge about it.

The joint work between authorities has increased the possibility of stopping actors who violate the work environment regulations and other rules. We have raised our ambitions and step by step built up a powerful and coordinated work against cheating, outright crimes, and human trafficking in the labor market.

Madam Speaker! In the work of preventing risks, strong legislation and clear regulations are extremely important. But none of it is effective if it is not followed up and monitored. The work on the working environment at our workplaces needs to be constantly ongoing, systematic, and in cooperation. In that work, strong and knowledgeable safety representatives are crucial.

Safety representatives perform a life-saving job for their colleagues at the workplace. Precisely because they are present at the workplace daily, they have the opportunity to detect deficiencies in the work environment and, in a natural way, be alerted to when there may be a risk of injury or ill health.

Work environment work is very much about cooperation, but a safety representative must be able to be tough when required. Safety representatives must be able to question the management, point out deficiencies, and dare to stop the work if there are safety risks and risk to life. In that case, one needs someone who backs you up. Trade union organizations have this strength and opportunity. Without backing, we risk weaker safety representatives and, in the long run, a poorer work environment in our workplaces.

Madam Speaker! There are over 1,500 regional safety representatives in Sweden, equivalent to approximately 280 man-years of work. These are people who, alongside their regular work, support employees at workplaces that have not chosen any safety representative themselves. They are safety representatives with experience in safety work at similar workplaces and are appointed by trade union organizations. The state contributes approximately half of what the operation costs. The remainder is covered by the trade unions themselves. The regional safety representatives collectively possess a breadth of competence and experience that would be impossible to replace.

We Social Democrats, in contrast to the right-wing government and the Sweden Democrats, want to give the regional safety representatives access to more workplaces than today, which would contribute to a better working environment at more workplaces.

Arbetsmiljöverket has a key role in the work with the work environment strategy and the expanded zero vision, and in the work to counter crime in the workplace. An agency is needed that has sufficient muscles to monitor and act against deficiencies in our workplaces.

Therefore, we Social Democrats propose in our budget proposal that the appropriation to Arbetsmiljöverket be increased by 100 million in relation to the government's proposal. We want to ensure that more inspectors can be employed. The inspections are the core of the agency's activities, and more inspections are crucial when we Social Democrats want to strengthen the work on the work environment and the fight against crime in the workplace.

Given how right-wing governments have acted previously regarding labor market policy, there was great concern among people engaged in workplace environment issues ahead of the government's budget presentation.

When the right-wing parties last governed Sweden, the labor market policy was dismantled. The Swedish Institute for Labour and Employment Studies and the Swedish Work Environment Authority received significantly fewer resources. The Swedish Institute for Labour and Employment Studies was shut down, and the Swedish Work Environment Authority had to lay off a third of its inspectors.

In this year's budget bill, there are no cuts to the resources for Arbetsmiljöverket, but there is no question of any increased ambitions from the right-wing government's and SD's side, this despite the minister responsible for the issues claiming that the work is prioritized.

Madam Speaker! During its time in power, the Social Democratic government has produced two work environment strategies with a zero vision for fatal accidents and, in the latest, also a zero vision for deaths caused by work. We have increased the appropriations to Arbetsmiljöverket, and it has once again been possible to train and employ more inspectors – a task that needs to continue so that we can reach the goal of one inspector per 10,000 workers in accordance with the ILO's recommendation.

The Social Democratic government established a new agency for occupational health and safety knowledge in 2018. We have begun the reconstruction of a powerful occupational health and safety policy through a new agency and more resources for the Swedish Work Environment Authority's important efforts. The question is whether that work will be continued by the right-wing government or if occupational health and safety issues will be deprioritized again. It remains to be seen, but we Social Democrats will continue to work for a powerful occupational health and safety policy that prevents ill health and accidents, which can put a stop to crime in the workplace and which can create a sustainable and developing working life.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Johanna Haraldsson, for a very good speech! Occupational environment issues and safety representative issues are very close to my heart. I have a past as a safety representative for very many years - over ten years, I believe.

Johanna Haraldsson mentioned the right of access for the regional safety representatives, which she says the Sverigedemokraterna want to be involved in worsening. But if one looks at the committee report and at the debate that took place when the matter was up, one sees that the Sverigedemokraterna want to go significantly further than the government at that time, led by the Socialdemokraterna.

The Social Democrats want the regional safety representatives' right of access to be extended to all workplaces where there are collective agreements. But the Sweden Democrats want a regional safety representative, who is largely paid by the state, to have access to all workplaces in Sweden. Why should the employees who most often have the worst conditions be excluded from the possibility of obtaining good protection at their workplace? Most often, it is the workplaces that lack agreements that have the worst working environment. I simply wonder how Johanna Haraldsson views that question.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Magnus Persson, for the question! We at least have in common that issues regarding the working environment engage both of us.

I think it is something that Magnus Persson forgets when he speaks about wanting more safety representatives to be able to visit even more workplaces, and that is that he wants to separate them from the trade union movement and remove the trade union movement's possibility to appoint the regional safety representatives. That in turn makes these safety representatives weaker.

If it is the case that one is to use approximately the same appropriations as currently available to instead employ state inspectors who shall replace the regional safety representatives, it will not be enough. We will absolutely not be able to obtain the breadth of knowledge and experience and industry knowledge that the regional safety representatives currently possess.

If they were full-time paid inspectors, the cost would correspond to approximately 100-105 inspectors if they were to be employed entirely by the state. That can be compared with the 1,500 that exist today. That cost corresponds to 280 man-years. The risk with the proposals that Sverigedemokraterna highlight is that we get lower competence among safety representatives and that there will be fewer of them, quite simply.

There is no obstacle for Arbetsmiljöverket to conduct inspections at the workplaces where, at present, the regional safety representatives do not have access rights. But when we presented this proposal, they did not even want to take the step of allowing the regional safety representatives to be able to visit the workplaces that have collective agreements, i.e., where there actually exists a contractual relationship between the trade union movement and the employer. Instead, they have said stop and wanted to separate the regional safety representatives from the trade union movement.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Madam Speaker! Perhaps this should be seen in a larger context. It is no secret that the Social Democrats and the trade union movement are quite closely linked. We all know that. The Social Democrats have chosen to politicize the work environment work, and I think it is completely the wrong way to go. One excludes large parts of the workforce from the chance to be involved in the work environment work, for example. One denies wage earners the opportunity to become local safety representatives, for example, solely because the person has the wrong party card.

I was a safety representative for ten years, spotless. I did a damn good job, in plain Swedish, Madam Speaker. Pardon my language! I had good support from my colleagues. But overnight, I was no longer tolerated as a safety representative, solely because I stood for election in the municipal election for the Sverigedemokraterna in my home municipality.

If we now want to get more people on board and develop the work environment work moving forward, does Johanna Haraldsson and the Social Democrats think it is right that trade unions should have the possibility to exclude people from participating in the work environment work solely because they have the wrong party book? Is that how we develop the work environment work in Sweden?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! I would not say that either I as a Social Democrat or the trade unions that I have some closer contact with politicize the assignment. I have my own view on this and have asked how well one distinguishes between what the employer sometimes criticizes – that one recruits members or talks about other things when one is out as a regional safety representative – and the assignment itself as a regional safety representative. One separates the ordinary trade union activities and the regional safety representatives' activities to a very great extent because one simply has the state grant to adhere to.

I would say that this is not something that is politicized. It is not tied to either the politics or the Social Democrats in that way.

However, it is not a right to be a safety representative. If we were to separate the trade union movement, the safety representatives would, for example, stand without backing when the employer perhaps decides to sue a safety representative for having stopped the work, i.e., because the safety representative and the employees at the workplace have seen that the risk is so great that they have chosen to impose a safety representative stop. If the employer then decides to sue the safety representative, the safety representative stands quite alone without anyone behind them. If you do not have a trade union or some other strong organization behind you, whatever it might be when it comes to the parties on the labor market, you are quite weak as a safety representative.

The Swedish model is based on equal-strength parties in the labor market. There, the work environment is also an important part of the model of cooperation. Many collective agreements have also addressed the issue of the work environment. There are quite a few agreements regarding the work environment.

Then the question is how one thinks one can distinguish just the work environment work from the parties model. What is it that stands out so much when it comes to work environment work that makes it possible to distinguish just that issue?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Saila Quicklund (M)

Madam Speaker! It is a long day in the chamber. This is probably the longest debate with the Committee on Employment that I have participated in; we are almost at six hours. It shows what an incredibly great commitment there is in precisely these issues.

I would like to begin by expressing my support for the committee's proposal.

Just this report is divided into two parts, and I will give a speech on the work environment policy. It is truly important.

Work environment issues are constantly relevant, and they are issues that concern and affect many of the country's workers. The subject must therefore also be considered and addressed until we achieve a better and safer work environment for the country's workers. There are great challenges here. These are challenges that have existed for many years and where things are not moving in the right direction - challenges that require urgent measures that both prevent and resolve deficiencies.

A good working environment is of great importance for both growth and employment as well as equal health. Good working conditions and a good working environment are also crucial for a well-functioning labor market. No one who works in Sweden should have a job where they are exploited or worn out. No one should also risk dying or being seriously injured in their work.

Unfortunately, we can see that the development regarding fatal accidents continues to go in the wrong direction. In the year 2021, 39 deaths occurred at workplaces - 36 men and 3 women. I have read out stories in this chamber from two cases where mothers have lost their young sons in work-related accidents. These stories follow me and will continue to follow me in the future as well.

Everyone who goes to work must be able to come home again afterwards, and measures to ensure this can happen must be prioritized. Areas that are particularly high-risk are agriculture and forestry, transport and, not least, the construction industry. Supervision of the working environment at the country's workplaces is crucial to maintain protection for the employees and to ensure that fair competitive conditions can prevail in the labor market. But it is also about educational measures.

As the government emphasizes, a continued high level of ambition in the work environment policy is needed to meet various challenges in working life. The implementation of the work environment strategy 2021-2025 is an important part of strengthening the work to achieve the goal for the work environment policy. The work environment strategy is based on four areas: a sustainable working life, a healthy working life, a safe working life, as well as a labor market without crime and fraud.

Workplace crime has been raised earlier in the debate. Unfortunately, we see that it is increasing significantly in scope and that it is a source of income for serious organized crime. Workplace crime also leads to distorted competition and that serious entrepreneurs are competed out by unscrupulous companies. In addition, workplace crime is behind increased insecurity in the labor market, that labor is exploited, and that public funds risk going to criminals.

It is important to highlight the significance of combating crime, fraud, and abuse linked to the labor market and that sanctions are accurate and effective. It is therefore important that the investments to strengthen Arbetsmiljöverket's coordinating role in cooperation against labor market crime and for an expanded supervision of the working environment can continue. It is positive that an agency cooperation has been initiated and that it has been developed in parallel with Arbetsmiljöverket's supervisory activities. Add to that the joint agency controls and that there have been more of them during 2021, which is good.

I am also pleased that the Work Life Delegation exists. We have two centers, one in northern Sweden and one in southern Sweden, and more are coming. It is thus eight authorities that cooperate. Not least through my role in the Police Authority's Oversight Council, I can hear how the police cooperate in a very good way in these matters.

Workers must also be able to maintain their physical and mental health in their workplace. Particularly worrying is that the reports of occupational diseases among women as a result of organizational and social problems have increased for nine consecutive years. It is therefore not linked solely to the pandemic, which was a major ordeal. The large number of occupational diseases has not received the attention they deserve.

Of course, work-environment-related illness has extensive negative consequences and causes suffering for the individual, but it also causes a socio-economic failure. It is important to continue improving the work environment to prevent ill health, accidents, and to counteract people being excluded from working life - not least to enable a longer working life.

In female-dominated sectors, the conditions for work and the work environment are worse, and this entails higher risks for ill health. There is also a greater risk that one will leave employment as a result of ill health or dissatisfaction with the conditions in the work. Given the large skills shortage that exists within several welfare professions within the public sector, the conditions for employees there need to be improved, otherwise we will not be able to attract the staff we need. The health and care sector needs 200,000 more employees by 2026. It is astounding.

Mr. Speaker! Even before the pandemic, every third woman had been ill due to their job during the last twelve months - every third woman! Among nursing assistants, 48 percent state that they have problems linked to their work. Two-thirds of all persons with work-related problems suffer from physical pain and aching. Of course, it also affects sleep, stress levels, and everyday life.

Arbetsmiljöverket now has the task of developing action plans, and the agency prioritizes the work of contributing to a zero vision against ill health in working life and measures targeted at the health and social care sector.

Mr. Speaker! The issues regarding the working environment are extremely important, and the work to achieve prompt improvements is truly urgent. It is about human lives but also about people's physical and mental health.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Mr. Speaker! I actually had not intended to request the floor, but I could not help myself when the Moderate Saila Quicklund spoke about ill health and workload within welfare professions.

I can only agree that this is a very big challenge and that politics has a particularly large responsibility to create conditions for a good working environment within the public sector. That is why we Social Democrats prioritize more funds for welfare, for a reasonable workload for those who work in elderly care and healthcare, over large tax cuts for those of us who still have very high salaries. That is what we prioritize in our budget motion.

I see a clear connection between sufficient resources for the welfare system and the conditions for those who work there. I wonder if the member also sees that connection. Why, in that case, is the welfare system not prioritized in your budget alternative?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Saila Quicklund (M)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you for the question, Johanna Haraldsson! I view it positively that we get the opportunity to discuss the subject in a reply exchange.

It also requires a certain amount of courage to engage in a rebuttal against me as a Moderate in this debate, given the enormous challenges we have seen in this area following the previous government's policy.

As I said earlier, the fatal accidents have increased dramatically. The occupational diseases have increased like an avalanche; I said in my speech that 48 percent of nursing assistants have ailments linked to their work. Within municipalities and regions, 40 percent state that they have diseases related to work. Within state and private operations, it is 30 percent. These are therefore better figures within private and state operations, which is interesting to note.

Workplace accidents have increased. We have had too long investigation times, and crimes have been written off because the processing times have been too long. I have discussed this in many debates with the Social Democrats, but it has had no effect in this area.

I also see in the report that the Social Democrats express that the level of ambition for the work environment policy should be raised. The next comment is that the work environment is an area where it is seen that measures need to be stepped up. It is a late awakening. What are the comments to this from Member of Parliament Haraldsson?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, Saila Quicklund, for allowing us to spend a little more time discussing the work environment and labor market policy!

When we have increasing sickness rates and increased stress and workload within the working life, not least within elderly care and public activities in general, it is important that we tackle those challenges and have a policy that meets it.

We Social Democrats have, step by step since 2014, increased the appropriations to Arbetsmiljöverket and strengthened a number of rules regarding the working environment. We have also developed work environment strategies in order to be able to meet the challenges that exist within working life and work environment policy.

We have stepped up. But I believe we also continue to need to step up even more. We see it as Member Quicklund points out. We have increased stress and workload within the working life. Therefore, we also need to step up both through grants to municipalities and regions and within the labor market policy through high grants to, for example, the Work Environment Authority.

Just as the member says, very many report that they have problems with fatigue and pain that can be linked to work. An effective way to keep down the workload within public activities is to ensure that regions and municipalities do not need to lay off staff. But this government prioritizes differently.

I wonder: What other ways can the members see to be effective in reducing the workload for employees within the welfare sector?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Saila Quicklund (M)

Mr. Speaker! Member Haraldsson is therefore emphasizing the investments in health and care while taxes are being raised by 13 billion, which hits women in the welfare sector directly. One in four midwives will have worse conditions with higher taxes. This also applies to police officers. It is also an area where work-life crime exists.

To achieve effects for a better working situation for women within the welfare sector, it is a matter of education and ergonomics. It is a matter of cooperation between different authorities and occupational health services, physical exercise and, not least, the Swedish Work Environment Authority's efforts.

In an investigation, it was 90 percent of the visited elderly care homes that had such substandard working environments that they received a reminder. There are amounts of things to do here. It is also about leadership and not least ergonomics.

In my role as head of health and social care, I have met people who have not attended a course in 30 years. There are amounts of things to do. We see these women, and we will do everything to improve the situation.

Member of Parliament Haraldsson also expresses that one has given 100 million more than the government to Arbetsmiljöverket. It is also about efficiency, cooperation and modernization. During the alliance period we had 31,000 inspections in 2013. In 2018 there were 27,000 inspections, and then they were plus 84 people.

Not everything is about money. It is also about the management and governance of the operations. Here, I believe there is a great deal of room for Arbetsmiljöverket to act.

We will follow the work. It is a highly prioritized issue. It is good that the member has an interest in this. Together, we will continue to discuss these issues. There will be more debates.

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Serkan Köse (S)

Mr. Speaker! It is fantastic that we have debated and discussed labor market policy for a good six hours. It feels as if very much has become clearer. It is enjoyable to continue talking about labor market policy for a little while longer, Mr. Speaker.

It can be noted that the Ministry of Finance's latest forecast, the Konjunkturinstitutet and the LO economists with several point out that Sweden is heading into a recession and that unemployment will increase next year.

Even in Arbetsförmedlingen's latest report on the development of the labor market, it is stated that unemployment will increase and that it will be toughest for people who have been without work for more than twelve months, that is, the long-term unemployed.

Just over 144,000 people had in October been without work for twelve months or more, which corresponds to almost half of all registered unemployed.

The government writes in its budget that "weaker demand for labor and rising unemployment means that persons with a weak connection to the labor market are hit particularly hard".

It is worrying that the Sweden Democrats and the government, due to ideological blinkers, are unable to see this challenge on the Swedish labor market.

Mr. Speaker! Nor is one's calm restored by the government's budget for next year. Now that we are heading into a recession and know that unemployment will increase, the Sweden Democrats and the government choose to cut back on labor market policy programs. Barely 7 billion kronor are allocated to programs and initiatives. This can be compared with 13 billion kronor during the boom year 2018.

Mr. Speaker! The government's cuts are incomprehensible in a situation where long-term unemployment has risen and is judged to increase even further. But one budget item is proposed to be increased - which we have also discussed previously - namely for the nystartsjobben. Sverigedemokraterna and the government see the nystartsjobben as a subsidized employment with good results that is to be expanded.

Let me emphasize that the nystartsjobb (new start jobs) are based on rights-based legislation. Activity in the economy decreases with increased layoffs. When we have looked at the figures for October, we have seen that layoffs have increased, not least within the service sector. It is likely that the funds for the nystartsjobb will not be fully utilized.

There is a risk that the government will end up in a situation where funds for labor market policy programs and measures, such as introductory jobs and labor market training, will not be sufficient during 2023, while funds for new start jobs will likely be returned to the state.

Mr. Speaker! It would be unfortunate if funds that could have been used to combat long-term unemployment - not least in a situation where many people are queuing to receive measures and when employers have difficulties finding trained labor - are returned in such a situation, something that I believe would damage the legitimacy of the labor market policy.

Mr. Speaker! Let me also state what we see as those who trust the research and take part of the research results. They show that one can identify a number of problems with the construction for new-start jobs. The research writes that it can contribute to abuse but also to deadweight effects in the economy. Many who would have received the job anyway without the support will still receive the support. Actually, in that case, one is giving away the money to the employers.

Mr. Speaker! To reduce the large number of long-term unemployed during the coming years, a combination of different measures within labor market policy is required, but also within a number of other policy areas. At the same time, more long-term unemployed need to participate in educational initiatives to increase their chances of establishing themselves in the labor market in the long run.

Instead, SD and the right-wing government - something we have also debated previously - choose to cut the number of places within adult education, that is, komvux, yrkesvux, the university college and the folk high school. Next year, 25,000 places will disappear. That is what LO has calculated. These are educations that lead to jobs.

Mr. Speaker! Many of those who are further away from the labor market also need to enter various forms of subsidized employment. Through subsidized employment, they obtain work experience, language training, and networks.

The registered unemployed who are judged to be particularly far from the labor market often need intensified support and not infrequently a chain of measures where education is combined with, for example, work placements. To counteract an increased influx into long-term unemployment, it is largely a matter of implementing the right measure at the right time.

Subsidized jobs are an important complement to educational initiatives and placement support for groups with weak labor market connection. In this context, cuts and the phasing out of extra services, something we have debated previously, which M, KD and SD pushed through during the last parliamentary term, are problematic.

Mr. Speaker! In order for more people to enter employment, as has been said, a well-functioning and active labor market policy is required throughout the country. Arbetsförmedlingen's mission is to ensure that the active labor market policy exists and functions throughout the country. Therefore, Arbetsförmedlingen should be given, to a greater extent than today, long-term and stable conditions to choose labor market policy interventions based on the individual job seeker's needs.

Therefore, it is completely incomprehensible that the Sweden Democrats and the government do not see the problem, and I cannot make the calculation add up. We have increasing unemployment that requires the active labor market policy to be significantly upgraded. But I cannot see any upgrade, neither in the Tidö agreement nor in the government's autumn budget.

Even Arbetsförmedlingen, which is the state's expert agency, highlights in its budget basis to the government that the agency needs more resources. One can observe that it is an agency that is already understaffed and which demands that the appropriation level for the administrative grant - in this case, which finances both staff salaries and offices - for coming years should be at the same level as 2021, that is, at just over 7.8 billion kronor, which is significantly more than what the government proposes in its budget.

Mr. Speaker! It is difficult to see how these reduced ambitions for Arbetsförmedlingen are to be reconciled with the Sweden Democrats' and the government's ambitions to reduce long-term unemployment and to, for example, increase the number of participants in work placements that require hands-on involvement and guidance capacity.

Previous cuts in the administrative budget - I am thinking of the MKDSD budget for 2019, which then forced Arbetsförmedlingen to lay off 3,500 employees - have had a significant impact on the support for persons with disabilities, which is seen, among other things, in that the number of people who have received wage subsidies, the number of granted work aids and personal assistants have decreased and that the processing times at Arbetsförmedlingen have increased. It is reasonable to expect similar consequences in light of the reduced administrative budget for the coming year.

Mr. Speaker! Unlike SD and the government, we Social Democrats are adding more resources to both the Employment Service's administrative grants and programs. For us Social Democrats, it is clear that lower unemployment and improved skills upgrading can go hand in hand. One can kill two birds with one stone, but with a correctly designed labor market policy.

But the Sverigedemokraternas and the government's repressive flyswatter will neither suppress unemployment nor counteract the labor shortage.

Mr. Speaker! I want to thank all the members of the committee. For just over six hours, we have discussed labor market policy. I also want to thank our fantastic secretariat staff and all the members in the chamber who have been here and listened to us. And last but not least, I want to thank Mr. Speaker. I wish you a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Oliver Rosengren (M)

Mr. Speaker! Jobs and wages are the best defense against skyrocketing electricity prices, expensive fuel, high food prices, a weakening krona, and rising interest rates. The combination of inflation and recession risks placing many households in a difficult and harsh situation.

When more people hold their wallets more tightly, it hits several sectors that are important for young people and immigrants to get their first job. The restaurant industry can be such an example that is chosen out when times get tougher.

Sweden is entering the recession with a large degree of exclusion. Despite many good years economically, we are in a difficult situation. Despite promises of Europe's lowest unemployment, Sweden moved from position 20 out of 27 to position 4 in highest unemployment during the Social Democrats' time in government. There Sweden stood, side by side with Southern European crisis economies such as Greece and Italy. As if that were not a sufficient humiliation, Sweden was also the country with the worst development for unemployment and employment during Magdalena Andersson's time as Finance Minister. It is evidently a merit of the Social Democrats.

The Social Democrats hit Sweden hard and left the labor market with diminished resilience against crisis. It is now our responsibility to re-establish the work line, reform the labor market and strengthen the workforce.

The promises that everyone who can work shall work and that everyone shall be able to live on their wages are both important and binding. The Government and the Sweden Democrats have therefore presented the first steps in a reorganization of the labor market policy. Now we are to set requirements, strengthen the drivers, and sharpen the measures.

Mr. Speaker! During the year, I have visited 158 companies and welfare operations. Thanks to owners, managers, and employees generously sharing their experiences, it has given me a good insight into and understanding of how the workplaces are doing, how the industries function, and how the conditions from politics are perceived. Many things, of course, differ between an elderly care home in Ljungby and a factory that recycles aluminum, or between a café and a trucking company. But the problems and expectations of politics are, however, unexpectedly common. It is about the concern over the high prices of electricity, fuel, and certain other input goods, from wheat to reinforcing bars. It is broad.

The difficulties in recruitment arise at almost every visit. It is a sign of weakness for the policy in a country with 30 percent empty places in vocational training and 150,000 vacant jobs that 360,000 people are unemployed.

Mr. Speaker! Everyone who receives benefits must receive education, have an internship, learn Swedish and seek full-time work. Benefits should not pay more than work, and those who work should be able to keep more of their money. In this budget, we strengthen the wallet by 500 kronor for seniors who work, while the Socialdemokraterna want that 1 million hard-working Swedes should have 1,000 kronor higher tax per month than what will be the reality with the budget that we are now going to decide on.

The employment measures of municipalities and Arbetsförmedlingen shall be prioritized based on how well they get people into jobs. The municipalities shall be given the opportunity to also set requirements for socially beneficial measures. The internship placements shall be increased.

Mr. Speaker! The Moderates are the voice for everyone who works, has worked, or wants to work. Now we have a government for the work line in Sweden again.

The work line is not restored in a turn of a hand. But for Sweden's best and so that more can rise out of difficulties, stand on their own feet and grow by their own strength, it is this chamber's duty to promptly decide that we, reform by reform, shall take steps towards full employment.

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Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! I would like to thank Oliver Rosengren for his speech. It was a speech that is, to say the least, binding for this parliamentary term as the Moderaterna lead the government.

We agree that unemployment in our country is too high. But if we are now to describe the reality prevailing at the time the government has taken power, I do not think we should only look at unemployment. I also think it deserves to be highlighted that we have the highest employment rate in 30 years, which is also in the absolute top tier in Europe. We must also not forget that during the previous mandate period we had an extensive crisis situation with a pandemic that paralyzed large parts of the world, when the Social Democratic government pursued an active policy and implemented several crisis packages that saved thousands of jobs.

If the situation is as pitch-black as Oliver Rosengren paints it, my question is why the government is not doing anything here and now to ward off the unemployment that is expected to rise next year.

We hear that the government, if the economy allows, may return with investigations and proposals concerning taxes and subsidies. But what is the government doing here and now to ward off unemployment?

The truth is that one does nothing more than cut back on active labor market policies and adult education. I then wonder how the government has planned when one cuts back by billions of kronor at the same time as we enter a recession.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Oliver Rosengren (M)

Mr. Speaker! I thank Teresa Carvalho for the remark.

One understands why it did not go all the way for the Socialdemokraterna in the election last autumn. Many had been in a difficult situation on the labor market with a relatively high unemployment rate, despite the good economic situation we have had.

When you took office, Sweden was the country in the EU with the 20th highest unemployment, and when you left, it was with the 4th or 5th highest unemployment together with crisis economies such as Greece and Italy. When one only wants to boast about a high employment rate or similar, the voters can, of course, also wonder why one does not see the obvious problems that exist in the Swedish labor market with a large integration failure, high long-term unemployment, and so on.

The Social Democrats' solution, Mr. Speaker, is simply more money for everything that money can be spent on. It is a known method from the Social Democrats. But the fact is that during the Social Democrats' time in government, Arbetsförmedlingen returned money year after year. Despite high appropriations and despite that they invested in yrkesvux, almost a third of the places remained empty, a clear sign that more money is not always the answer if the measures are not good enough.

Therefore, the answer in our budget, together with the Sweden Democrats, is that we must sharpen the labor market policy. We must prioritize measures based on what works. We must ensure that Arbetsförmedlingen follows the government's priorities, does not return billion-kronor grants for new-start jobs, but actually allocates the resources to what works. We know that, for example, regular adult education works. Therefore, we are investing in 5,000 more places than planned for vocational adult education.

It is the type of investments we are to make. So we restore the work line and do not follow the bad example that the Social Democrats have offered Sweden for eight years.

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Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! I would like to thank the member for the answer, even though I think it echoes rather empty. It is not so strange, because the truth is that the government is doing nothing here and now to meet the unemployment that is expected to rise next year, other than to cut resources for the labor market policy and adult education. Now Oliver Rosengren says that one is investing in adult education. But the truth is that it is 1 billion less that is allocated next year compared to this year.

One cannot claim that the right-wing conservatives are carrying out a textbook example of how best to handle a recession, Mr. Speaker. Instead of accelerating uphill and using the time to equip the job seekers with the skills that will be required when the economy eventually turns again, the government and the Sverigedemokrater choose to brake and cut back.

At the same time, we hear here how it is expected to get more effect from fewer resources. At best, it is a classic conservative wishful thinking. But in the worst case, Mr. Speaker, what we are witnessing now is a pure capitulation to unemployment. In that case, I am truly concerned.

We also hear Oliver Rosengren say that money is left over at Arbetsförmedlingen. Yes, that is correct, Mr. Speaker. And that is largely due to the large-scale cuts that the Moderaterna and the other right-conservative parties carried out last year and in 2019, to such an extent that Arbetsförmedlingens own placement capacity decreased so that one no longer has the possibility to meet job seekers to the extent that is required.

A bit better consideration of the consequences would be good from the right-wing parties.

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Oliver Rosengren (M)

Mr. Speaker! Now there are actually reasons to be a little concerned after the remark from Teresa Carvalho.

Labour market and working life

I have nevertheless been positively surprised that the Social Democrats have not fallen into the swamp that the Left Party and the Green Party have moved into when it comes to fiscal policy, where one, just as Teresa Carvalho is now saying, has wanted to step on the gas into the recession. Since we are in a situation where a recession is approaching, while inflation is high, it would be very harmful for the Swedish economy and for households if one applied that somewhat British model of trying to step on the gas into the recession while inflation is as high as it is.

Perhaps one can begin to discern the government option that the Social Democrats could put together with the Left Party and the Green Party in economic policy. In that case, there will be large spending shocks and skyrocketing inflation, and then we face a recession that instead risks worsening the situation in the economy.

Now we have, thank goodness, a responsible government that, together with the Sweden Democrats, presents a fiscal policy that is neutral overall and where the budget is combined with the electricity price support. In that way, we will let the monetary policy take effect in the tough situation we are in with inflation, while at the same time we make investments in labor market policy and in economic policy that enable households to get through the crisis.

Labour market and working life

Of course, we must have an active labor market policy. A number of different reforms are currently being implemented. We have, among other things, the investments in labor market policy and yrkesvux, which we have debated. But we are also preparing benefit ceilings, stricter activity requirements, socially useful measures, and a number of other parts in the restoration of the work principle that we have promised.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(A decision was to be taken on 20 December.)

Economic security in the event of illness and disability

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