Labor market and working life and labor market policy and the unemployment insurance

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Mr. Speaker! In this debate, we have to deal with two of the Committee on Employment's reports, one being the expenditure area report on the labor market and working life, and the other a motion report concerning labor market policy and the unemployment insurance.

Right at the outset, I would like to state that in my speech I will stick to the expenditure area report and the parts concerning labor market issues, and my party colleague Saila Quicklund will go into more detail on the work environment issues. Regarding the motion report, it is Oliver Rosengren who will represent us Moderates in the debate.

Mr. Speaker! It continues to be tough times in the Swedish economy for both households and companies as well as municipalities and regions. An uneasy and increasingly dangerous world continues to test us in various ways.

One of the primary priorities for us Moderates, together with our friends in the coalition parties, is to continue to get inflation under control. Even though there now seems to be some brightening, for example in light of today's inflation announcement, it is important to be persistent - and that is the Moderate-led government.

In a slowing economy, the Swedish labor market is affected, even though it has so far, fortunately, shown great resilience. We believe, however, that since the structural reforms that so much needed to be launched during the years 2014-2022 encountered such great political resistance from the left, we need to start by cleaning up and laying a solid foundation for the future labor market.

Despite a prolonged economic boom during the government periods of Stefan Löfven and Magdalena Andersson, the Socialdemokraterna did not manage to tackle the work of breaking social exclusion and the great dependency on benefits. It is therefore one of this government's most important tasks.

Mr. Speaker! The work line needs to be re-established. We Moderates are the party for everyone who works, has worked, and wants to work. The fact is that if we are to have a world-class common welfare, more people must contribute instead of living on benefits. The work line stands against the benefit line.

In the 2022 election, the Swedish people said no to more free time and holidays and yes to those who set the clock and go to work getting to keep more of their salary. Therefore, the Moderate-led government is now lowering the tax on earned income through an eighth job tax deduction. It is a well-targeted tax cut that focuses on low- and middle-income earners, that is, on ordinary people who work.

A family with a nurse and a police officer will be able to keep more than 14,000 kronor more per year after tax. A family where both move from benefits to work, with the lowest collectively agreed wage, will get up to 5,600 kronor more in their pocket next year thanks to this eighth job tax deduction.

For almost two decades, we Moderates, in both alliance formation and as opposition and now in government position with the Tidö Agreement as the basis, have lowered the tax on ordinary incomes. This has meant that completely ordinary Swedes have had much more than a thirteenth monthly salary after tax to dispose of, which has also resulted in employment being estimated to have increased by over 100,000 people compared to if the job tax credits had never been introduced in Sweden. Therefore, it is worth remembering that the Social Democrats have consistently said no, even if they have been forced in hindsight to accept that ordinary wage earners now keep more in their pockets of their salary after the tax is deducted.

For us Moderates, one of the ultimate guiding principles is that it must always pay to work, both from a moral point of view and for the economy as a whole. Therefore, we have started the work on important benefit reforms such as the introduction of benefit ceilings, requirements for full-time activity in the subsistence support—what was previously called social benefits—and qualification for welfare for newcomers. These much-needed reforms will be investigated and decisions made on during the mandate period to further strengthen the work line.

Mr. Speaker! In a restored work ethic, where it always pays to work compared to not working, there is also an important interaction in helping people to get equipped and to find and be able to obtain a job. In that way, our important entrepreneurs can find the competence they are looking for, and so the person who is unemployed can get a job to go to and feel pride in.

The expenditure area Labor Market and Working Life involves over 92 billion kronor. It is important that taxpayers' money is used carefully. Therefore, we Moderates, together with our friends in the coalition parties, ensure that the labor market policy measures are streamlined. It is about us now simplifying the array of measures and prioritizing what is cost-effective and what leads to more people entering employment.

To ensure that tax revenue is used in an effective manner, it is important to have a solid knowledge base regarding the effects of different interventions, including in order to get more people into work. In the budget bill, an increase in the administrative grant to the Institute for Labour Market and Education Policy Evaluation, IFAU, is therefore proposed.

One part that lies outside this expenditure area but which nevertheless has a significant impact on labor market policy is the expansion of the number of places within the university colleges and the vocational adult education that the government is now implementing. These educational initiatives enable an important path for adults to obtain the education that is in demand on the labor market.

The government also ensures that the establishment jobs have the conditions to be realized through both regulatory changes and budget funds. This is partly to increase the opportunities for newly arrived people and the long-term unemployed to establish themselves on the labor market, and partly to facilitate the companies' supply of skills. Now it is up to the parties to conclude the agreements that are required for the establishment jobs to become a reality. We all look forward to that.

Also, more economic measures are being taken so that the state shall be accurate but frugal with the labor market policy.

Mr. Speaker! Sweden continues to face bitter economic times that will affect the labor market. To meet this, a re-established work line, inflation fighting with support for households and welfare, and structural reforms to boost the low growth are absolutely crucial. It is also what we Moderates, together with the coalition partners, are now focusing on. The negotiated budget for next year is an important part of the long-term work.

I therefore conclude by moving for approval of the Committee on Employment's proposal in Report 2 concerning expenditure area 14 in the Government's proposition.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Mr. Speaker! I naturally share the view in much of what Viktor Wärnick is talking about. But that is exactly the point: It is only talk and little action.

Viktor Wärnick said that the work line needs to be restored. This also applies to the Ministry of Employment, which is perhaps the ministry that has delivered the fewest propositions of all ministries during the mandate period. It is almost completely empty on the list of propositions in the area of the labor market.

I usually say that regardless of what one thinks about the labor market policy, the absolute worst thing is to do nothing at all. Criticism often came from the Moderaterna that the January Agreement only contained investigations. But that is precisely what is happening in the labor market area now. I think some of the investigations are good, for example those concerning that one should focus on the work line instead of the benefit line. But if one looks at the actual budget, one can see that since the Tidögänget took over, two major initiatives have been made in the labor market area, namely the increased unemployment insurance and billion-dollar investments in Samhall, which I thought we agreed do not work.

My question is therefore: When can we expect the government to start delivering propositions and proposals that truly strengthen the work line so that more people have a job to go to in the morning?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Mr. Speaker! This government is delivering in the area of labor market policy in a number of different ways. Labor market policy, in fact, cannot be channeled solely through one or two expenditure areas, but it spans across several different fields, which I also mentioned in my speech. In the Riksdag, we often live in silos in the form of committees and expenditure areas, but it is not that simple.

We are doing a number of different things. We are lowering taxes on ordinary incomes; that should please the Center Party and Jonny Cato. We are simplifying the intervention flora to make the interventions more precise, and we ensure that the Public Employment Service becomes a more efficient agency moving forward. It is about many large assignments.

It is simply not possible to do everything at once. It takes time when you come to a table where there is not so much to be gained. Then you simply have to start over.

It is fascinating to hear that Jonny Cato thinks this should have already been implemented, but himself has no examples or proposals on how it can be implemented on his side in politics. The issues that Jonny Cato drives stand in stark contrast to the issues that Vänsterpartiet drives, for example. How is Jonny Cato's government alternative going to make this work starting from what Centerpartiet considers important?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Mr. Speaker! When one has no politics, one has to talk political games, and that is what the Moderaterna are perhaps best in class at.

I do not buy this argument that it takes time. Last week we had a debate on migration policy, and things move quickly there. Things happen there. Why? Yes, because the political will to reform migration policy exists. The political will, on the other hand, seems to be completely lacking when it comes to labor market policy. Soon half of the mandate period will have passed, and nothing is happening. But in the area of migration, things have moved very quickly.

I think it is good that the government is doing some things in the education area and linked to the tax policy. But one cannot say that we only think in silos when we have a labor market policy debate and nothing happens at all. Streamlining Arbetsförmedlingen can be one thing, but one needs to continue the reform that Centerpartiet initiated.

It is precisely this that is also so interesting: There is always a focus on what the opposition will be able to agree on in 2026. I can only state that when the Centerpartiet was involved in governing the country within the framework of the January Agreement, we got a reformed employment agency and a reformed LAS. When the Moderaterna are involved in governing, it becomes increased unemployment benefits and billion-dollar investments in Samhall. So perhaps one should worry a bit more about one's own side of Swedish politics, which is currently governing the country, than about what perhaps, eventually, will come in the future. The problems exist here and now in the labor market area.

Again: How will the Moderates re-establish the work principle, not just talk about it but move from words to action?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Mr. Speaker! The Center Party's and Jonny Cato's description of reality simply does not hold up. A number of things can be done already here and now, for example, lowering taxes and ensuring that the input flora becomes smaller so that it becomes more efficient. But we must do the job solidly and thoroughly, for example when it comes to the subsidy reforms required to further strengthen the work line: the introduction of subsidy ceilings, full-time activity for the right to maintenance support, and qualification for welfare. These are some of the things that I mentioned in my speech and which I am convinced that Jonny Cato also heard. The Center Party wants to emphasize here that nothing is happening, therefore, does not hold up.

That is why it is interesting to ask the Center Party what one intended to do together with, for example, the Left Party. It is precisely this that is the alternative government base.

How is Jonny Cato, together with Vänsterpartiet, going to be able to lower taxes to strengthen the work line? How is Jonny Cato going to be able to ensure that appropriations to the different parts of the agencies are reduced together with Vänsterpartiet? How are Jonny Cato and Centerpartiet going to be able to reduce Arbetsförmedlingen together with Vänsterpartiet?

It is therefore a matter of completely disparate proposals on the other side, and therefore it is relevant to ask these questions to Centerpartiet, even if one does not want to answer them.

I mention a number of measures that are now taking place. One of the most important tasks for this government is to re-establish the work line after two terms with Stefan Löfven and Magdalena Andersson, the latter of which was with support from Centerpartiet, where things went in the wrong direction. We are heading in the right direction.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! Now unemployment is increasing in Sweden. Employment is decreasing. More people are registering as job seekers at Arbetsförmedlingen, and fewer are moving forward into jobs. The number of advertisements for new staff is decreasing, and the vacancies stand like poles in the ground. This is happening at the same time as industries and labor market regions paradoxically struggle with staff shortages.

From this, one should reasonably conclude that more investments are now needed in active labor market policy - in measures to equip the unemployed to be able to take the jobs that exist and that will emerge. But the SD government chooses instead to almost phase out the job policy.

Already last year, major cuts, amounting to billions, were pushed through on both labor market initiatives and adult education. In next year's budget, we can unfortunately observe that the lowered ambitions remain, with new large cuts to the job policy.

I therefore want to ask Viktor Wärnick how high the unemployment must become before the SD government is prepared to take measures and what measures one would then be prepared to take.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Mr. Speaker! We are now doing a number of things. We draw conclusions from exactly what Teresa Carvalho mentions, that unemployment is rising while companies need to hire but are not able to do so after their advertisements. There is a discrepancy between the unemployed and the companies, which we must rectify. This is, among other things, about it having to pay better to work; this is absolutely clear.

The Social Democrats never draw this conclusion. It is always about pouring in more money to our various agencies for imprecise measures that do not lead to regular employment. It would be more interesting to hear what the Social Democrats can imagine changing in their policy to achieve a more accurate outcome when it comes to more people entering the workforce.

One had eight years. Unemployment became entrenched. We were to have the EU's lowest unemployment in 2020, a goal that one then did not really want to talk about at the end of one's government period because it was going completely wrong. One did not want to tackle the structural reforms that were absolutely necessary.

It is also interesting to hear the rather high tone when it is claimed that the government, together with the coalition parties with the Tidö Agreement as the basis, is not doing enough. If we look at the budget options that appear in the committee's expenditure area report, we see that there is a difference of around 1 percent in total between the Social Democrats' and the government's budget proposals. I do not believe that that percentage would make all the difference, and the Social Democrats do not believe it either. This is a matter of rhetoric.

But what do the Social Democrats think about this, that it does not pay to work today and therefore the companies do not get the right competence?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! I have understood that the old Moderates are back, so I would first like to thank Viktor Wärnick for making this debate favorable for us Social Democrats – here the differences become very clear. When we have a budget debate on labor market policy, the Moderates usually talk about tax cuts. Here the dividing lines in politics are, as said, very clear.

We are in complete agreement that it cannot be a free choice of work to make oneself employable, to strive to get a job. We are also in complete agreement with what the former Social Democratic Minister for Social Affairs, Gustav Möller, once said: Every wasted tax crown is a theft from the people. We shall use the tax money wisely.

We Social Democrats believe that it is wise policy to, especially in a recession, step on the gas in the job policy and take the opportunity to ensure that people are equipped for the jobs that exist and that will emerge - to give people better conditions to transition.

That is why an active labor market policy is needed. But that is what we obviously do not agree on. Like the old Right Party, the Moderaterna are driven by completely different interests than pushing back long-term unemployment. For the Moderaterna, it is usually more important to lower taxes, mostly for the most well-off - and on plastic bags, of course.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Mr. Speaker! The reason we are talking about it being more profitable to work is that we know those drivers play a role. It is morally right that the person who sets the alarm, gets up and goes to work has more in their wallet than the person who does not. It is also socio-economically beneficial, because then we receive more tax revenue to the state treasury, which means we can invest in welfare.

The old Amspolitik, which the Social Democrats want to return to, involves pouring billions into inefficient measures. We must be careful not to do that. Regardless of the fact that they refer to Gustav Möller's quote, the wastefulness has existed during previous terms. It is simply a matter of stating that.

We mean that it should pay to work. We will introduce a number of benefit reforms that ensure it never pays more not to work than to do so. I mentioned them in my speech. We will simplify the range of interventions, which will ensure that we get more accurate interventions in the future.

So, there is a difference of slightly over 1 percent between the appropriations in the government's budget and the Social Democrats' motion on this expenditure area. Despite this, one adopts these enormous tones of indignation.

It is said that we are lowering taxes mostly for those who earn the most. That is not true. We are lowering taxes on low and medium incomes. That is what the Social Democrats have been against all the way for two decades. They have thought it to be appalling that people should get more out of their earned wages, which now gives more than a 13th month's salary for an ordinary wage earner.

It is important to remember this. The Social Democrats will never go to the fore to make it more profitable to work. Instead, one will try to use the state with increased resources and achieve a labor market policy that has not functioned previously.

But it is only a 1 percent difference. It would be interesting to hear what in this percent would make all the difference. I did not get an answer to that, but we shall have to return to it in the debate, Mr. Speaker.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Since this is a joint debate, I would like to begin by, in AU2 Expenditure Area 14 Labour Market and Working Life, move for approval of the committee's proposal for a decision. Regarding AU3 Labour Market Policy and the Unemployment Insurance, I move for approval of reservation 1.

Mr. Speaker! The budget proposal regarding expenditure area 14, which has been prepared by the government parties with the support of the Sweden Democrats, shows a broad consensus, among other things, on a continued strong unemployment insurance, which is very important now as we enter a recession, and on that we shall continue the work of reviewing various inefficient labor market measures.

Arbetsmiljöverket receives the appropriation that has been desired and requested. At the same time, the Agency for Occupational Health Knowledge is placed under the same umbrella as Arbetsmiljöverket to achieve more efficient cooperation. It should also be added that no budget cuts are being made, as is claimed in some social media. In short, it is a balanced budget that a majority in the Riksdag stands behind.

Mr. Speaker! How does the opposition's policy look in this area, besides that the Social Democrats, the Left Party, the Green Party and the Centre Party want Magdalena Andersson as Prime Minister? Yes, it varies significantly, from raising the appropriations by over 15 billion at one end to lowering them by 10 billion at the other.

It is clear that the Center Party is consolidating its role as Sweden's most wage-earner-hostile party. It is no secret. The Center Party proposes substantial cuts to, among other things, the unemployment insurance fund, the work environment efforts, and the support for persons with disabilities. On the other side stands the Left, which strongly wants to increase the appropriations to expand the benefit line and finance it with increased tax pressure on Swedish wage-earners. The only thing these parties agree on is, as usual, that it is time to increase immigration to Sweden.

Mr. Speaker! Now we come to the core of the problem. In the middle stand the Social Democrats, who nevertheless seem to think that the government's and the Sweden Democrats' budget under expenditure area 14, like many other expenditure areas, is very good. The Social Democrats make some minor adjustments regarding Arbetsförmedlingen and Arbetsmiljöverket and provide money that the agencies have not requested and which they will not be able to use due to the long time it takes to train inspectors. Those agencies are actually managed with order and tidiness in the appropriation letters. That is where the work should be done.

The only thing that stands out a bit is that the Social Democrats are moving money from labor market measures with less poor results in order to be able to reintroduce the so-called extra services, a measure that is mostly abused by Social Democrat-led municipalities. Malmö city's power apparently extends all the way into the Social Democrats' budget work in the Riksdag. Such measures rarely lead to real jobs, even though Sweden is the country in the world that spends the highest percentage of money on ineffective labor market measures. High employment rate be damned - it is people with regular employment who, through their tax receipts, shall finance this enormous cost for society.

There is a lot of talk from the Social Democrats regarding labor market policy. But when one reads their budget, one can observe that they have more in common with the Sweden Democrats than with their future government base. They want, for example, unlike some of their coalition partners, to see a strong unemployment insurance fund. They also stand behind the government's and the Sweden Democrats' proposal on establishment allowance for newcomers, a point their coalition partners want to increase as they subsequently want to see a significantly increased immigration to Sweden. This is an issue where the Social Democrats have swung 360 degrees, as they understand that it absolutely will not be any election winner. But we who have been around for a while know how quickly they also change sides on that issue – all for the sake of power.

Mr. Speaker! I do not intend to go into detail on, for example, the issues regarding the work environment, as they, like several other items, are addressed in separate reports during the spring. Then we can have a significantly deeper debate. But we can state that the previous government's work environment strategy and zero vision, which this government has also chosen to work according to, needs to be reformed and steered upward given the sharp increase in workplace accidents that has occurred in recent years. Unfortunately, the fatal accidents are now hitting the ceiling. Over eight years, the Social Democrats have done nothing, except to vote down and oppose proposals that could have contributed to improving the conditions regarding the work environment. But as I said, there will be occasions when we can go deeper into those issues, and we shall do so.

Mr. Speaker! To get more people into work, it is required that one finds new ways and dares to think anew. The focus must be on education and on seriously demanding that the individual makes themselves employable. The companies must be made more involved in the work. We must put pressure on people to learn the Swedish language. For example, apprenticeship positions combined with studies are requested by a huge number of companies. The possibility of introducing a form of apprenticeship employment should be investigated. Internationally, there are several different successful variants. The possibility of creating a Swedish model for such employments needs to be reviewed based on the conditions that exist on the Swedish labor market. An apprenticeship employment should not be limited to any specific category of job seekers but shall be guided by need.

There are good examples, Mr. Speaker. Karlskrona Municipality, which today is governed by Sverigedemokraterna, Moderaterna, Kristdemokraterna and Liberalerna, has signed agreements with the large company NKT regarding apprenticeship training. The students spend three days a week at a workplace and two days at the school. One receives a vocational qualification as well as basic eligibility to continue studies if one wishes. It is a brilliant example of cooperation between the municipality and companies.

Mr. Speaker! Instead of continuing to pump out billions into ineffective labor market measures, we must start thinking anew in Swedish labor market policy and stop patting ourselves on the back for having the EU's highest employment rate, a statistic that is solely about hiding the enormous unemployment we actually have today in Sweden. It cannot be so meritorious to be the best in the world at tax-subsidized employment. It is clearly unfortunate that the consequences of previous governments' irresponsible policies will also in the future lie like a wet blanket over Swedish labor market policy.

(Applause)

In this speech, Michael Rubbestad (SD) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Mr. Speaker! It very often sounds from Magnus Persson and the Sverigedemokraterna that they have high ambitions in the area of the working environment, but when they finally get the opportunity to influence the budget in the area, this does not quite gain traction.

Arbetsmiljöverket does not receive sufficient resources to expand inspection activities at the pace needed to meet the situation on the labor market, with an increased number of fatal accidents and sick leaves due to stress.

The authority has since 2014 increased the number of inspectors and has an ambition to further increase the number to strengthen the control of Swedish workplaces and staff a-krim centers. But as recently as last spring, planned recruitments of new inspectors were halted. The government's and the Sverigedemokraternas appropriations simply were not enough.

The Sweden Democrats also do not want to utilize the resource that the regional safety representatives are at several workplaces. At the same time, research and knowledge dissemination regarding a better working environment is being deprioritized through a disguised decommissioning of the Agency for Work Environment Knowledge.

I want to ask Magnus Persson in what way he believes that the resources contained in the government's budget bill can contribute to better and healthier workplaces.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Arbetsmiljöverket has received the money that it asks for and wants. We in Sverigedemokraterna are very pleased that we have been able to remain at the same level as we always have. The Socialdemokraterna are raising the appropriation now because they are in opposition. When the Socialdemokraterna were in power, they were significantly lower when it comes to the level of the appropriation to Arbetsmiljöverket than what Sverigedemokraterna do. I feel very secure that they have received the resources they want and demand. There is nothing strange about that.

It is interesting that you mention that we oppose the regional safety representatives. I assume it concerns the right of access. I have with me my committee motion, which we submitted in connection with that report. There, the Sweden Democrats state that regional safety representatives, partially paid by the state, shall have access to all workplaces in Sweden regardless of collective agreements or trade union anchoring. I mean that it is often at those workplaces where there are no collective agreements or where the union is not present that the crime against the working environment is at its worst. The Social Democrats chose to vote against this. It is more important for the Social Democrats to have power over the workplace than for it to be a proper working environment for all wage earners. We must not forget that.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Mr. Speaker! Yes, it is more important for the Social Democrats that the workers have something to say when it comes to their working environment at the workplaces. Therefore, we have wanted to strengthen safety representatives and expand the right of access.

The Sweden Democrats and Magnus Persson know very well what an abolition of the regional safety representatives - that is actually what he is proposing - would have for consequences in Swedish workplaces, perhaps especially at construction sites, which Magnus Persson himself has experience of working at.

It is not true that the government and the Sweden Democrats are investing sufficiently in Arbetsmiljöverket. Why, in that case, did they need to stop the recruitments that they had announced during the last year? And the appropriations that are given this year will not give them the opportunity to resume those recruitments. You compensate the agency in times of inflation for increased costs and wages, but when it is finally finished and the general savings on all agencies have kicked in, there is no money left to make these recruitments.

Words are not enough. One needs to back up the words with action and, when it comes to budget bills, with money.

The government is completely dependent on the Sweden Democrats' support to be able to govern, and it is extremely clear in certain policy areas. It is sometimes difficult to see a glimpse of the government parties' policy because the Sweden Democrats dominate so strongly. But in the area of the working environment, Magnus Persson's commitment is not visible at all.

Is there any other explanation for why Magnus Persson's commitment to workplace environment issues is not visible in the government's budget bill? Or is this not so important for Sverigedemokraterna when it actually comes down to it?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! It is only to be regretted that Johanna Haraldsson stands here and lies about the Sverigedemokraterna wanting to abolish all regional safety representatives. We want to expand their powers. No one has said that we are to abolish them. Where does it say that? You are welcome to point to it. I think this is a bit bad.

We want instead to expand so that more people can become safety representatives in Sweden, especially local safety representatives. But there, the Social Democrats are braking via LO by, for example, active Sverigedemokrater not being allowed to be safety representatives at a workplace.

You are making it difficult to create a good working environment. You are making it difficult for people to become safety representatives. You are making it difficult for people to participate in the work environment work. I think that is very low.

Then it concerns the Swedish Work Environment Authority and that one could not find inspectors. A contributing cause to that is the Social Democrats. You forced the authority to relocate. Then a lot of competence was lost in a short time, and those gaps have not been filled yet. That is a major reason. It was not about money. It was about your decision to relocate the authority.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! The Sweden Democrats refer in their committee motion to the Tidö Agreement, where it is established that the labor market policy measures should be simplified with fewer cost-effective measures. This is justified, among other things, with nonsense, such as that they should phase out special solutions that can be obtained based on country of birth, even though no such thing exists.

I assert that people are different and have needs for different labor market policy interventions. To get people who are far from work closer, a chain of different interventions is usually needed. We Social Democrats therefore oppose a narrow range of interventions. We advocate instead for a broad palette.

The result of the Tidö Agreement and the Sweden Democrats' desire to narrow the scope of the labor market policy has become a budget that contains massive cuts, not only to the initiatives but also to the responsible authority, which loses important specialist expertise when it comes to, for example, supporting persons with reduced work capacity.

I wonder how the Sweden Democrats intend to act here. Now you are involved in dictating the terms for the government and have been given the ultimate responsibility for the labor market policy. How do the Sweden Democrats intend to act now when unemployment is increasing and the layoffs are standing like poles in the ground?

How are more people supposed to get into work if the physical employment offices and the physical employment officers become so few that the agency loses capacity when it comes to meeting, helping, and demanding that people get into work? That is my question.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! As we have said before: We have extremely high unemployment in Sweden. It is extremely many people who are far from the labor market, thanks to Teresa Carvalho's party and the politics they have pursued.

I shall correct Teresa Carvalho slightly regarding local presence. It was the Social Democrats in cooperation with the Center Party who, under the January agreement, chose to cut back on Arbetsförmedlingen and the offices. It is a Social Democratic decision. It is not a Sweden Democrat decision. I must therefore bounce this back to you.

We mean that it is about education. It is about placing demands on the individual. It is about making the individual employable. Swedish labor market policy has been far too flat. We have been far too flat when it comes to demanding that people apply for the jobs that exist and make themselves employable. This is the most important thing. If one does not want this, there will be no jobs.

It is entirely about the benefit line versus the work line, so to speak, nothing else. It is actually the Social Democrats who should answer the question: Why have you put Sweden in this situation? You are a very contributing cause to this. And when it comes to labor market measures, one must surely measure them in how many regular jobs come out at the other end? We are, therefore, the most extreme in the entire world when it comes to labor market measures. There is no other country to compare with at all.

Yesterday, a debate article about establishment jobs in Altinget was published, measured over ten years. I believe that Denmark would have had 35,000 registered during that period and Norway 54,000. Sweden had over 120,000.

Yes, there are problems in the Swedish labor market, but we are trying to counter them and set stricter requirements. You just keep rolling along in the same old ruts all the time.

Now you want to budget for the introduction of extra services that do nothing other than create displacement effects for regular employment within municipalities and regions and which are most often utilized by Social Democratic municipalities with very poor finances. Malmö stad is a glaring example.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! Magnus Persson seems to lack the experience of sitting in opposition. Today, however, the reality is that it is he and his party who run this government, and this government has cut job policy by billions of kronor both last year and this year, while we have entered a recession. It is clear that this affects the Arbetsförmedlingen's opportunities to exist throughout the country.

I want to correct Magnus Persson once again and say that in our budget alternative, we say no to the cuts at Arbetsförmedlingen. We add additional appropriations precisely for the purpose that Arbetsförmedlingen should increase its local presence all around the country.

These cuts will have major consequences for the Swedish labor market. Given that it is actually Magnus Persson who is involved and in charge now, one can state that he is not building up any significant CV in this area. We see today that "No activity" is one of the most common entries for people who are enrolled in Arbetsförmedlingen's job and development guarantee. The curve is going in completely the wrong direction.

But perhaps that is exactly what Magnus Persson is after. Perhaps that is exactly what he wants. It is clear that there is a connection between the cuts and the interventions. Fewer resources result in fewer interventions. And if labor market policy is mostly a disguised integration measure, as I hear between the lines from Magnus Persson, I also conclude that it is very much the case that Magnus Persson and Sverigedemokraterna do not want any proactive integration policy.

I thank you for the clarity but naturally regret the policy.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! It is not just about injecting more money into agencies and thinking that money solves everything. It is also about daring to steer the agencies and working in the right direction with regulatory letters and so on. The Social Democrats have been very stingy with that.

Everything people want to solve with money. More money and everything will be solved! But that is not how it works. It often does not get better by getting a lot of money. It is a matter of steering the authorities strongly and clearly towards targeted goals. That is what it is about.

Arbetsförmedlingen has been an enormous colossus that no one has had any control over at all. In our cooperation with the government, we are now providing clear letters of instruction regarding what should be worked on and what should be achieved.

I do not know if Teresa Carvalho listened to the press conference that Arbetsförmedlingen had yesterday morning. There, they signaled that it did not look quite as bad as one thought. Unemployment is expected to increase by approximately 20,000 people, but we can handle this. We can manage this, they said.

The argument that Teresa Carvalho is now putting forward, that it is a catastrophe and a crisis and that the jobs are falling like needles in the grass, is therefore not correct. Jobs are increasing, but they are definitely not falling like needles in the grass. Many companies are keeping their employees, because they know that if they lose them, they will never get the competence back.

That is how the Swedish labor market looks today. Sure, it is a recession, but it is not as extreme and as terrible as Teresa Carvalho tries to describe it here in the chamber.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Mr. Speaker! It took 81 seconds. Then it was only talk about the opposition's policy, about potential collaborations after the 2026 election, about prime ministerial candidates. There was, of course, some migration policy as well, because otherwise it is not a Sweden Democrat speech.

It is a classic rhetoric to talk about someone else when one does not want to talk about one's own policy. But let me give you a piece of news: the Sweden Democrats rule Sweden. It is you who are responsible for the labor market policy.

Magnus Persson is very happy to point out that the Center Party wants to destroy the Swedish unemployment insurance. It is true that the Center Party wants to strengthen the work line by reforming the unemployment insurance in line with a flexicurity model. We want to open it up for more people, base it on income, and phase it out in accordance with the duration of unemployment.

This was investigated and presented in June 2020 in the investigation A new regulatory framework for the unemployment insurance, SOU 2020:37.

My question is simple: What do the Sweden Democrats think about the investigation?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! First, I want to correct Jonny Cato: the Sweden Democrats are not in the government. We are a cooperation party. You would like to emphasize that others are only talking about various government constellations, but you are doing nothing else yourself.

It gets a bit funny here when we are going to discuss the unemployment insurance fund. Unlike Jonny Cato, I have worked for quite a few years in the working world. That is probably the difference between us. I am the labor market policy spokesperson for my party and you for yours, but I don't think you have as much experience of how it works to work.

I have lived on unemployment insurance. I know what it is like to have just had a child, have a newly purchased villa, be dismissed from your job, and get that lump in your stomach. Many of our members and active politicians come from the working class. They know how it feels when you get the news that you are dismissed from your job.

It is the difference between the Sweden Democrats and the Centre Party. I can think what I want about this investigation, but we listen to our voters. We listen to our members. It is they and not what an investigation concludes that determines what policy we shall pursue in the Riksdag.

That is the difference between you and me, Jonny Cato. You are a product of politics. I consider myself a product of the Swedish people. That is a very big difference, because in all the political decisions that I and my party make, we listen to the people and the voters. Centerpartiet does not do that, and perhaps that is the reason why it looks so bad in the opinion polls for that party today.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Mr. Speaker! "I share the view that there is a broad consensus regarding the proposals submitted in the report and that there is a high demand for changes to the unemployment insurance."

It is Johan Pehrson's answer to a question about the investigation that Centerpartiet got through. He also said that one should return as soon as possible.

This simply means that the Tidö government shall implement the Center Party's view on the unemployment insurance fund. But instead, Magnus Persson wants to talk about my age. Let me tell Magnus Persson one thing: When I entered the Swedish Parliament, I was not the youngest. I have reflected a bit on this, because I knew it would come sooner or later. You are so fixated on my age.

My bench neighbor was named Ebba Hermansson and was younger than I. Tobias Andersson is also younger than I. He is the chairman of one of the Riksdag's committees. There is another person sitting in here who belongs to your team in the Tidöregeringen. We became municipal councilors at approximately the same age.

But still, that is what one should focus on. The question becomes: Should all 90s-ers sit at home and, frankly, almost keep quiet? That is what Magnus Persson wants, that young people should have no influence in Swedish politics.

When it comes to taking responsibility and being a political product, I know what my party thinks about an investigation that your government is to carry out. But you yourself cannot give any answer.

I apologize, Mr. Speaker, for using "you" and "your". But when it reaches this level, one becomes a bit upset.

So it is: When one cannot take responsibility for Sweden, then one criticizes age. It is easy. Then comes the hate-tail on Twitter, and then you become very satisfied - congratulations!

Take responsibility for Sweden instead! It is the Sweden Democrats' responsibility.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! That is what we do, unlike the Center Party. We take responsibility.

It may have been a tender note. But I do not criticize your age; I criticize your lack of experience in certain issues and what makes you take the decisions you take in this chamber. That was what it was about.

Listen to people out in reality! That is a piece of advice I send with you. You will learn a great deal from it, instead of reading from a paper that you have had sent to you from your party office.

When it comes to taking responsibility, it is not my government. I do not sit in the government. What Johan Pehrson says, he must stand for. We are the government's coalition partner, and they need us to pass their budget. We have negotiated a continued strengthened unemployment insurance, and we are very happy and proud of that. This was requested by our voters, and it is what we promised them during the election campaign.

We will stand for this. It is the most important thing for a Sweden Democrat, and it is this that distinguishes the Sweden Democrats from the Center Party – what we have promised the voters and what we can give the voters. It is this that makes a difference and which makes it so that we have 22 percent today and the Center Party is hovering around 3 percent.

You have significantly much more to learn than I do, Jonny Cato.

(ANDRE VICE TALMANNEN: I must remind both debaters that we do not use "you" as a form of address in the chamber, but I perceive that both are well aware of this.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Jacobsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! First, I have a general reflection. Imagine if we in this chamber and in politics in general sometimes took more time to listen to one another. I believe, in fact, that we all are passionate about what we do and that together we have an eagerness and a will to move Sweden forward.

I would like to begin by moving to approve the committee's proposals in AU2 and AU3.

Mr. Speaker! A few days ago, another horrific workplace accident occurred. Even though we do not know exactly what has happened, we can state that a number of accidents have occurred during the past year, which is tragic.

Looking at the whole year, we have had more than one fatal accident per week. With these figures, 2023 becomes the deadliest work year in just over a decade.

Serious deficiencies in the work environment and safety work are a form of occupational crime, and we must become better at combating this. The Government prioritizes the work against occupational crime.

Since earlier, there has been a permanent increase in the appropriation for Arbetsmiljöverket, and in the budget for 2024, Arbetsmiljöverket's administrative appropriation has been increased. This appropriation can be used for, among other things, work environment inspections so that one can continue to recruit more inspectors. This is good and means that we can carry out more unannounced inspections and address irregularities.

In its most serious form, crime in the labor market can involve pure and simple human trafficking and human exploitation. This is unacceptable, and here we must continue to intensify the work.

Ultimately, it is about values and trust in basic social structures. We must have a fair labor market where we both safeguard the work principle and counter fraud and exploitation.

Mr. Speaker! At the same time, it is important that we cooperate with the parties in the labor market to produce local and regional safety representatives. We know, however, that it has been difficult and that trade union organization sometimes results in individual persons who want to be safety representatives not being given the opportunity to be so.

Given the accidents that occur, it is important that the parties consider how exactly safety representatives should function in the future. We as Christian Democrats would like to see that even people who are not affiliated but who have a commitment to these issues are given the opportunity to contribute to safety in the workplaces. Even here, the government has acted by giving Arbetsmiljöverket the mandate to try to get more people to engage as safety representatives. This is welcomed by us Christian Democrats.

Mr. Speaker! Another problem that exists in the labor market and which affects the employees' safety is when unscrupulous companies in various ways win procurements and are engaged in different operations. It is often in these types of workplaces, where neither authorities nor trade unions have any oversight, that the greatest risks for accidents exist. It is therefore good that the government has tasked the National Agency for Public Procurement to increase awareness of labor market crime in procurements and that the work against labor market crime is being intensified.

The government is investing in more regional centers against crime in the working environment, which strengthens the cooperation between Arbetsmiljöverket and other authorities. Such inter-agency cooperation is important if we are to tackle the problems. It is also important that Arbetsmiljöverket is given the opportunity to increase the proportion of unannounced inspections across the country.

Mr. Speaker! Even though we do not stand behind Hans Eklind's motion on self-sufficiency goals today, we consider this to be an issue that we should look at in the long term. It is not enough to keep statistics on whether people have a job or not, especially not if one is interested in achieving a well-functioning integration. We must also see if people can live on the compensation they receive. In the long term, we should therefore introduce some form of self-sufficiency goal, which can complement the established employment measure.

Mr. Speaker! It is good that the government will review Samhälls' mandate and function. At the same time, it is important to ensure that there are more interventions for persons with reduced work capacity.

As Christian Democrats, we believe that wage subsidies and cooperation with municipalities, the business sector, and civil society is, in many respects, a better way to work. Samhall can be stigmatizing, while wage subsidies ensure that the individual gets the opportunity to enter the regular labor market.

Mr. Speaker! We Christian Democrats are also pleased that the government is in the process of reviewing the unemployment insurance. By making it income-based, more people will be covered by the insurance, which is incredibly important now as we are heading into a recession.

The new unemployment insurance fund ensures that more people receive support and increased security while searching for a new job. By strengthening the principle of transition, we protect both the work principle and secure conditions. This, in combination with the transition study support, which the labor market partners have negotiated, will result in a labor market that functions even slightly better and ensure a good supply of skills over time.

In this context, the initiatives for more vocational training that the government is undertaking are also important to mention, even though these initiatives formally fall within another expenditure area.

The Christian Democrats have been persistent in pushing to strengthen regional vocational education, and in that regard, the government has presented investments of an additional 1.3 billion kronor for vocational training, which corresponds to 16,500 places from 2024 onwards.

Opportunity for transition and the right form of vocational competence is extremely important for us to be able to build Sweden strong, beyond inflation and recession.

Mr. Speaker! In conclusion, I would like to mention a few observations.

When I am out meeting companies and municipalities as well as employment agencies, there is a perception that the dialogue between the different parties has worsened as a result of the new changes to Arbetsförmedlingen. For my part, I believe it is too early to draw any definite conclusions, but it is important that Arbetsförmedlingen takes a coordinating responsibility so that those seeking jobs receive the right support, at the right time.

Another reflection is that there are many companies and municipalities seeking staff - staff who cannot be found among the 339,000 people who are registered as unemployed. In several cases, they are then seeking staff from outside the country.

When we now review these rules, we must take into account the Swedish model as well as the exceptions that are needed to manage to provide agriculture, industry, elderly care, and healthcare with the staff they need to function.

With this said, Mr. Speaker, I move for approval of both of the committee's proposals.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Mr. Speaker! I would like to ask a few questions to Magnus Jacobsson in connection with his contribution. It concerns primarily the role of the safety representative, especially the assignment given to Arbetsmiljöverket to evaluate and review how it works with safety representatives and how we can get more safety representatives.

When decisions were made to give the assignment to Arbetsmiljöverket, the collective trade union movement reacted strongly. It was seen as a first step in separating safety representatives from the trade union movement. The response to this reaction from the Deputy Minister for Employment has been clear, both here in the chamber and in the media: The assignment must absolutely not lead to any regulatory changes in the area when it comes to how safety representatives are organized in Sweden. I wonder: Does Magnus Jacobsson think it should lead to such changes?

It is clear that it is a pity if there are people who want to be safety representatives and make a contribution to safety work but cannot or are not allowed to do so, but it also requires strength to be a safety representative.

It is precisely that which the trade union movement contributes to its safety representatives. One provides knowledge and advice, and one can represent the safety representative in a negotiation situation or a situation where the safety representative is being pressured. Without that backing, a safety representative cannot be particularly bold in a workplace.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Jacobsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I thank the member for a very good question.

Everyone who has been in some form of government cooperation knows that one struggles a bit with both representing the government and trying to point out a little bit where the political parties differ. The government has been clear with its line, and I have the greatest respect for that.

What I highlighted in my speech was that we see a dilemma. We see that there is a shortage of safety representatives, and we see that the number of workplace accidents is increasing. The Christian Democrats have great respect for the parties in the labor market, and this is primarily an issue for them. At the same time, the Christian Democrats signal that one might open this up and make it possible for persons who are not unionized to be safety representatives.

One could certainly find many solutions here. It could be the case that someone is a safety representative but still seeks support from the larger organization.

A dilemma arises if the number of safety representatives becomes smaller over time. It becomes a problem if the safety representatives are not present at the employers who, in plain Swedish, cheat the most. In my speech, I linked this to crime in the working life. It is not the well-behaved companies that we are concerned about; we are concerned about the companies that perhaps even cheat with bidding and have third-, fourth-, or fifth-hand subcontractors. We do not reach them.

I am not actually opening the door, but I am signaling that I believe this is something that the parties in the labor market must look at. We need to get better when it comes to security in the labor market.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Mr. Speaker! Yes, we really need to get better when it comes to the working environment at our workplaces. That is why the Social Democrats have wanted that the regional safety representatives should be granted access to more workplaces in order to be able to do the work that Magnus Jacobsson wants them to do.

There are many small workplaces where it is difficult to get anyone to want to become a safety representative. It is a very tough situation, and one is under a lot of pressure. The organization might be streamlined, and one might work right next to their employer. Very few are prepared to take on that assignment, and then others are needed to step in. That role is played by the regional safety representatives. It is problematic that the Christian Democrats do not back us when we here in the chamber of the Riksdag drive the issue that they should be granted access to more workplaces.

When it comes to pure labor market crime and employers who absolutely do not behave and who exploit people in the labor market, we have stepped up the work. I am very grateful that this government continues to push forward that work, but more resources are needed in this area.

When one is a safety representative, one must be able to question and set tough demands on one's employer. If one does not have backing from a trade union, the employer doesn't actually need to listen. There are no reprisals if the employer doesn't do so, other than that the Work Environment Authority might inspect and realize that they have messed up.

More safety representatives sounds quite good when Magnus Jacobsson says it, but if they do not have the power to carry out their mission, it absolutely doesn't matter.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Jacobsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I thank Johanna for an engaged speech. In many respects, I actually believe she is right. It is quite obvious that one must have support if one is to manage to take a fight. It is equally obvious that this will be much more difficult in smaller workplaces. It can also be the case that the employer is not always diligent. That was why, in my speech, I highlighted the need for more unannounced inspections. I believe that this work must be a collaboration between Agency Sweden – that is, the political sphere – and the parties in the labor market.

In the discussion about the budget, there are somewhat different views. We have allocated money which, in our opinion, should suffice for now. Such discussions can, however, certainly recur.

Regarding the principle question itself, I believe we are actually quite in agreement. The concern that I signaled in my speech, and which the Christian Democrats feel they see, is that there are people who want to but perhaps do not feel they dare or have the energy. They are not always connected, and they perhaps do not want to be connected either. Why that is the case in the Swedish labor market is in itself an interesting question.

I thank you for the debate - I feel that it was a good conversation.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! I want to begin by referring to the Social Democrats' special statement in report AU2, which concerns the labor market policy and the Social Democrats' alternatives within expenditure area 14 in the state budget. I naturally stand behind all our reservations in report AU3, but for the sake of time, I move for approval of only reservations 9 and 13.

Mr. Speaker! Let me initially express my sorrow over the terrible fatal accident that occurred earlier this week. No one should have to die at work, but unfortunately, 2023 is becoming a pitch-black year.

We cannot have it this way. My colleague Johanna Haraldsson will, in a later speech, go into more detail on what proposals we Social Democrats have submitted and are pushing for an improved working environment and to combat crime in the workplace.

Let me also say that - even if we do not fully know what has happened in connection with this specific accident - it is no coincidence that many fatal accidents occur in industries that are heavily affected by occupational crime, where the work environment work is often lacking.

We hope that the government, after this, meets us Social Democrats regarding some of the proposals that we have put on the table to strengthen the work environment work and so that 2024 will not become as dark as 2023.

Mr. Speaker! Swedish labor market policy shall safeguard both security and growth. An important part of security in the labor market is the unemployment insurance. That we have a secure unemployment insurance is also a matter of dignity. Everyone can at some point be affected by unemployment, and when existence is shaken because mom or dad loses their job, the children should not have to take the hit by going to school with broken winter shoes - at least not in a Social Democratic Sweden.

The first thing the Moderate-led government did when it took office in 2006 was to shock-increase the fees to the unemployment insurance fund (a-kassan) and worsen the conditions. After this death blow, membership fell - not entirely unexpectedly. It is good that this right-wing government has so far not acted in the same way as last time, but on the contrary has fulfilled the Social Democrats' election promise to keep the replacement levels that we Social Democrats raised during the corona pandemic. But play with the thought that the bourgeois government had acted on its natural instinct to lower the a-kassan in the situation that currently exists! Would it have been good for Sweden?

Given that the Minister for Employment has revealed that he thinks it is too fat to be unemployed, one might wonder how the reasoning goes between the bowl and the wall at the Ministry of Employment.

Mr. Speaker! Now unemployment is rising in Sweden. Employment is decreasing, more people register with AF as job seekers, fewer enter into work, advertisements for new staff are being scaled back, and the vacancies are increasing dramatically. This is happening at the same time as many companies and industries, yes, even entire labor market regions are struggling with the problem of not finding staff with the right competence. From this, one should reasonably conclude that more measures are now needed to equip job seekers for the jobs that exist and that will emerge when the economy turns upward. But the SD government chooses a completely different strategy: to dismantle the active labor market policy at a rapid pace.

The government, however, pretends that it is strengthening Arbetsförmedlingen, but in the government's budget tables, one can clearly see that Arbetsförmedlingen received just over 7.6 billion in 2023 while in 2024 it receives barely 7.4 billion, thus nearly 250 million less to meet, help, and set requirements for the job seekers. That one can dress up the pig and sell it as an investment depends on the fact that one had first signaled that it would cut even more. But a milder cut is not the same as an investment. It would be good if this political theater could come to an end. But I suspect that unfortunately we have a good way to go until the final act, for it is a recurring element in the debate that the government cuts and calls it an investment.

We Social Democrats say no to the cuts at Arbetsförmedlingen and instead propose an increased appropriation so that the agency can increase its local presence all over the country, especially where unemployment is high.

It is not only Arbetsförmedlingen that the right-wing parties are putting on a starvation diet. They are also taking the tools out of the toolbox. I note that if you add up the right-wing budgets of recent years, one approaches a halving of the grant that finances, among other things, labor market training, guidance, start-your-own-business grants, skills mapping, matching, work training, introductory jobs, and many other important interventions.

Even here, we are investing significantly more than the Sweden Democrats and the government, including doubling the number of places in the labor market training and reintroducing the extra services, which were a good first step into working life for people who were far from the regular labor market.

To cut back on job initiatives while unemployment is rising, as the SD-government does, we Social Democrats consider to be a terrible prioritization. It will lead to increased passivity and nail long-term unemployment at even higher levels.

Mr. Speaker! Everyone who can work shall work. But we Social Democrats are not satisfied with people simply having a job. One should have a decent job with wages and conditions regulated in collective agreements that have been negotiated between unions and employers. In many other countries, politicians interfere in these matters, which rarely yields equally good results. In Sweden, we have a rather unique labor market model that we must protect and be proud of. The Swedish model has provided security and good real wage increases for employees, industrial peace for employers, and prosperity for our country.

But right now, this concept is being tested. After several years of extended hands, IF Metall has gone on strike against Tesla's subsidiary in Sweden, which refuses to adapt to the Swedish model and sign collective agreements that regulate wages, conditions, pensions, insurance and other things, and which guarantee security over time.

We Social Democrats, of course, wholeheartedly support the employees' desire for security through collective agreements, even though we on a principled level have firmly opposed political interventions in the ongoing conflict. Politics has long kept an arm's length distance from the parties' decision-making territory, and our labor market is so peaceful today that it could be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.

I hope that, despite the government's shortcomings, it can withstand any internal rebels and stand guard over this order, not for the sake of the Social Democrats or IF Metall, but for Sweden's best.

Mr. Speaker! There should be order and clarity on the Swedish labor market. The people's tax money should fund common utilities for the citizens, not fill the pockets of welfare contractors. But today we see, on the contrary, the result of bourgeois pipe dreams. In almost every sector affected by the right's eagerness for privatization, extensive fraud and exploitation have sooner or later been uncovered. We have seen it within the market school, the healthcare sector, and the private HVB homes. Now we see that even the job policy is compromised. The naivety regarding the leakage is nothing other than a blind spot for the SD government. They do not see that there are holes in the boat.

It is time to curb the enthusiasm for privatization. We Social Democrats are critical of maintaining such high levels of allocations to private actors. A main part of the employment service should return to Arbetsförmedlingen's own management, with a greater focus on strengthening and active measures. In an internal audit from Arbetsförmedlingen, it appears that up to every fourth krona that has gone to private matching companies has been paid out incorrectly. This is completely unacceptable.

In another audit, which recently came from the Swedish National Audit Office, it is clearly stated that there is massive cheating with subsidized employments. The SD government's favorite measure, the "nystartsjobb" (new start jobs), is pointed out as particularly problematic. We Social Democrats have submitted a proposal to tighten the regulatory framework because we see how unserious and criminal companies take advantage of the "nystartsjobb" setup, which, unlike other subsidized employments, does not require an assessment by the Public Employment Service (Arbetsförmedlingen). This leads to an extensive waste of taxpayers' money and a distortion of entire industries, and it risks knocking out serious companies. We Social Democrats think that is wrong. An individual assessment must be introduced to bring order and clarity to the "nystartsjobb," and obviously, companies that receive state wage subsidies must have collective agreements.

Mr. Speaker! Expensive post-controls are not enough. To curb fraud, the systems must be rigged correctly from the ground up in such a way as to keep fortune seekers out. We cannot continue to serve organized crime opportunities for corruption on a silver platter. Instead, we shall make it extremely difficult to cheat, easy to get caught, and palpable to be punished.

Mr. Speaker! In conclusion, I want to say that the Sweden Democrats and the government's labor market policy is bad for Sweden. Instead of investing in ensuring that every child gets to see mom and dad go to work, massive cuts are being implemented while we are in a recession. It will not only make it harder for Sweden to take the next productive step. It will also exacerbate the segregation that already burdens our country.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Mr. Speaker! To govern Sweden, one needs to have a majority with them in this chamber. The disorder of recent parliamentary terms, with budget bills that have fallen, governments that have been voted out, and unreasonable negotiations with individual political wildcards, has shown us this. Therefore, it is pleasing that there is now a clear non-socialist majority in the Riksdag, which has also gathered together to get something done. We Moderates, together with the coalition parties Kristdemokraterna, Liberalerna, and Sverigedemokraterna, are in agreement on our second joint budget bill, which we already know in advance will pass in the Riksdag's votes.

Reading the Social Democrats' proposal for the state budget cannot be done without also reading the respective budget proposals from the Left Party, the Green Party, and the Center Party. It is indeed these three parties that are the Social Democrats' intended supporting parties after the next election.

But the red-green government option does not add up, not even in the area of labor market policy. Vänsterpartiet wants to increase the appropriations only within this expenditure area by a full 15.5 billion kronor. At the same time, Centerpartiet wants to lower the appropriations by nearly 10.5 billion kronor. That is a difference of around 26 billion kronor just within expenditure area 14.

Mr. Speaker! I would therefore like to ask Teresa Carvalho what her and the Social Democrats' government basis looks like and how it is to be able to come together.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! This is exhausting. Here we stand in the chamber of the Riksdag and have this year's major labor market policy debate. We are discussing the state budget and the part concerning the labor market and working life. I represent the largest party here in the Riksdag. We are in opposition. I just gave a speech where I presented our policy and quite strongly criticized the SD government's policy and the policy that Viktor Wärnick is responsible for. The Moderates are now replying to me to ask me about other parties' policies. There is talk of mathematics and political games. I actually do not think it is serious.

I represent the Social Democrats, and I take responsibility for the Social Democrats' policy. I could use this time to repeat the reforms that we want the government to adopt. I could repeat that we think it is a terrible prioritization that the government, now that we are in a recession, chooses to cut back precisely on the measures that are intended to get people into work. I will take the time that remains here of the exchange of replies to do just that, because I do not intend to stand here and talk about the political game any longer.

We Social Democrats want to see an active labor market policy. This government chooses to cut back on exactly this with billions of kronor. How does Viktor Wärnick intend to ensure that long-term unemployment is fought, or is it so simple that one has completely capitulated to it?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Viktor Wärnick (M)

Mr. Speaker! I note that Teresa Carvalho thinks it is tiresome to have to answer questions about the government's own support. However, it is an important piece of consumer information for Sweden's voters who will go to the polls in 2026. That is why I am asking these questions.

I have listened carefully to Teresa Carvalho. I have also read the various budget proposals, not only on this expenditure area but on the whole, and can see how completely disjointed it is and how it does not add up at all on the red-green side. That is why we are asking these questions.

The political theater that Teresa Carvalho mentioned in her speech was what the Social Democrats stood for. In this expenditure area, there is a 1 percent difference compared to the government's budget bill. To say that that percentage will make all the difference moving forward—that can be called political theater.

I ask Teresa Carvalho how she and the Social Democrats intend for a government with the support of or together with Vänsterpartiet, Centerpartiet, and Miljöpartiet to be able to come together when there are such large differences against both Centerpartiet's proposal and Vänsterpartiet's proposal - around 25 or 26 million approximately just on this area. How is that going to work?

One can have whatever proposals one wants, but if one cannot gather the majority in the chamber, if one cannot get support in Sweden's Riksdag for what one puts forward, one will also not get the policy through.

We are making a number of different efforts, as I mentioned in my speech, to strengthen the work line and, in the long run, break the dependency on benefits. The work line stands against the benefit line. Therefore, I pose the question to Teresa Carvalho and the Social Democrats: What does the alternative look like on the left side of politics?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! There are almost three years left until the next election. What does Viktor Wärnick know about what the government alternatives will look like when we go to the election in 2026? Is he, for example, completely sure that the Liberals will not shoot themselves out? Is he really? Can he be completely sure that the Liberals will not pull the emergency brake and realize that they perhaps do not want to be part of the gang that is now led by the Sweden Democrats? They might choose to stand up for the decent bourgeoisie? Three years is quite a long time.

There is a 1 percent difference between our budget options, says Viktor Wärnick. I want to inform everyone listening to this debate that when he says this, he is including, for example, the unemployment insurance and the activity compensations, and there is obviously a lot of money there.

If one looks instead at the labor market policy measures and at Arbetsförmedlingen, which is the responsible authority, it becomes a completely different percentage. I haven't had time to calculate the percentage in my head, but these are significant cuts that the SD government is making. If one looks at the active measures, if one adds up the right-wing budgets that have passed the Riksdag in recent years, one sees that they have almost succeeded in achieving a halving. It is not 1 percent; it is almost a halving of the active measures.

It is clear that this will have effects. It is clear that this will further complicate things for people who are outside the labor market to get into work. Viktor Wärnick should take responsibility for this instead of talking away the time about the political game.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Jacobsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I will have two questions for Teresa Carvalho regarding the Social Democrats' policy, but before I move on to the first question, I want to say that it will be a bit interesting, Mr. Speaker, when the member criticizes the political game by engaging in the political game themselves.

Everyone in this chamber, and hopefully also the audience, knows that there is no Sweden Democrat government. There is, however, a classic bourgeois government that cooperates with the Sweden Democrats, and it is a cooperation that, in my opinion, is going significantly better than I thought. I thank the members present for that.

Then I will move on to the issue itself. "Every wasted tax crown is a theft from the people." I personally think that is a very good quote.

I am quite new to the committee - I did sit here once in a while, from 1998 to 2002, but that was a few years ago. I have tried to look back a bit on how money has been used and on various budget proposals. I have then noted that, above all during the previous government, more resources were added than the agency managed to handle.

This is a more fundamental question. Even now, it is very true that the Social Democrats are allocating more resources than we are, but when I look back, I can state that the resources have not been used. That creates the risk of wasted kronor, because if we provide resources to an agency that then, for various reasons, cannot handle them, those are resources we should have allocated elsewhere. How does the member view this?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! The member must apologize, but I only perceived one question. The question concerned that Arbetsförmedlingen has not been able to spend all its money in previous years.

It is very true, and this is a problem that we have seen over the years. It indicates that the regulatory framework has been too rigid and that things need to be done here. But above all, I would like to say that if one looks at the recent years, it is obvious that the authority has not had sufficient guidance capacity to be able to translate the resources into practical action. This is something that the authority itself has said when we in the committee have asked questions.

One must also keep in mind that Arbetsförmedlingen is far from the only agency that gets extra money every now and then. It has happened to other agencies. I want to believe that if, for example, the police receive extra money, we will not hear from Kristdemokraterna that it is a reason to withdraw resources from the police. In the same way, one needs to look at Arbetsförmedlingen.

If Arbetsförmedlingen is unable to spend its resources because it has a too poor referral capacity to begin with, one needs to strengthen the referral capacity in the long term. In plain terms, it means that we need to hire more people at Arbetsförmedlingen so that they can refer more unemployed people to the measures that exist and in that way spend the money that is set aside for measures.

I also believe there are reasons to review the regulatory framework for how money can be moved between appropriations, but it is more of a detail issue.

I believe, however, that it is important for the Christian Democrats to listen to what the Public Employment Service has clearly said, namely that this is very much about the assignment capacity. If we increase the Public Employment Service's administrative grant, they will be able to spend more money on the interventions.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Jacobsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! This proves my thesis, namely that it is not just about money. Our debates in the chamber, and sometimes in conversations in committees and in the media, are usually about money. But I share the member's view that this is not just about money but obviously also about the flexibility and the capacity of the authority. This government, after eight years of non-implemented regulations, is trying to work on making the whole thing simpler. I am therefore grateful for the answer.

I then move on to the next question, which is also more of a philosophical-ideological nature. Do your duty, demand your right. That is classic worker morality. I am myself a proud worker's child, but I never landed in social democracy because in the 80s I saw that it was not what I was so keen on.

Do your duty, claim your right. How does social democracy today view the perspective of benefits or other measures? We on the bourgeois side believe that there is an interplay when taxes on labor are lowered, the regulatory frameworks for companies are reviewed, or regulatory frameworks for benefits are reviewed. During this mandate period, the budget is locked due to a negotiation, and I have respect for that. But in classical bourgeois politics, there is an interplay. It is about making it easier for companies to hire and about placing the requirement on people to do their duty.

Ever since I became politically active in the 80s, it has mostly been "claim your right." How do you view the "do your duty" philosophy?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! This is a budget debate, and it is natural that the debate is about money. But regardless of whether it had been a general political debate or a budget debate, we would have talked a lot about money because money matters.

When one cuts back on Arbetsförmedlingen and on the labor market policy measures, it will have consequences in the form of fewer unemployed people receiving the help and support they need to enter the labor market. It is simple. We turn against the massive cuts that the right-wing government has pushed through this year, last year, and previously. It is a pattern that repeats. There is a clear classic difference in the policy here.

Then it was the more philosophical question, as Magnus Jacobsson said. It is always pleasant to debate classic social democratic mottos in the chamber. It is indeed a classic social democratic motto to do one's duty and demand one's rights. That is precisely why we say that the coin has two sides. It is not a freely chosen task to do everything within one's power to make oneself employable. Every individual has a responsibility, but society also has a responsibility to offer the tools required so that you, as an individual, can equip yourself with what the labor market demands.

Magnus Jacobsson's problem is that one puts all the eggs in the requirements basket and then closes one's eyes to the fact that opportunities and tools are also needed. One takes the tools out of the toolbox instead of refilling it. That is the difference between me and Magnus Jacobsson.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Oliver Rosengren (M)

Mr. Speaker! I have two concise questions for Teresa Carvalho.

If the privatization of services at Arbetsförmedlingen is something that a new Social Democratic government would reverse, why was that reform implemented during the previous period when the Social Democrats ruled Sweden?

What is the most decisive reform according to Teresa Carvalho that the Socialdemokraterna would implement if the Socialdemokraterna were to govern Sweden again?

So: Why was the reform of Arbetsförmedlingen carried out? If one were given the chance again, what major labor market policy reform would be made?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! Regarding the first question, we answer that it is no secret that we Social Democrats had to make some painful compromises in the area of the labor market during the last parliamentary term. That was simply the case.

I believe it could have been even worse, but of course, I think we should not have gone so far in the zeal for privatization. When we present our policy in the chamber, we are clear that we want to take back control. We want to reclaim a majority of the employment service in public administration. It may very well be that private alternatives can remain as complements, but it cannot be such a large part of the cake as it is today. It is not efficient or accurate. We have also seen this in several reports that have arrived recently. It is stated there that money leaks out in incorrect payments and sometimes also in pure fraud. That is why we want to take back control.

I will try to lay out the text regarding the question of whether we would be given the opportunity to govern again in 40 seconds. Let me take the broad strokes. It is probably no secret that I answer that we first and foremost want to ramp up the labor market policy measures. The right-wing government has made very large cuts, so here we want to ramp up so that more people get the chance to be equipped with what is required to enter the labor market. Then we want to improve Arbetsförmedlingen. Better conditions are required for Arbetsförmedlingen to do its job in a good way. I mean that they do not have sufficiently good conditions today.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Oliver Rosengren (M)

Mr. Speaker! The answer I understood regarding the first question is that the Martin Ådahl reform of Arbetsförmedlingen had to be carried out because you governed with the support of Centerpartiet and were therefore dependent on compromising on the policy.

The follow-up question to the second question is: With whom then do the Social Democrats intend that one should carry out the reforms that are highest priority for the Social Democrats?

It is easy to conclude from the answer to the first question that the Social Democrats have a good insight into the fact that if one is not in agreement with a majority on how it should be, perhaps it will not turn out as one has intended. It is obvious that the Social Democrats are not satisfied with the Martin Ådahl reform of the Public Employment Service, and there may be good reasons for that. But to then continue to present policies in the chamber that lack support in the chamber, and pretend as if it is a reality that some Social Democratic voter should expect, naturally raises certain questions.

I have full respect for the fact that one needs to compromise quite a bit on politics. That is also what we have had to do in the labor market policy. But we stand, of course, by the fact that it is so.

With whom do the Social Democrats intend to implement the most prioritized reforms when, as my colleagues have previously noted, there are very large political differences in the Social Democrats' government alternatives?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! Now, it is actually two Moderate MPs who have requested a reply to me to ask about the political game, about tactics, and about government alternatives that lie three years into the future. I had hoped that at least one of you would have something to say about the political content.

I actually have no other answer to give to Oliver Rosengren than the one I gave to his Moderate colleague Viktor Wärnick just a few minutes ago.

We were two Social Democrats who previously requested a reply to the Sweden Democrats. But then it was to ask about two completely different political issues. I think it is remarkable that the time is being used solely for this.

We Social Democrats have no Tidö Agreement or any other agreement with any other parties. We are in opposition. It is Oliver Rosengren's party that has the Prime Minister's post. Take responsibility for the policy instead! Respond to me at least in the criticism that I present here from the rostrum when I say that you are cutting billions in labor market policy while we are entering a recession! Where is the focus on all those people who are outside the labor market and who are knocking on the door and want to come in? Where are the investments to combat unemployment, Oliver Rosengren?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Camilla Mårtensen (L)

Mr. Speaker! I would like to begin by moving to approve the committee's proposals in reports AU2 and AU3.

This morning, 5,245,000 hardworking adult citizens sat up at the alarm to go to work or studies. 5,245,000 citizens have someone or something waiting for them and miss them when they do not come to the staff room for morning coffee, to the check-in point at the hospital's staff entrance, or to the commuter parking lot to meet their colleagues in the construction company's van.

Even though the mornings in December are dark and the steps sometimes feel heavy, it is precisely the solidarity and belonging to a group, being one of the gang, something greater than mere livelihood. Having control over one's income and being able to be independent provides freedom and choices for the individual. But it also creates a society where we all contribute and build a community where we together create security and quality of life.

The Liberals and the government want more Swedes to be given the conditions to be able to be a part of the construction of society and the community. The work line is important. But to reach there, an education line and a labor market policy that takes responsibility and knows that the student cap in the wardrobe almost always guarantees a work community in the future were also needed. Therefore, a functioning primary and secondary school is, in the long run, the most important labor market policy.

At the same time, a labor market policy was needed where our common resources are used effectively in practice and measures that we know work and have a large effect.

Therefore, I welcome the government's major investments in regional vocational adult education. The arrangement that it is three municipalities that together review the regional needs and subsequently decide whether they need to train sheet metal workers or plumbers provides great opportunities for work after the education. Furthermore, it is a very concrete way to meet the skills shortage that exists in the town's companies and in public activities.

Mr. Speaker! As a vocational teacher, I and many of my colleagues have spoken warmly about apprenticeship training for many years. But we have never managed to make it happen in Sweden, despite good examples nearby in both Denmark and Germany.

It is an education where the business sector and future employers have great influence over the content of the knowledge, where the apprentice learns important things for the profession at a high pace and with a lot of workplace-based training, and where the apprentice feels a security that a short education can actually provide work and the competence that is needed.

Perhaps the pilot project for vocational adults to be launched in 2024, with inspiration from the successful investments in the university colleges, can take us a little closer to a Swedish education and apprenticeship model together with the business sector. Regardless of how it turns out, I will carefully follow the evaluations of the project.

At the same time, there will be more places in vocational higher education, a liberal response to increase people's opportunities to become employable and to alleviate the skills shortage that exists within many sectors.

Arbetsförmedlingen is an important state actor, but an actor that has also undergone important and necessary reforms and changes in recent years. A role that is perhaps Arbetsförmedlingen's most important, to support and monitor both employees and contractors, has major deficiencies. We are therefore adding 200 million kronor to strengthen the monitoring work. At the same time, there is still room for efficiencies and changed methods of work. The quality work must be developed and strengthened. And there must be a continued focus on what works and what yields results. It shall contribute to high search activity and transitions to regular jobs.

Finally, we see that steps are being taken for a new and more modern unemployment insurance fund. And as a liberal, I would have gladly gone one step further to a universal, mandatory, and state-run unemployment insurance fund. But this is how it is. We came a bit closer to the goal, and I am happy with these changes. It is absolutely a step in the right direction and very welcome with an income-based unemployment insurance fund.

Everyone who can work shall work, and as a lubricant we are lowering the tax for low- and middle-income earners. But for us to succeed, everyone must also be given the opportunity to participate.

Niklas is a young guy with a neuropsychiatric disability. Primary school was a difficult period. But when it was time for high school, he was given the opportunity to attend a four-year adapted upper secondary education. Everyday life became brighter. Niklas entered a context and felt as comfortable as a fish in water, and concluded that there was a great deal he could contribute to a future community.

With his student cap in hand, he registered with Arbetsförmedlingen. Despite documented difficulties, Niklas was expected to follow the same path as everyone else seeking a job. The lack of individual focus did not only cost Niklas but also became an additional cost for Arbetsförmedlingen.

It took time for Niklas to understand what he was supposed to do and for relatives who could help him. During that time, the context and the sense of community disappeared, and with that, the self-confidence disappeared.

The time it takes to be assigned a disability code at Arbetsförmedlingen is unjustifiably long. Clear objectives are needed to prioritize the group. Sweden cannot afford to let people with disabilities remain outside the labor market.

In conclusion: As usual when we stand here in the speaker's chair, we debate vigorously how we should distribute the tax revenues and how we should divide the millions between our favorite measures. Far too little speaking time is used to talk about how we should increase the cake that we are to distribute and how we should get more to dare, want and be able to start their own company. Far too many have for far too long not seen self-employment as a possible alternative when they begin to consider their professional lives. We must change this together. For it is thanks to our small and medium-sized enterprises, which through diligent toil create and provide opportunities for individuals, that we continue to have tax revenues to distribute, even in this chamber.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! Among the first things that happened last time the Liberals were in government was that they made far-reaching changes to the a-kassa - already in the first budget bill. They removed the tax reduction for the fee to unions and a-kassa, raised the fees, lowered the compensations, and worsened the conditions. Taken together, their policy meant that almost half a million members left the a-kassa. So when we entered the financial crisis in 2008, there were very many who stood outside the unemployment insurance and who then lacked income security when they lost their jobs.

I hardly want to think about what the consequences would have been if the Liberals had followed their instinct to worsen the unemployment insurance even this time, in the face of the cost crisis that the Swedish people are now experiencing and furthermore with the rising unemployment that we are witnessing.

I wonder if the Liberals are still dreaming of worsening the unemployment insurance, or if they have learned anything from the lesson. The government has, as we heard here, announced that they will proceed with the proposal that was submitted in connection with the investigation that the S-government commissioned regarding moving from employment conditions to income conditions. But do the Liberals also intend to take the opportunity to worsen the benefits in the unemployment insurance? It would be valuable if the Liberals could provide a reassuring statement that is not the case.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Camilla Mårtensen (L)

Mr. Speaker! What was done in 2006 - which is what I think you are referring to, Teresa Carvalho - I unfortunately cannot really answer. But you are quite right that the Liberals want to change part of the structure in the fund.

We think it is reasonable to have a higher initial compensation that is phased out faster, precisely because it is meant to be a transitional compensation - an insurance - and not a means of subsistence. On the other hand, it is not the case, as has been discussed earlier today in these speakers' chairs, that we in Liberalerna have 51 percent and decide for ourselves how things should be done. This is party politics and a change that we want to see.

We believe that a state unemployment insurance fund would mean that more people would receive a share of it. It is, in fact, quite unreasonable as it is now, that is to say that membership in the unemployment insurance fund fluctuates depending on the economic cycle and what is happening. The unemployment insurance fund is a basic insurance and a basic security that everyone should have. I and the Liberals can see that the proposal for an income-based unemployment insurance fund is a step in the right direction towards covering large groups who today stand outside the unemployment insurance fund and do not have the possibility to get in.

The new way of calculating the unemployment insurance fund also limits the possibility of cheating in another way. I have myself stood as an employer and tried to fill out these forms, which has been a challenge to understand, and then sent them further for someone else to continue filling them out.

I see, therefore, very great advantages with this change, and I am satisfied and happy with what we have managed – and will manage – during this mandate period.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Teresa Carvalho (S)

Mr. Speaker! I must begin by thanking Camilla Mårtensen for the answer, even if I perhaps did not become quite as reassured as I had hoped to be.

I think it is brave that, in the midst of the price crisis that the Swedish people are experiencing and in the midst of the rising unemployment we see, we stand here in the speaker's chair and open the door to worsening the unemployment insurance. It is brave; the Liberals should have that. I would have taken every chance I got to slam that door shut, lock it, and throw away the key. We definitely do not want to worsen the unemployment insurance in this situation, but I respect that the Liberals have a different opinion on that matter.

We come to the second question regarding the a-kassa, which we have been significantly in disagreement about, and it concerns this matter of nationalization. Here, I thought I heard the Liberals say that the investigation and the upcoming proposal to transition to income conditions is a step in the right direction towards a nationalized a-kassa. It is possible that I misunderstood, and in that case, Camilla Mårtensen is welcome to correct me. For me, however, this is a reason for great concern.

We Social Democrats safeguard the unemployment insurance model Sweden has. As a construction worker, you benefit from being a member of an unemployment insurance fund where there is expertise regarding exactly your industry and what the collective agreement structures look like there. A state-run, mandatory unemployment insurance fund would weaken the employees' position in the labor market, but it would not lead to more people automatically qualifying for unemployment insurance. That is, because it is not based on the model or the employer, but on the conditions.

Therefore, I would actually like to conclude by asking in what way Camilla Mårtensen believes that the proposal on income conditions that the government will lay before the Riksdag is a step in the right direction, as she says, towards a nationalized unemployment insurance fund - and even if it is something we will get to see during the mandate period.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Camilla Mårtensen (L)

Mr. Speaker! Now the member is drawing conclusions that perhaps do not quite align with what I said. I said that I am satisfied with the proposal for an income-based unemployment insurance fund because, for me as a liberal, it is a positive step in the right direction.

When it comes to nationalization, that is to say no longer having over 20 different member funds, I find it a bit difficult to agree with the member when she says that it works well today. I have personally sat with many emails and phone calls from employees who have had to wait several weeks to receive support because their a-kassor actually have not been able to deliver it. There are quality differences between all these a-kassor.

I think that a measure as important as an income loss insurance, which the a-kassa is, should be handled more professionally than by 20 individual providers who do not always function, at least not historically. I believe – and that can also be heard when discussing with them – that the change to an income-based a-kassa would mean a simplification for the member funds. Hopefully, they can then also meet and deliver based on the needs that exist when people become unemployed.

I would also like to quickly say that for me it is not a deterioration if one perhaps starts with a very high compensation from the unemployment insurance fund, which is then tapered off. I can see that an unemployment insurance should be exactly this; it should not be a permanent or long-term livelihood, but it should provide the opportunity and strength to seek a new job or new activities - to perhaps retrain. Therefore, I think that the compensation should be higher at the start and phased out faster, instead of as it is now.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Ciczie Weidby (V)

Mr. Speaker! On the occasion of the tragic workplace accident in Sundbyberg where five people perished, I would like to begin my speech with a minute of silence.

(FIRST DEPUTY SPEAKER: I must unfortunately inform the member that the rules of procedure for the Chamber of the Riksdag prescribe that only the Speaker - and then specifically the Speaker, that is to say not even the Deputy Speakers - can decide on a minute of silence.)

Then I think like this: I begin my speech by being silent for one minute, because I have free disposal over my speaking time. I, Ciczie Weidby, am hereby silent for one minute.

Mr. Speaker! After the minute of silence, I would like to begin my speech with the following: Everyone has the right to work, free choice of employment, just and satisfactory conditions of work, and to protection against unemployment. This is stated in Article 23 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The right to work, which also includes the right of everyone to earn their living through work freely chosen or accepted, is also clarified in Article 6 of the UN Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

The right to work for persons with disabilities is also clarified in this convention, which was adopted in 2006. The States Parties recognize that persons with disabilities shall have the exact same right to work as others. This also includes the right to earn their own livelihood through freely chosen or accepted work in a work environment that is open, promotes integration, and is accessible to all – including persons with disabilities. Furthermore, the States shall protect, promote, and realize this right to work by taking appropriate measures – including legislation.

Mr. Speaker! Despite the fact that 15 years have passed since the convention was adopted, there are major deficiencies in Sweden regarding how we live up to it, not least when it comes to the right to work. These deficiencies have, of course, been pointed out by both the international monitoring committee and by Funktionsrätt Sverige. It is high time, I believe and the Vänsterpartiet believe, that Sweden takes real measures to live up to the convention.

Having a job and self-sufficiency strengthens the individual's ability to satisfy other rights, for example, a reasonable standard of living, housing, and social security. Vänsterpartiet wants to improve the conditions on the labor market for persons with disabilities and create a more spacious, more inclusive working life where the individual is given the opportunity to get a job based on their abilities and circumstances.

Statistics Sweden investigated in 2022 what the situation on the labor market looks like for persons with disabilities. The investigation shows that just over 10 percent of the population aged 16-64 are judged to have a disability, which corresponds to approximately 669,000 people.

The report further shows that the situation on the labor market for these persons is significantly worse than for the rest of the population, regardless of the economic cycle. The employment rate is always significantly lower, unemployment is always higher, and the terms of employment are always more insecure. In addition, approximately every third person with a disability can testify that they are subjected to discrimination in working life. The situation is, of course, unacceptable.

I think it is time to shift the focus to those in the labor market who no one seems to prioritize – those who scream themselves hoarse or those who do not always have such a strong voice that they can make themselves heard.

Now we have changed the presiding Speaker. I thought that Madam Speaker would probably want to hear which reservation in report AU3 that I move for approval. It is reservation 15. That reservation contains 13 motions, and I promise not to go into all of them. But I will go through some of the motions we have, which the government should take to heart.

First and foremost, we must develop a national action plan with goals and measures so that the employment rate for persons with disabilities reaches the same level as the rest of the population.

We should give Arbetsförmedlingen clear directives that disabilities shall be identified, that support shall be provided based on need, and that such support shall be provided as promptly as possible.

We also want to give Arbetsförmedlingen clear directives to offer these persons personal support and ensure that everyone can actually register with the agency.

Furthermore, Arbetsförmedlingen should be allocated earmarked resources to hire more specialists and case officers in order to be able to provide adequate support.

Arbetsförmedlingen and Funktionsrätt Sverige have long said that they want to abolish the term reduced work capacity. One might wonder if it matters that much. Yes, it does. Not everyone has exactly the same work capacity. The work capacity that I myself have and the one that the Speaker has can be somewhat different. The work capacity of two people can never be completely the same. I think we must focus more on: What is work capacity?

We must, of course, reform the labor market policy supports for persons with disabilities and design them so that the entire diversity of disabilities is represented and so that an individually adequate and long-term support is ensured. Above all, we shall prioritize that all persons, regardless of what circumstances they were born with or if they have suffered from an illness or accident and had their circumstances changed later in life, are included in our society and given the same opportunity to contribute to society as everyone else, which the vast majority actually want.

Madam Speaker! This debate covers two reports. Now I intended to move on to AU2, expenditure area 14. Here, the Left Party's proposal is above the decided level, so I cannot demand any own reservation, but I have a special statement.

After a year in power, the government's priorities are clear. Instead of facilitating things for households, healthcare, schools, and elderly care, they are investing in tax cuts for the rich. Vänsterpartiet notes that the government, point by point, is failing to handle many of the serious societal problems we are currently in the midst of. Large groups seem to be completely invisible to the government base. They completely ignore the problems that affect those who have difficulty making their everyday finances work.

Unlike the austerity budget that the government presents, the Left Party's budget proposal stands for a policy that truly addresses society's problems and protects those who are worst off. The burdens in a crisis in a society must be distributed in solidarity. In order to create room for a prioritized resource reinforcement for the welfare sector, lowered costs in public transport, a high-cost protection in dental care and so on, people with higher incomes must contribute more.

The Left Party's budget alternative further implies a much more ambitious labor market and work life policy. We strive with a reckless persistence for full employment, where everyone who wants and can work shall be able to get a job that it is possible to support oneself on. No one should have to be unemployed except during short periods. Such a policy requires an active employment agency and labor market policy as well as robust security systems for individuals when they cannot work.

It is no secret that Vänsterpartiet is strongly critical of the Swedish Public Employment Service's development in recent years. The Swedish Public Employment Service must exist throughout the country to guarantee that all residents are given equal support regardless of where they live. The consultation between the Swedish Public Employment Service, the labor market parties, municipalities and regions must be strengthened and improved.

I believe there are very good reasons to re-establish the active labor market policy. In that case, one must equip and provide support to an employment agency where the competence of the agency is increased, instead of depleting it as it is now. Vänsterpartiet otherwise welcomes that the establishment jobs are introduced in accordance with the parties' agreement. They should, however, be seen as a complement to existing employment and not as the replacement that the government sees them as. In a situation where the economy is slowing down and unemployment is increasing, more labor market policy interventions are needed, not fewer.

Madam Speaker! In order for those who lose their jobs to be able to have good opportunities to either retrain or find a job that corresponds to the competence the person has, the unemployment insurance needs to provide a reasonable compensation. The reinforcements that were made by the a-kassa during the pandemic and which have subsequently been made permanent are absolutely a step in the right direction, but further reinforcements were needed.

This is particularly relevant in light of the economic situation we are currently in. Vänsterpartiet believes that the unemployment insurance must be reinstated and viewed as the income insurance that it is. We want to strengthen it further so that the replacement level returns to 80 percent throughout the entire compensation period.

When it comes to labor market policy, I want to emphasize the central importance that the Swedish Work Environment Authority's inspection activities have for the workers' work environment. In order for the Swedish Work Environment Authority to be able to carry out more inspections, more inspectors and a significantly strengthened support for this are, of course, required.

Action must also be taken against the increased crime in the working life which feeds organized crime and is a threat to the system. Significantly more resources are required to combat crime in the working life. It is deeply unfortunate that neither the government nor the committee sees that there is a need to increase the resources further.

The regional safety representative activity should also be given increased financial support. We know that the regional safety representatives have a very central and important role in the work environment work. This applies in particular at workplaces where the workforce varies and where it can sometimes be difficult to find local safety representatives.

Madam Speaker! Companies' pursuit of profit is often the basis for workplace accidents with fatal outcomes. The pursuit of profit leads to a poor working environment and negligence with protective equipment. There is an unhealthy competition with far too many subcontractors, and particularly in the construction industry. They want to use it to press prices. It also creates a breeding ground for occupational crime. There, the government has a responsibility.

Madam Speaker! I would have really liked that we in the committee could have had a proper debate on crime in the working life and, above all, on fatal accidents at work where the responsible Minister had been present in the debate.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Madam Speaker! In view of the fact that the Center Party's budget fell in the initial vote, I refer to our special statement in AU2, while in AU3 I wish to move for approval of reservation 7.

Sweden faces several parallel crises that require both reforms and tough, difficult priorities. To truly meet the crises, an orderly liberal economic reform policy is now required that can take the entire country out of the tough economic crisis. It is a policy that increases the chances for more people to work and support themselves and that invests in both the work line and the companies.

In the Center Party's budget motion, a liberal and green economic alternative is presented. It is an alternative in line with how successful crisis management has been conducted in Sweden in the past. But today, we stand almost alone by the liberal economic principles that have enabled Sweden's long and strong development of prosperity.

To succeed with this, a much more active labor market policy is required. Unfortunately, it echoes with emptiness regarding labor market policy from the government's side. The bill from the Ministry of Employment is, frankly, just a waste of paper, as such a policy is completely non-existent.

When this is pointed out, as I have done today, representatives for the government usually say that work is ongoing and that it takes time. But it is not time that has been the problem, but rather the will to implement an active labor market policy. An active labor market policy is required. Now it is time for the government to wake up, to roll up its sleeves, and to start working so that more people have a job to go to.

A renewed policy is needed so that our job creators in Sweden can deliver more jobs. If we are to create more jobs in Sweden, we need to be one of the world's best countries to run businesses in. Simpler rules and less red tape are needed. It needs to become cheaper and simpler to hire, and more mobility is needed on the Swedish labor market.

It is of the utmost importance to break the division of the Swedish labor market, counter long-term unemployment, and ensure that everyone who comes to and lives in Sweden is given the opportunity to truly enter and become a part of the Swedish community. For this, more effective support and better matching for job seekers are needed.

The matching services have proven unexpectedly successful. But despite this, the government chooses to significantly scale back the investment in the matching services and simultaneously scale back the investment in the Arbetsförmedlingen's smaller offices in the countryside.

The government instead invests the resources in the Swedish Public Employment Service's internal organization and in Samhall. Unlike the government, the Center Party wants to prioritize the resources so that as many as possible receive proven effective matching assistance and so that the Swedish Public Employment Service can truly deliver what it is supposed to according to the new mandate.

Arbetsförmedlingen has previously had a monopoly on placing new jobs for those who are unemployed, a task that the agency has not succeeded in. From government representatives, it often sounds as if the reform of Arbetsförmedlingen was completed a year ago. That is as incorrect as it can possibly be, because the reform has only just begun.

Political decisiveness and leadership are needed for the reform of Arbetsförmedlingen to become as good as it was intended from the beginning. In the short term, it is needed that more volume is moved from Arbetsförmedlingen to private actors. It is needed that a rating system is introduced so that good actors shall be rewarded and unserious actors shall disappear. One also needs to move the focus from form to results.

In tough times, one must dare to prioritize what is truly important. The Centre Party therefore prioritizes the work line over a record-high level of unemployment benefits. The Centre Party thus advocates for a reform of the unemployment insurance where the benefit is initially relatively high to thereafter be tapered off faster and systematically.

The Center Party's budget proposal consequently implies a large saving within the financing of the unemployment insurance. The unemployment insurance needs to focus on transition, encourage mobility and facilitate for people to quickly change jobs. Therefore, it pleases a liberal that the Liberals speak well about the changes that I hope will occur within the unemployment insurance in the short term.

When it finally concerns the establishment jobs, I continue to note that entrepreneurs who lack collective agreements are excluded from using this form of employment. This concerns companies that often play an important role in ensuring that people from vulnerable groups in the labor market get their first job.

The Center Party wants those companies, often small businesses, which account for the majority of new jobs to be able to participate in the establishment jobs. The most important thing for the Center Party is not that there are collective agreements, but that there are fair working conditions and a good working environment. This can occur both with and without collective agreements.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Camilla Mårtensen (L)

Madam Speaker! I think it will become clear in this debate that we are quite in agreement on many things as liberal parties.

Regarding A-kassan, we have roughly the same view. Establishment jobs as well. There must be establishment jobs. They shall be complemented by the new start jobs, where collective agreements are not required, precisely because these are communicating vessels. We also have views on the reform of AF.

But one thing sets us apart, and that is that Jonny Cato wants to move very quickly forward.

We must admit that not everything has become one hundred percent good with the change of Arbetsförmedlingen. That is not to say that it is finished in any way. But I am thinking of the active labor market measures that you want to introduce in addition to this, where you think we should move faster. Are they any completely new ones?

What I perceive as having been done in this government is that it has been said that we must have a rating system in place before we continue to develop Rusta and matcha, which is a very good complement. It is, however, still the second largest measure we have and offer.

My question to the member is: What new measures do you mean when you say that more active labor market policy is required than that which this government is already implementing?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Madam Speaker! That is where we differ, because I mean that no active labor market policy is being pursued at all.

I have just presented the Center Party's policy in this area. But one can also say that much of what we want is to stop some of the policy that the government is actually implementing. For example, the unemployment insurance is being raised, and billion-dollar investments are being made in Samhall.

I mean that another important labor market policy measure is to make it cheaper to hire, for example through lower employer contributions, and that one lowers the cost of hiring young people and people who come from other countries and have a foreign background. I mean that I would make a real difference.

If I want to go fast, I don't know. The government has been in power for quite a long time now, I think, and it has been shown that in areas where one wants to achieve something, it goes fast. It goes fast to dismantle the climate policy. It goes fast to overhaul the entire energy system. It goes fast to introduce proposals to deport seriously ill children.

Where one wants to achieve something, it goes fast. The bill lists are long in many areas. The Ministry of Justice is one such. But at the Ministry of Employment, everything is supposed to take a long time, otherwise it won't be done correctly.

I think it is rather hiding behind something, and I believe I sense that it might be the case that the Liberals, the Moderates and the Christian Democrats are not entirely in agreement with the Sweden Democrats regarding, for example, the unemployment insurance fund. We heard that here earlier today. I will not focus on political games, but one can talk about it for 20 seconds and still be quite far behind what the Tidö parties are doing.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Camilla Mårtensen (L)

Madam Speaker! I do not usually engage in political games here, so I am grateful that you have also stopped doing so after the first debates.

However, I want to say that active labor market policy takes place in very many more places than in the Committee on Employment. We are talking about reduced taxes for low- and middle-income earners. We are talking about educational initiatives in both vocational adult education and vocational colleges, but also in primary school and upper secondary school. We are talking about new efficiencies that must take place at Arbetsförmedlingen, and we are talking about benefit ceilings.

These are quite classic and good liberal lines, which we are now implementing – however, not within the framework of our committee and our expenditure area. Nevertheless, they make a difference on the total.

When it comes to lower employer contributions, I share the views of the Center Party that it is a very important measure. But we must also face the reality we are in, and that reduction of employer contributions for young people that we had previously was not particularly effective. They are not those who are furthest from the labor market.

I envision and hope that this government will also deliver general reductions in employer contributions. It makes a difference, because then the cake we can distribute grows. It is not as the Social Democrats often speak about that there is a certain number of jobs to be distributed, but it is about creating new job opportunities. We do that through a dynamic business climate and through dynamic, changing, and good efforts from all our committees, not just the Committee on Employment.

(ANDRE VICE TALMANNEN: I want to remind that we address each other by the member's name and not with "you".)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jonny Cato (C)

Madam Speaker! It is a characteristic of this debate that we are going to talk about education policy, we are going to talk about tax policy, we are going to talk about business policy, but we are not going to talk about labor market policy.

I can only state that we will soon have to shut down the Committee on Employment if we have no proposals to debate, as employment policy seems to be handled in all other committees and in all departments except for the Ministry of Employment.

We all understand that there are certain issues that are addressed in many committees - gender equality policy, environmental policy, integration policy. Labor market policy is one such. But we cannot say that it is addressed in all other committees but not specifically in the Committee on Employment.

I can only state that there has been very little in the way of proposals, actually not only in labor market policy but also in integration policy - which is also handled by the Ministry of Employment.

I may have high demands of the ministers when I mean that they should deliver policy, but they have not done so so far. I can understand that some things take time, but not everything can take time.

When it comes to investing in what works, we are probably in agreement that Samhall does not work. Nevertheless, the Tidö parties are providing 2 billion kronor in increased appropriations to Samhall.

Speaking of investing in what works, I truly believe that lowered employer contributions are better than giving increased billion-kronor grants to both the increased unemployment insurance fund and to Samhall.

I would like to conclude by saying that actually, the Center Party and the Liberals should not be taking this debate, because we are fundamentally very much in agreement on what should happen in the labor market area. We are just slightly in disagreement about how fast it should go.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Leila Ali Elmi (MP)

Madam Speaker! Today's debate on labor market issues is extensive, and therefore I choose to concentrate on skills supply, labor market policy, the Public Employment Service, work-integrating social enterprises, and shorter working hours. It is a broad and significant subject area.

I want to begin by emphasizing the importance of the Swedish model, where parties negotiate and reach agreements. This balance is something we should be proud of and actively safeguard, especially considering its international uniqueness and the threats we see today against labor rights.

Madam Speaker! We face great challenges in the labor market. Despite the fact that we have many vacancies, both the public and private sectors are crying out for labor while we have large groups that are unemployed.

An important issue is long-term unemployment and the specific challenges that low-educated individuals and persons with disabilities face. It is clear that the causes are not linked to origin, lack of will, or high benefits, as the SD government claims. Instead, the problem is rooted in the lack of the skills that are in demand on the labor market. It would be wise for the government to prioritize an ambitious education policy to reduce the skills gap and give these people the tools they need to qualify for work.

Society's efforts should focus on improving and expanding educational opportunities rather than staring blindly at reduced benefits and alleged unwillingness. Bridging the skills gap is not only an investment in individuals' futures, but it is a powerful measure that strengthens the entire society. It is time to shift the focus from conscious misconceptions to real solutions and opportunities.

Madam Speaker! In several municipalities and regions, we are facing a skills shortage, which fundamentally affects the core of the welfare system. Already today, many of our teachers and healthcare workers face a challenging work environment with overcrowded classrooms and demanding work tasks within healthcare and elderly care. This burden unfortunately leads to many passionate professionals no longer having the strength to stay. A worrying trend, clearly illustrated by the Vårdförbundet's observation, is that many nurses have been forced to reduce their working hours or even leave the profession prematurely due to a stressful work environment.

Madam Speaker! We regret that the government has decided to abolish the recovery bonus. The Green Party initiated the reform, which has been an opportunity for staff groups in healthcare and elderly care to test new methods and their own ideas to improve the work environment, including working time models. Many interesting and important projects have been carried out across the country, and we believe that it is an initiative that would have needed to continue and be developed.

Madam Speaker! It is remarkable that the government does not seem to acknowledge the exceptionally difficult economic situation that is now affecting regions and municipalities. SKR is sounding the alarm about the pressured situation. Even though the government has increased the general state grants, it is far from sufficient. To make drastic decisions based on the Sweden Democrats' paranoid delusions is devastating. To ignore the demographic changes and the labor shortage in municipalities and regions, but also in other sectors, especially when it comes to the wage requirements for labor migrants, is to ignore reality. The labor shortage is expected to have extensive consequences, with a significant impact on welfare. This creates concern within municipalities and regions and in various sectors of society.

Madam Speaker! With the right conditions, very many can get a job and an own income to live on. But it is naive to believe that this will happen by itself - or, as the government seems to believe, happen by making it as damn difficult as possible to be unemployed. This happens by us as a society doing our part so that every citizen gets the right conditions to do their part.

A prerequisite for society to meet its share of the responsibility has long been a functioning public employment service that exists throughout the country and can offer help and support based on each individual's needs. A few years ago, however, large parts of Arbetsförmedlingen's activities had to quickly put an end to their operations when the Moderates' and Christian Democrats' first cutback on the agency arrived. The layoffs surged, expertise disappeared, and left behind were people who still needed guidance in the search for a job. Many of the agency's case officers with specialist competence regarding disabilities resigned, and several of Arbetsförmedlingen's local offices around the country were closed down. It was a hard blow for Arbetsförmedlingen as an agency, for all its employees, and not least for all job seekers.

Since then, some local offices have reopened, but it is not enough by a long way. It is a major misconception that people in need of specialized support should not be able to meet the person who is to provide the support. Digital means are good but cannot completely replace this for everyone.

Arbetsförmedlingen and the labor market policy are needed most for those groups who are furthest from the labor market. People with different types of disabilities are one such group, foreign-born women another.

In order for Sweden to manage integration and at the same time secure both our welfare and our transition, everyone who can work must be given the right conditions to do so. During my meetings with people all over Sweden, I very often meet low-educated foreign-born women. What comes out most in those conversations is that they are requesting work: Can you help me apply for a job? I have never encountered any unwillingness to work. Rather, people long for jobs and independence.

These are often women who have lived in poverty or oppression, who have never had any opportunity to establish their own contacts on the Swedish labor market but who want nothing more than to have a job to go to. For them, Arbetsförmedlingen can mean the difference between entering Sweden and being left outside, and it is for their sake, among other things, that we need to ensure we clean up after the right's experiments and start doing what we know works.

The labor market policy programs and the targeted labor market trainings need to be expanded. We also want to invest in short vocational trainings in combination with language studies, specifically targeted towards women and shortage occupations. That is how we can prepare Sweden for the future, secure the welfare, and give people hope and faith in the future.

Madam Speaker! We live in a time where society is in constant change. What is news today can be old tomorrow, and what feels impossible today can be reality next month. This requires a labor market policy for the future, which meets the reality where old jobs disappear while new ones emerge.

Swedes have for several generations grown up with the image that a stable and secure job is something that everyone can get, but it is something that today's young people can only dream of. And while many older people have been able to work in the same profession, even at the same workplace, for an entire life, no young people today can count on never having to change paths.

A new reality requires a new policy. One of the parts of it is the study and transition support. The government realized late that it was needed, but that delay has put many people who are on their way to taking the next step in life in a bind. The parties have negotiated an important agreement that will now allow people to pursue further education during their working lives. This is something we in Miljöpartiet see as extremely important. It helps mobility in the labor market and is also an opportunity for self-realization.

Another part of the future labor market policy is the work-integrating social enterprises, which have an enormous potential that society is not taking advantage of today. They create opportunities for groups that otherwise have difficulty accessing the labor market. The societal benefits are also obvious and well-documented. Tillväxtverket has, for example, stated that work-integrating social enterprises have advantages that are particularly good for the target groups of newly arrived and long-term unemployed foreign-born persons.

Part of the labor market policy that is built on the future is reforms for reduced working hours. It is an idea that at certain times has been mocked by most parties in the chamber. Now, however, even other major parties in the chamber are starting to look in that direction, and I am convinced that it is the right way forward. Not for everyone, always and everywhere, but for many occupational groups who today cannot manage to work a whole life, a reduced working time is fundamentally a prerequisite for the work to be done.

Madam Speaker! We live in a time of upheaval. It places demands on us as politicians to dare to think further and see how the jobs of the future can help build the society of the future.

It is two reports we are debating today, AU2 and AU3. For AU2, I have submitted a special statement, and for AU3, I move for approval of our reservations 4 and 17.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Saila Quicklund (M)

Madam Speaker! I want to begin by expressing that my thoughts go to those affected and their relatives regarding the elevator accident that occurred on Monday this week in Sundbyberg. So far, there is not much information. It is now important that the incident is properly investigated, this so that similar incidents cannot occur in the future.

Work environment issues are important. They affect and involve very many employees, employers, and parties. A safe and developing work environment is central for a well-functioning and vital labor market and welfare. A good work environment is also important for security in Sweden, and this applies to both the individual and society as a whole.

The development of the work environment in our workplaces affects both growth and employment as well as the opportunities for good, equitable and equal health. The work environment also has great importance for how long people can, are able to, and want to work. It is also important given the demographic development in Sweden.

Madam Speaker! The Government wants to emphasize that a safe and developing work environment is crucial for a well-functioning labor market. The systematic and preventive work on the work environment is the foundation for a good work environment. Furthermore, the supervision of the work environment is crucial to maintain the protection for the employees and for fair competitive conditions to be able to prevail on the labor market.

The need for a continued high level of ambition for the work environment policy to meet various challenges in working life is central. No one who works in Sweden should have a job where they are exploited or worn out. No one should risk dying or being seriously injured in their work.

We want to emphasize that the implementation of the current work environment strategy 2021-2025 is an important part of strengthening the work to achieve the overall goal for labor market policy.

The Government also wants to emphasize the importance of continuing the work against crime against the working life through offensive work. Crime against the working life leads to serious societal problems and constitutes a significant source of income for organized crime. It leads to competition being distorted and serious companies being competed out by unserious companies.

Labor market crime causes insecurity in the labor market and the exploitation of labor. In its most serious forms, it can involve human trafficking and human exploitation. Crime, fraud, and abuse linked to the labor market must be combated with force, and sanctions must be accurate and effective. The expanded cooperation against labor market crime, the increase in the number of joint authority inspections where nine authorities cooperate, and the development of cooperation with the labor market's parties contribute to the fulfillment of the objectives in the area.

That there are now a-krim centers in a number of places in the country is obviously positive. Add to that the Delegation against work-life crime, which has the mandate, from a society-wide perspective, to act unifying and supportive in relation to actors who counteract work-life crime.

Madam Speaker! It is a problem that many workplaces lack local safety representatives. We also view with concern the trend showing that fewer and fewer people are engaging as local safety representatives. This is the background to the assignment that we have given to Arbetsmiljöverket. We safeguard the Swedish labor market model and consider it important to involve the parties in all issues concerning the work environment and safety work at the country's workplaces. It is also therefore stated in the assignment that Arbetsmiljöverket shall carry it out and have contact with the labor market's parties so that it will be as good as possible.

The government is acting on the problem that there are too few safety representatives - all so that the country's workers shall have safe and secure workplaces.

It is important that we speak broadly about work environment issues. It is easy to study the most serious accidents, but they are only part of the problem. Stress is an incredibly important issue that is not visible on the surface and which also has an important equality focus. We know that most are men who are seriously injured at work, regardless of which industry has the most accidents, but at the same time, we see very many women who are affected enormously by stress in a way that, in the worst cases, even takes their lives.

When it comes to stress, it is important that we not only have clear guidelines for physical work environments but also that we, in our strategy, take into account the risks that cause people to be signed off sick from stress at their workplaces.

I also want to be clear that even though most employers want to do the right thing, there are those who cannot or do not want to. Some take shortcuts at the expense of the workers' health and well-being and sometimes even lives. We must take this extremely seriously in our work.

The Government is now continuing its work on, among other things, the work environment strategy 2021-2025. The Swedish Work Environment Authority is reviewing how there can be more safety representatives. We are also evaluating and investigating regional safety representatives. It is strange that this has not been done previously. We are also developing the work against crime in the workplace. The Swedish Work Environment Authority has a mandate to develop and implement measures to prevent women from being pushed out of the labor market due to poor working environment conditions.

The Government has taken the initiative for a project involving a compilation of knowledge regarding occupational environment risks among healthcare personnel. The results will be reported in April next year.

In conclusion, Madam Speaker, the government takes workplace environment issues most seriously, is working intensively and will continue to work intensively with these issues.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! Despite the fact that we in Sweden have strong legislation in the area of the working environment, people are becoming ill from work. Fatal accidents are now unfortunately increasing as well. It is clear to everyone that the preventive work on the working environment needs to be strengthened. Nevertheless, not a single bill is being planned in the area of the working environment – and that despite the fact that there are several completed proposals on the minister's desk that would contribute to strengthened work on the working environment in Sweden's workplaces.

Saila Quicklund says here in the debate - and the minister has also said it - that work continues according to the work environment strategy and the zero vision that was developed by the Social Democratic government. I want to ask in what way it is noticeable that the work is ongoing and what measures to strengthen the preventive work environment work that the government plans to take in accordance with the strategy that it says it follows.

Saila Quicklund pointed out that the activities of the regional safety representatives are being reviewed. That investigation is already complete and has presented its conclusions and proposals regarding expanded access rights for the regional safety representatives. I became a bit confused by Saila Quicklund's contribution in the debate and want to ask if the government has started a new investigation regarding the regional safety representatives.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Saila Quicklund (M)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Johanna Haraldsson, for the question! I know that the member has a great interest in issues regarding the working environment, and we have met in many debates. I will try to answer the questions.

The regional safety representatives fulfill a very important function in the labor market, and there are no contradictions here. In order not to go too far into the preparation surrounding the regional safety representatives, I can refer to the fact that a discussion will be held further ahead. Regarding that question, I will stick to the fact that it is being prepared in the Government Offices.

The functions of the safety representatives are extremely central. Much has changed in the labor market since the Work Environment Act came into force in the 70s. There are fewer employees at the companies that are members of the union. Therefore, we are conducting a review of the safety representatives in general terms. Regional safety representatives have a special preparation, and the Swedish Work Environment Authority is looking into how there can be more safety representatives. That is commendable.

I am a bit questioning, because this is nothing that has been unknown. We have had a great shortage of safety representatives. Fewer people want, for various reasons, to engage in the area. What the Swedish Work Environment Authority is doing now is to see if there are industry differences and if there are differences between women and men - or whatever it may be that it is about - when it comes to why people do not want to engage.

I find it surprising that the previous government, for eight years, with the knowledge that there is a lack of safety representatives and that fewer people want to get involved, still has not looked into the issue. How is that possible?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! It is very clear for the Social Democrats that the development of more insecure employments, many small workplaces and so on has made it difficult for the trade union movement to recruit more safety representatives. It was also one of the reasons why we wanted to ensure that the regional safety representatives would be able to enter more workplaces.

We may perhaps need to review how we should strengthen the possibilities also for the local safety representatives. I do not oppose that at all. But instead of answering my questions about how it is noticeable that the work environment strategy is being followed, Saila Quicklund wove into the answer to a question I had not asked, regarding the local safety representatives.

I therefore return to my question: How is it noticeable that this government is following the work environment strategy that it says it follows and that the Social Democrats set in motion? In connection with the strategy, the Social Democrats appointed a number of inquiries which have now delivered proposals. There are now proposals for increased management responsibility, expanded access rights for regional safety representatives – we have already talked about that – and strengthening of the Act on Occupational Health Services.

The last time we debated issues regarding the work environment here in the chamber, I and Saila Quicklund, she assured me that the Moderaterna and the government had the understanding that expanded possibilities for sanction fees was a proposal that they would proceed with.

My question is: When will these proposals come? When can we expect the government to present proposals that contribute to an improved working environment in our workplaces?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Saila Quicklund (M)

Madam Speaker! It takes courage to attack a government that has been in power for just over a year when one has oneself been in a government position for eight years.

Now, from the Social Democrats, criticism regarding what is happening with the work environment strategy. As I said in my speech, we are continuing with it, and we will evaluate it when it expires in 2025. Occupational health care is included as a natural part of the work environment strategy, and of course, we follow it. We know that there are deficiencies, for example in the form of a shortage of doctors, and we are reviewing the possibilities to improve the situation.

I am surprised that the regional safety representatives, which is about strengthening the union's position in the labor market, are emphasized so one-sidedly without mentioning the local safety representatives. As I said in my previous speech, it is well known that there is a great shortage of local safety representatives, but the previous government never addressed the issue. It never analyzed in depth why so few want to join this assignment.

It is this that this government is now addressing. We are reviewing all safety representatives, not just the regional ones. It is important, and we intend to complete this work. We will come forward with proposals for measures. I am, as I said, surprised by the one-sided view when it comes to regional safety representatives.

We stand by the sanction fees. That was also what was pushed through during the Alliance period: sanction fees instead of penalties. And that is how it will continue to be.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! The lift collapsed 20 meters, and five people were killed. The accident at a construction site on Monday is the worst on the Swedish labor market in decades. The ultimate consequence of a poor working environment at our workplaces is that people die. The year 2023 will become the deadliest year since 2011. Every case is a tragedy.

At the Swedish Work Environment Authority, it is argued that most workplace accidents are due to deficient risk analyses and risk assessments – that they are not performed or that they are not performed frequently enough. Most of these deaths could have been prevented if the employer had fulfilled its obligations according to the law.

This makes it obvious that the preventive work environment work must be strengthened in our workplaces. There must be consequences for not conducting risk assessments and for not following laws and regulations regarding the preventive and systematic work environment work.

Investigations are ongoing, and it is obviously too early to say anything about the cause and responsibility regarding Monday's accident. But the statistics on fatal accidents show that the most dangerous workplaces are within the construction industry. Therefore, a holistic approach needs to be taken regarding the working environment, the risks, and the preventive work specifically within the construction industry.

Madam Speaker! It is also an industry that is heavily pressured by crime in the labor market and by unserious and directly criminal actors who do not follow collective agreements, who systematically violate the Work Environment Act, and who commit economic crime and human trafficking. They make it almost impossible for companies that want to do the right thing to compete. It puts downward pressure on conditions and the work environment in the entire industry.

Workplace crime has, however, not stopped within the gates of construction sites. It is a widespread problem in the Swedish labor market.

In 2018, the Social Democratic government tasked several agencies with cooperating to combat crime in the workplace. Since then, the police, Arbetsmiljöverket, Skatteverket, and an additional six agencies have conducted joint inspections and developed the work of combating crime in the workplace.

In 2022, the first a-krim centers were established in Sweden, and in the same year, the Social Democratic government presented a national strategy against crime in the labor market. It consists of 45 measures intended to make it difficult to cheat, easy to get caught, and palpable to be punished.

Stopping crime and unfair competition in the labor market will require a lot from society, and the work needs to be further strengthened. Therefore, we Social Democrats prioritize in our budget motion to increase the appropriation to Arbetsmiljöverket by an additional 50 million. In this way, it can be managed to staff all a-krim centers and strengthen the work against labor market crime, but without the agency's inspection activities being affected and hit by savings.

In Sweden, we have an incredibly good work environment legislation which, if followed to the letter, would provide all wage earners with a good and healthy work environment. No one would have to die or become ill from their work. Still, one person dies every week at work. Thousands of work-related injuries are reported every year, and the number of people on sick leave with stress-related ill health is increasing. Women in welfare professions are particularly affected by stress-related ill health. The work situation is unsustainable for many, and the imbalance between demands and resources makes people sick.

Social workers, nursing assistants, childcare workers and teachers need more colleagues, not fewer, to be able to see every child, take care of our elderly and provide good care. Sufficient resources for municipalities and regions are crucial, not only for welfare itself but also to make it possible to create a good working environment for the employees.

The government is now creating a healthcare crisis by underfunding the regions, which reduces people's access to care and risks increasing healthcare queues. But it also risks leading to increased ill health among the employees who remain when colleagues are now being laid off. We Social Democrats therefore prioritize in our budget motion more than 10 billion more in supplementary funding for welfare.

Resources are important so that no more people become ill from stress, but the employers also need to step up the preventive work environment work. According to the regulation on social and organizational work environment, the employer shall "ensure that the work tasks and authorities assigned to the employees do not give rise to unhealthy workload. This means that the resources shall be adapted to the requirements of the work."

If the requirements in the OSA regulation had truly been followed and deficiencies in the working environment, such as high workload, had been addressed, I am convinced that the stress-related ill health would have decreased.

People are dying prematurely from stress-related ill health. The zero vision was expanded in 2020 from solely concerning that no one should die at work to also concerning that no one should die from work. This requires that employers take the organizational and social work environment at least as seriously as the physical one. It is also why we Social Democrats want the Work Environment Authority to have the possibility to impose sanction fees even for employers who do not follow the OSA regulations or who do not work systematically with the work environment.

Madam Speaker! As I have said before, we have a work environment act and associated regulations that are extremely clear and which put the human being first. The employer has full responsibility and shall take all measures necessary to prevent the employee from suffering from ill health or accidents.

But in order for us to be sure that laws and rules are followed, follow-up and control are required. The Swedish Work Environment Authority's inspections play a major role in maintaining the vital work environment work at our workplaces. But the inspectors visit only a fraction of all workplaces during a year.

For the work environment work to function well, local commitment at the workplace is required, from both employers and employees. Here, safety representatives play a vital role as representatives for their colleagues. They even have the possibility to stop the work at their workplace if there is a risk that people will become ill or injure themselves.

However, being a safety representative means that one must dare to be a little uncomfortable, be able to question the manager's decisions, and be a strong voice for a better working environment. It is a position that requires knowledge, experience, and support so that one can do a good job and stand one's ground even if one is subjected to pressure or risks reprisals. The trade union movement provides this support through training and advice and can represent the safety representative if she is hindered in her work.

At workplaces where the union has members but there is no safety committee, a regional safety representative can be appointed. These are people with extensive experience of occupational health and safety work at other, often similar, workplaces. According to the Work Environment Act, the regional safety representatives have the same powers as local safety representatives.

Many small workplaces, more insecure employments and lower levels of organization have effects on the work environment work. More and more workplaces are small and do not have a protection work as well-functioning as many of the larger workplaces. Here, the regional safety representatives play a decisive role.

We Social Democrats want to give the regional safety representatives the opportunity to visit more workplaces to support the work environment work. After the activity was evaluated at the initiative of the Riksdag, it is concluded that the regional safety representative activity is cost-effective and contributes to a better work environment, especially in small workplaces.

Therefore, we Social Democrats propose once again expanded access for the regional safety representatives to all workplaces with collective agreements, while in our budget proposal we allocate 20 million for the operation.

More needs to be done to improve the working environment in our workplaces. We Social Democrats have several proposals for stricter rules and want to strengthen the role of safety representatives. We also want to increase control at the workplaces with more work environment inspectors and with the regional safety representatives.

There seems to be nothing wrong with the commitment to workplace environment issues in this debate or from the government parties' side. But one needs to do more than just talk. It is time to start delivering in the area of the workplace environment to prevent wage earners from becoming ill or dying from their jobs.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Johanna Haraldsson, for a very good speech!

Towe Ljunggren and her colleague Linda Henberg were safety representatives at Ica in Tibro. They had been for many years. In connection with the 2022 election, when both received municipal political assignments for Sverigedemokraterna, their union Handels chose to terminate their assignments as safety representatives. The only justification was that they were active within Sverigedemokraterna.

Daniel Widin, a young workshop worker from Halmstad with several years of experience as a safety representative, was elected to the Riksdag for the Sverigedemokraterna. The union branch Metall then chose to terminate his assignment as a safety representative for the sole reason that he was active within the Sverigedemokraterna.

I can tell my own story. After ten years as a safety representative and union representative, I had to end my assignment solely because I became active within Sverigedemokraterna.

My question to Johanna Haraldsson is therefore: When there is such an enormous shortage of local safety representatives, do you think this is the correct way to act?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! I do not intend to take a position on whether individual trade unions have made the right decisions. What I can say, however, is that it is important that those who are safety representatives have good backing from their trade union in order to be able to be good representatives for their colleagues in workplace environment issues. It is about, as I have said repeatedly in this debate, being able to get the support and knowledge that is needed and also having the opportunity to have someone represent you if you are hindered in your work.

I do not want a situation where safety representatives stand completely alone if they are prevented by their employer from carrying out their mission. I do not want us to be dependent on the individual employer's goodwill in order to be able to implement work environment measures at our workplaces. I want us to have strong safety representatives, and strong safety representatives are safety representatives who represent their colleagues and have a trade union behind them that can represent them.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Persson (SD)

Madam Speaker! All the persons I mentioned are still members of their trade unions; they have not been expelled. They therefore have their trade union behind them, but they are not allowed to be safety representatives because they are active Sverigedemokrater.

I can understand that you do not want to comment on this, but when it comes to LO and the Social Democrats, there is a congress decision regarding trade union-political cooperation. The entire LO leadership sits in the Social Democrats' executive committee and party board. So you can obviously comment on this. They act according to the Social Democrats' directives, all the way through.

I ask the question again: Why does a person who has been a safety representative for many, many years and who is still a member of the union and who chooses to become active in the Sverigedemokraterna overnight become completely incompetent as a safety representative?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johanna Haraldsson (S)

Madam Speaker! I maintain that I will not comment on the decisions of individual unions. I also want to point out that the Social Democrats are an organization. All the different trade unions around Sweden are their own organizations and make their own decisions at their congresses.

If Magnus Persson is serious about his passion for workplace environment issues, he should stop pursuing this issue. It is a personal vendetta he is pursuing. It is a number of offended individuals he represents here. He does not represent Swedish wage earners in this debate, but he represents a number of quite offended individuals who no longer have their assignments.

Given how weakened the safety representatives would become without union support, it is easy to believe that Magnus Persson, because he himself is somewhat bitter towards the trade union movement, has completely sided with the employers.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Oliver Rosengren (M)

Madam Speaker! Everyone who can work shall work. Therefore, rules, incentives, and support were needed, designed to create the conditions for Sweden to reach full employment. Work is security, community, and access to our country's growing prosperity. But the work principle is also the promise that politics does not give up on anyone, the conviction that no human being is useless, the idea of the intrinsic value of work, and the insight that requirements mean caring.

In order for the labor market not to become a club for mutual admiration between those who already have jobs and those who hire, politics needs to take on the third mission: to be the party that represents those who lack work. The task of politics is therefore to give hope when it has flickered out for the long-term unemployed, strength when it has run out for the one who has fallen into passivity, and community for the one who has fallen into exclusion.

Madam Speaker! A well-designed and effective unemployment insurance is an important component for a well-functioning labor market. Such an a-kassa fulfills the function of being a temporary financial support for those who are between two jobs. The policy then needs to balance between being generous enough so that people can match themselves to a job that fits their skills and abilities, but at the same time restrictive enough so that the incentives to seek work remain strong.

Sweden's long notice periods mean that few of those who are given notice actually become unemployed. One reason for this is that there is a higher chance of getting a job if one applies for a job while having a job than if one does so as an unemployed person. Those who nevertheless become unemployed after a notice risk long periods of unemployment and therefore need to face high expectations, reasonable replacement levels, and low thresholds to a new job.

When the economy now turns downward and unemployment turns upward, it may be time to educate oneself to strengthen one's position on the labor market. We are therefore investing an entire Alvesta municipality in new places within vocational training.

Madam Speaker! It is no secret that the Moderates wish to reform the unemployment insurance. The Tidö Agreement contains certain deteriorations of the unemployment insurance that we have debated and decided on here previously: partly increased compensation, partly lowered requirements to access the compensation. Economics professor Lars Calmfors, who was previously chairman of the Labor Market Economics Council, has stated that almost all empirical studies prove the connection between a higher unemployment insurance and longer periods of unemployment. The National Audit Office stated this spring that the latest expansion of the unemployment insurance, which was made under the previous government, is bad for employment.

The Government and the Sweden Democrats have now announced a new reform of the unemployment insurance (a-kassan) which can be beneficial. It is included in this budget. An income-based unemployment insurance simplifies things for both the employer and for the person who is unemployed and needs unemployment insurance, and also for both the unemployment insurance funds and the Public Employment Service (Arbetsförmedlingen). Income data from the Swedish Tax Agency (Skatteverket) shall be able to serve as the basis for the unemployment insurance. This is particularly good for those who work varying part-time in the welfare sector or have freelance-like arrangements with several different employers. The simplification can make the unemployment insurance accessible to more people, but it simultaneously facilitates correct payments and reduces the risk of fraud and errors. A clear and continuous tapering in both the unemployment insurance and the activity support (aktivitetsstöd) can strengthen the work line.

Here, the left-wing opposition is split. The gap within Magdalena Andersson's government alternative is 15 billion kronor between the Centerpartiets powerful savings and the Vänsterpartiets massive expansion of the unemployment insurance. Vänsterpartiet proposes, on top of that, an annual erosion of the work principle through indexing of the unemployment insurance. They also seem to have missed calculating the costs of reintroducing the study requirement that is proposed. Therefore, approximately 1.5 billion kronor are probably missing in their budget proposal.

Madam Speaker! Sweden has serious problems with insufficient requirements for the unemployed and a culture of indulgence among both the authorities and the unemployment insurance funds. The Unemployment Insurance Inspectorate has, in several reports, pointed out alarming deficiencies and has furthermore directed serious criticism at the fact that the Public Employment Service is not fulfilling its mandate. The overall picture in a long series of reports that have arrived, not least during this year, is that the culture of indulgence must be embedded in the walls of the authority. An investigation shows that 40 percent of the case officers think it is acceptable for an unemployed person without a driver's license to apply for a job with a driver's license requirement and that it should be counted as sufficient job seeking, to take just one of many examples.

Recently, the Parliamentary Ombudsman joined this criticism and wrote in a decision regarding Arbetsförmedlingen: "Arbetsförmedlingen has stated in an internal processing guide that messages to unemployment funds should not be sent in a certain situation. However, there are no exceptions to the agency's reporting obligation in the ordinance regulating this. JO is critical and states that it is not acceptable to issue internal instructions that conflict with current legislation. Both the rules on activity reporting and the obligation to notify the unemployment funds in certain cases constitute parts of the control responsibility that the government has imposed on Arbetsförmedlingen. JO views it seriously that the agency has failed to fulfill that responsibility."

One understands why the government is tightening the instructions to Arbetsförmedlingen after the agency has been in the hands of the Social Democrats for eight years.

Arbetsförmedlingen has become a systematically sloppy and negligent agency. It is not only shameful considering the many very skilled employees who are at the agency. It is actually even worse. This is something that prolongs people's unemployment, vulnerability, and suffering. We therefore take this most seriously. We shall rectify these problems, and we shall replace coddling with a new culture of requirements and control, so that we can push back unemployment.

Labor market and working life and Labor market policy and the unemployment insurance

The A-kassorna have a similar problem on top of this. Audit reports - again from the Inspection for the Unemployment Insurance - show that they refrain from acting on intelligence that the unemployed are not fulfilling the requirements. Every tenth person who extends their own unemployment or does not follow the requirements set out in Swedish legislation is left without statutory sanction.

Madam Speaker! The unemployment insurance shall contribute to the work principle and to the functioning of the labor market. Arbetsförmedlingen and the a-kassorna shall set clear requirements that everyone receiving benefits or other compensations shall make an effort to obtain a job and self-sufficiency. We are now reforming the unemployment insurance to reduce fraud and strengthen the work principle. Therefore, I move for approval of the committee's proposals in the reports AU2 and AU3 from the Committee on Employment.

(Applause)

In this speech, Boriana Åberg (M) and Magnus Jacobsson (KD) agreed.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(A decision was to be taken on 19 December.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)