International cooperation

Aron Emilsson (SD)

Madam Speaker! In this report, we in the Committee on Foreign Affairs present our treatment of the government's budget bill with a focus on expenditure area 5 International Cooperation and four motions that were raised during the general motion period for the current parliamentary session. I move for approval of the committee's proposal for a decision and rejection of the reservations in the report.

To the report is presented a detailed compilation of the government's and the Sweden Democrats' appropriation proposals for 2025, as well as the deviations proposed by the Social Democrats, the Left Party, the Centre Party, and the Green Party in their respective budget motions.

International cooperation

On October 5 last year, the Committee on Foreign Affairs decided to conduct an in-depth review of the formation of centers for China and Russia at the Institute of Foreign Policy – this as part of the committee's follow-up of the government's reporting of results within expenditure area 5. To support that work, we had the Riksdag's Evaluation and Research Secretariat prepare a basis that carefully highlights these activities, the challenges they face, and with which actors they interact and cooperate.

Against the background of the current global situation, these center formations fulfill an important function, and much suggests that Sweden's collective research and knowledge regarding China and Russia will become increasingly important moving forward as the security threat from these countries is escalated.

Madam Speaker! For the expenditure area, there are result indicators for the following five areas. It concerns international crisis management and peace-promoting efforts. It concerns research on security policy, disarmament, and non-proliferation. It concerns export control. It concerns Nordic cooperation, and it concerns Sweden-promotion.

As the Committee on Foreign Affairs has previously pointed out, the funds within this expenditure area are not themselves the direct cause of the effects the government has intended regarding securing Sweden's interests in international relations, but these appropriations are lubricants that make it possible for us to act in more respects on the international arena.

It is also worth noting that a significant portion of these funds - closer to 62 percent during the last year - goes towards financing Sweden's mandatory fees to international organizations where we are members. Sweden's active participation in these organizations constitutes a platform for us to advance our foreign policy and gain support for the goals that the Riksdag has set.

For the Sverigedemokraterna, I am particularly pleased that the Nordic cooperation has gained renewed momentum since the 2022 election and today stands at the center of much of the international cooperation. The Nordic and Nordic-Baltic cooperation in itself and as a common flank in the international cooperation in a number of organizations has rarely been as central in modern times as it is today. We form a strong community of interest. Together with Poland and other states, we are front-line states in the support for Ukraine. We are neighbors. We are like-minded and culturally close, and we have a common view of society and linguistic understanding that is unbeatable in our world today. It is an enormous strength.

For our part, we see Sweden as part of a nested Nordic, European, Western, and global community. In line with that, I want to emphasize the importance of deepening Nordic cooperation in more areas. We consider it possible and strategically wise today, even if the opposition occasionally calls it passive and provincial in its criticism of the government's foreign policy. Often, one is then obliged to answer what the alternative would be and how we would then achieve success.

The Sweden Democrats have also long been pushing for an increased appropriation for the Inspectorate for Strategic Products, a previously small agency whose importance has become ever greater in step with a sharpened security policy situation. Ordinarily, we saw it coming early, and we welcome that more people have now opened their eyes to this.

The authority is strengthened in this year's budget bill. Funds are allocated for the authority's work with economic security as well as the mandate to be the competent authority in connection with the implementation of sanctions against Russia and Belarus. Some of the resources also concern permanent security-enhancing measures and funds to carry out follow-up controls abroad.

ISP is judged to need an increased appropriation linked to the generally deteriorated security policy situation. The increase has been large in recent years, from 55 million kronor in 2022 to 147 million kronor in 2024. At the same time, continued reinforcements in the future cannot be ruled out. The assignments have increased due to increased use of the sanctions instrument, new legislation against foreign direct investments, and post-control activities, among others.

Madam Speaker! The committee can, in like manner with the government, state that the support for Ukraine undoubtedly continues to be the primary and most pressing task on the foreign policy scene, a task that entails a great responsibility and weighs heavily in the history of our time.

Sweden's entry into Nato marks not only a membership but a paradigm shift and a turning point in our security policy landscape, where previous boundaries are blurred and new alliances are formed. This shift affects not only our defense but also our foreign policy, where Sweden will now have to navigate a world where solidarity, cooperation, and common defense stand at the center, while it is our task as those elected by the people of Sweden to adapt this to Swedish interests.

By standing united with its allies within NATO's three core tasks—deterrence, collective defense, and crisis management—Sweden shall be an active and driving force for peace and security. At the same time, membership opens the door to even closer cooperation with the countries in the Nordic and Nordic-Baltic sphere, which strengthens our common security and stability in our own backyard.

The European Union continues to be a central foreign policy arena, not only as an economic actor but as a European player on the global foreign and security policy scene. With that comes responsibility as well. The EU should play a smaller role in domestic affairs and not act meddlesomely in matters that we handle better in municipalities, regions, and the Riksdag.

At the same time, the union needs to play a larger role in the outward-facing work in the current global situation and security policy situation. If the continent is not to play second fiddle in both trade issues and industrial investments, one needs to act more proactively in relation to both China and the USA and act more clearly against Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea, among others who daily analyze the EU's collective response to Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine. Is it not through full-scale traditional warfare that they challenge the EU, it is through hybrid and cyber warfare. Europe is in many respects reactive rather than proactive today. So we cannot have it that way.

Madam Speaker! Sweden's efforts to contribute to international crisis management and peace-promoting activities shall be characterized by a preventive perspective, where we do not only extinguish fires but also work to ensure that the roots of the conflicts can be defeated.

We need to remove barriers, not least in the Nordic circle but also bilaterally towards others.

We need to see the Institute of Foreign Policy, Sipri, FOI and others as key players in our work for global peace and security. They constitute a collective capability and resource so that we, as decision-makers, can navigate with current nautical charts on a security-politically turbulent sea, whether it concerns the Baltic Sea, the Atlantic, the South China Sea or other waters.

Finally, Sweden shall continue to work for democratic development in the authoritarian states as well as for strengthened freedom of expression and respect for human rights. This is, as we all know, collectively a struggle that must never stand still, and it does not.

With this, I would like to again move for approval of the committee's proposal as a whole and for the rejection of the reservations.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! Let me first move for approval of our reservation I, which concerns the change of the budget's appropriation structure. The Government has, in the budget, chosen to propose that a number of appropriations shall be abolished and instead merged into a common appropriation. This affects, among others, the Peace Research Institute Sipri and the Institute for Foreign Policy, which will no longer have parliamentary-bound appropriations.

We consider this to be very unfortunate. This is how governments usually act when they intend to significantly reduce funding in the next step or, in the worst case, shut down the operations. Through this decision, Sipri and the Institute of Foreign Affairs are no longer protected against this by a parliamentary decision.

In our reservation, we particularly highlight Sipri, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, which for decades has been one of the world's most esteemed institutions regarding research, data collection, and analysis concerning armed conflicts, military expenditures, arms trade, and arms control. Sipri has existed for almost 60 years and is ranked as one of the most respected institutes in its field. It can easily be said that in times of war, such as these, such high-quality research is needed more than ever. Sipri is, for example, one of the primary sources when it comes to impartially and accessibly compiling facts about different countries' military expenditures, weapons production, and weapons development.

In our view, Sipri represents an indispensable knowledge base, and we truly must hope that the government does not now intend to neglect it by cutting back on its activities or shutting it down. It is in any case a very worrying signal when the parliamentary-bound appropriation is now, as stated, being scrapped. We Social Democrats will monitor this issue very closely going forward.

Madam Speaker! This is also an opportunity to comment more broadly on the current foreign policy that the government is pursuing. Where some things are agreed upon – where others are not.

Regarding what we agree on, there is the support for Ukraine. That support was initiated immediately by the Social Democratic government in 2022, directly after Russia's attack. Just four days after the attack, the Social Democratic government decided on the first support package, containing weapons, military equipment, field zones, and economic resources.

This has since been fulfilled by the new government. We have been in broad agreement on most of this.

What we have expressed criticism about is that the government, for some reason unknown to us, has chosen not to contribute the Jas Gripen to Ukraine, despite Ukraine having explicitly requested this. Establishing air superiority is one of the most important things in modern warfare, and the Jas is truly excellently suited for Ukraine's conditions. Why the Swedish government hesitates in this matter, we have received no answer to.

Otherwise, the big question moving forward is how the American administration will view the future for Ukraine. The statements that have come from that side so far are very ominous.

On Sunday, we will travel with Sweden's NATO Delegation to Washington for the annual meeting with Transatlantic Forum, where we will, among other things, get to meet American representatives and parliamentarians. For us, it will then be important to be clear about how important continued American support for Ukraine is, not just for Ukraine but for all of Europe.

If the USA fails Ukraine, the consequences could be very serious. Thoughts go to Munich 1938, when the Western powers sold out Czechoslovakia to Hitler's Germany. That policy of appeasement only led to more war - we know that now. We must not repeat the mistakes of the 1930s and give in to an aggressive despot.

Regardless of what the American stance will be moving forward, in our view, Europe must stand by Ukraine as long as it is needed.

Madam Speaker! International law and international law must be followed by everyone, always. This committee report concerns international relations and cooperation. That international law must be followed by everyone means that there must never be any doubt whatsoever that the same rules apply to everyone. We shall not have any double standards. Just as Russia must leave occupied territory in Ukraine, Israel must leave occupied territory in Palestine.

It has now been over a year since Hamas's terror attack against Israel on October 7, 2023. It was a horrific day, with 1,200 dead Israelis and over 200 taken as hostages. But that day has since been followed by an additional over 400 horrific days. The war has claimed more than 40,000 dead in Gaza, of whom over 70 percent are women and children. Furthermore, 80 percent of Gaza lies in ruins, and an entire population is traumatized.

Yesterday we heard that Gaza is now the place on earth where the most children have undergone amputations, often without anesthesia. One can empathize with that situation - to be a child forced to undergo amputation of their arm or their leg without any anesthesia. Everyone understands that this leaves scars. The physical injuries are for life - everyone understands that - but it also means psychological injuries for life. How will he or she manage on a place like Gaza after this? What will this child's life look like? So far, Gaza.

On the West Bank, we also see an increase in violence. Extreme militant settlers have been given free rein to kill and harass the Palestinians who live there. The settlers have been armed by the Israeli government and form militias that can, without repercussions, attack defenseless Palestinians – kill them, assault them, and take their property. It is a stain on international politics that this is allowed to continue. What is being done is to torment a people into submission so that they will eventually give up the very dream of their own Palestinian state to live in.

Until now, the international community has stood hand-tied. But in its shadow, the international legal system has stepped forward instead. The rulings of the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court have been clear. Israel's occupation must end. The settlements are illegal and must be evacuated. Both the Hamas leaders and the Israeli leadership must be investigated for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

That the international legal system is now stepping forward is in a sense a light in the otherwise compact darkness. Both the ICC and the ICJ must now receive strong and unreserved support from the world's governments, including the Swedish one. The Swedish government must also be clear that if any of the suspects, for example Netanyahu, were to choose to travel to any of the ICC countries, they shall be arrested and extradited to the International Criminal Court.

Again: The law must apply equally to everyone, regardless of whether the suspect is named Putin or Netanyahu. As recently as this morning, I heard the Foreign Minister comment on this, and I heard her waver precisely on the question of whether Netanyahu should be arrested and extradited to the ICC. I think it is important that we now receive a clear statement from the government and the governing parties about what actually applies. This is not a question that one can waver on. If the ICC has decided that someone should be arrested and extradited, we are obligated to execute it. Then we shall do it, period.

Another light in the darkness is, despite everything, that support for a Palestinian state is now increasing. When Sweden recognized Palestine as a state ten years ago, we broke new ground in some ways. We were the first EU country to recognize Palestine, but we were not the first in the world to do so. In total, 135 countries had then recognized Palestine. Now, ten years later, it is 149 countries that have recognized Palestine. The latest are also European countries: Norway, Spain and Ireland, and more are coming, because the ball is now rolling.

More than three-quarters of the UN's member countries recognize Palestine, and for the first time, Palestine also has its own seat in the UN General Assembly with the right to submit proposals and amendments to others' proposals. The international support for Palestine is therefore growing week by week.

But what is required above all now is an immediate ceasefire, and that can only happen through negotiations. Hamas must, of course, release the hostages, but this will not be achieved by continuing to kill and mutilate people in Gaza or in the West Bank. You do not fight terrorism by indiscriminately killing innocent people. On the contrary, you build up for new terrorism. Instead, the international community must pressure the actors to bring about new negotiations where the hostage issue can also be resolved.

A unanimous Riksdag has demanded that further pressure be exerted on Iran by having the Islamic Revolutionary Guard listed as a terrorist organization. Here, the Swedish government must intensify the work.

A united opposition has also demanded that the EU's trade agreements be paused until Israel complies with international law. I think it goes without saying that the EU should not have such favorable trade agreements with a country suspected of crimes against humanity, which has rejected the two-state solution and which conducts something that cannot be described in any other way than as ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian territories. It is not reasonable.

Furthermore, the settlers' goods must also be prevented from reaching the EU market, and the extreme settlers must be hit with heavily expanded sanctions.

Madam Speaker! The horrific killing will continue as long as the international community allows it to continue. But it can stop if the international community puts its foot down, and it must happen now, before more innocent people are killed.

Madam Speaker! Christmas is approaching. It is a time when one can wish for things. I would wish that in the new year we could achieve a change in the Swedish government's attitude in a number of issues, so that the Swedish government no longer acts so quietly and so passively in important international issues.

We see, for example, how Sweden abstains in important votes in the UN. When one abstains, one leaves it to others to decide, and Sweden withdraws from the international scene. It is, in my opinion, the wrong direction. Sweden must have an active foreign policy with a strong voice, not be silent and sit passively.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Margareta Cederfelt (M)

Madam Speaker! The matter we are debating today – international cooperation, the Committee on Foreign Affairs' report number 1 and expenditure area 5 in the budget – is undoubtedly one of the most important matters of the year. I would say that this is underscored by the fact that it was also international cooperation that was debated in the Committee on Defence's debate here earlier today.

I would like to begin by expressing my support for the committee's proposed decision and thus the rejection of the reservations that exist. I also want to mention that in its work preparing the government's budget proposal for 2025, the committee has reviewed the government's reporting of results for expenditure area 5 in the budget bill. The review constitutes a basis for the committee's handling of the budget bill and for the continued goal and result dialogue that will be conducted with the government. But in my speech, I will focus on the government's proposal for appropriations for 2025 within expenditure area 5.

Madam Speaker! In our geographical vicinity, a full-scale war is ongoing, Russia's aggression towards Ukraine. Let me mention that the war has been going on for a long time: two years and ten months. But the war began much earlier. It started with Maidan, where Ukrainians expressed their will that Ukraine should join the EU. It became an aggressive course of events. President Yanukovych fled in 2014 to Russia, and what happened next we all know.

In 2014, an illegal annexation of Crimea also occurred. Pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine - in Donetsk and Luhansk - took power in the regions. The OSCE appointed observer forces, but Russia has since ensured that they have disappeared.

Ukraine has since 2014 been a country that is under heavy pressure from Russia. Ukraine is a country with internal refugees - closer to 850,000 fled from Donetsk and Luhansk when Russia occupied the regions.

But let me also say a few words about the war that Russia initiated on 24 February 2022. Even before the war started, Russia held a large military exercise with troop concentrations in Belarus and around all of Ukraine's borders. Putin said calmly: This is an exercise, nothing else. Then fake films were shown on TV where Putin claimed that Russia would withdraw its military. What was that? Nothing other than lies and lies again! A couple of days later, the tanks entered Ukraine.

I raise this, because it characterizes the environment in which Sweden and the world find themselves today. It characterizes international relations. It characterizes the economy and our entire lives.

Madam Speaker! Therefore, the government's budget proposal must also be seen in the light of the war taking place in our vicinity and in the light of the conflicts prevailing around the world. It is also about what has happened in the Middle East after the terrorist organization Hamas marched into Israel on October 7 and took hostages, after the terrorist organization Hezbollah attacked Israel and after Iran entered the war.

The expenditure area International Cooperation aims to ensure Sweden's interests and connections with other countries. I say this, because it is easy to forget it when we stand here and talk about international relations and international conflicts. But the efforts financed with funds from expenditure area 5 must be seen in a context where the effect of other public actors' efforts must also be included.

I would also like to say that the Swedish business community is extremely important for how Sweden is perceived internationally.

What are the values that are included? They are democracy, human rights, the principles of the rule of law, transatlantic cooperation, Nordic cooperation and, of course, our membership in Nato, which is extremely important for our safety and security. It is also about continued support for Ukraine and, of course, about peace and security and equality. These are values that are included in the budget and that will be included in the foreign policy declaration, which is presented annually, in February.

Madam Speaker! I will not repeat the indicators that are in the budget proposal. They have been mentioned by Aron Emilsson. It is precisely these indicators that are extremely important and that we will follow up on.

But let me mention that approximately half of the appropriation goes to fees to international organizations. I mention this because the Swedish krona fluctuates and fees to organizations are increased. We also see this by the fact that in the supplementary budget there was an increased appropriation for precisely the fees to international organizations.

Here are the important organizations - that is what I want to mention. The UN is Sweden's most important international body. We see this by that Sweden regularly participates in the UN's efforts and works to ensure that the UN's decisions are upheld. Here I want to mention a part that is included in the budget report. It concerns the Arms Trade Treaty, ATT, which Sweden supports and helped push through in the early 2010s. This is still relevant for the control of the arms trade.

But it is also important that Sweden, which is one of the UN's ten largest contributors, gains influence in proportion to the contribution that Sweden pays to the UN - this is so that we can ensure that the values we stand for gain traction in the UN's work.

I want to mention another body that is important in the area of grants. It is the Nordic Council, which is precisely about our cooperation in the Nordic region. Now that most countries around the Baltic Sea are in Nato, I can see that there is a common ground to work further on.

The Council of Europe, which has excluded Russia and which works for accountability regarding Russia's aggression against Ukraine, is extremely important. Russia must be held accountable for the military atrocities that Russia is committing, and Russia must participate in paying for the restoration of the country.

Madam Speaker! I am now exceeding my speaking time – I apologize for doing so. But OSCE is an organization that is very close to my heart. OSCE was formed during the Cold War, a time of rearmament. That time differs very much from the time we find ourselves in today. It is rearmament today as well, but it is also aggressive wars.

Unfortunately, I can state that Russia and Belarus are misusing the OSCE. Instead of ensuring that the OSCE can function satisfactorily, everything is being done from the Russian side to block the OSCE's activities. Here I must say that it is gratifying to see, Madam Speaker, how human creativity outstrips evil. For example, Russia has blocked the civil society conference, which by tradition has always been organized in the OSCE because civil society is important for security. But here, the chairmanship has ensured not to take from the OSCE's budget. Instead, voluntary contributions have been collected and it has then been ensured that it becomes a week with civil society and a special focus on Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus. Civil society is, in fact, important for creating peace.

There are several organizations that I could mention, but I will stop there out of respect for the speaking time.

I want to say a few words. I find it completely groundless that it is claimed that the government is to reduce the appropriations to Sipri. It is a matter of moving the appropriations to another budget, but in a budget context, things that don't actually exist are always claimed. But that one strikes down on an issue where the appropriation is moved and the responsibility for the operation is moved is unfortunate. The operation will, after all, remain. That is also something the government says in its budget. Research and evaluation are extremely important in this time as we live in a restless world.

Let me mention one further issue that I find important to emphasize. The area in Sweden's vicinity is important and prioritized for our security and our peace. But there are also other countries of great significance. I am thinking of China, a country whose importance has increased. China engages mostly in trade as a way to influence and steer other countries. But I want to mention that the threat that China exerts against Taiwan must be taken seriously. It is completely unacceptable and nothing that should be allowed to pass unnoticed.

Madam Speaker! Out of respect for time, I will stop here.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! We are discussing the report on international cooperation and international relations. To this belongs that we uphold international institutions, for example the international courts. We therefore respect the decisions that the international courts make.

Now the International Criminal Court has decided to request that, among others, Benjamin Netanyahu be arrested, suspected of crimes against humanity. Margareta Cederfelt knows very well what obligations we have, not least as a former president of the parliamentary assembly of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.

This morning, I heard the Foreign Minister waver on the question of whether we in Sweden would act if we were given the opportunity to arrest Benjamin Netanyahu. She could not give a clear answer on the radio this morning.

I then pose the question to Margareta Cederfelt: Does Margareta Cederfelt consider that we in Sweden have an obligation to arrest and extradite suspects of crimes, for example Benjamin Netanyahu, if we have the possibility?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Margareta Cederfelt (M)

Madam Speaker! I thank Morgan Johansson for the question. Yes, it is true that I have been president of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. I have also been president of an organization called Parliamentarians for Global Action, a voluntary organization for parliamentarians who work for the principles of the rule of law, including the ICC. Thanks to PGA's work, a large number of countries have ratified the Rome Statute and thus joined the ICC.

Putin is another world leader who has received a judgment from the ICC. When it comes to the ICC's statements and judgments, I say: This is a matter for the Foreign Minister to take a position on. I cannot stand here and say anything about it.

But what I can say is: Hamas must immediately release the hostages. I think it is very regrettable that the issue of the hostages is increasingly fading away in the debate. Here we have several hundred innocent Israelis who have been taken as hostages, including infants and the elderly. No information about these has leaked out. It is terrible. If there is to be a long-term peace in the Middle East, the hostages must also be released. I cannot see that there is a basis for peace if the terrorist organization Hamas does not release the hostages. This I hope that Morgan Johansson also stands behind.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! It is a self-evident matter that I do so. That is also what I said in my main speech.

I listened very carefully to what Margareta Cederfelt had to say on the issue. She had nothing to say on the issue.

Margareta Cederfelt has been president of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Margareta Cederfelt knows very well what obligations we have towards the international institutions. If the ICC has made a decision that a person shall be brought to justice and we get the opportunity to arrest the person in question, we shall do so, and then we shall also extradite this person. It does not matter if that person is named Putin or Netanyahu. It does not matter if it is one of the Hamas leaders or the former defense minister in Israel. It does not matter who it is. If the International Criminal Court has said that the person shall be arrested and extradited, one must do so if one has the opportunity.

It surprises me, Madam Speaker, that Margareta Cederfelt cannot give a clear yes to the question. International law is not a buffet where one can sit and choose: I shall follow that rule but not that one; I do not like that decision, but I do like that one. That is not how it works. If international law is to be upheld, one must have the same yardstick in all situations. That is how a rule of law functions. That is how a rules-based international order functions.

Margareta Cederfelt has a chance now. She has two minutes to answer straight up and down yes to the question: If we have the opportunity to arrest any of those whom the International Criminal Court now wants to be brought to justice, does Sweden have an obligation to do so? What does Margareta Cederfelt actually think about this?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Margareta Cederfelt (M)

Madam Speaker! Morgan Johansson highlights the principles of the rule of law. They are extremely important. Sweden is a country that stands up for the principles of the rule of law and promotes them. That is also something the government does. But it is not up to me to say from the rostrum: Just at that very moment, an arrest shall take place!

However, as a parliamentarian, I can say that Sweden is a country of law and a rule-of-law state. I can also say that the hostage who is taken must be released immediately. By that, I mean the hostage that the terrorist organization Hamas has taken and not released. This is, I believe, a major crime against the principles of the rule of law and an issue that is absolutely not negotiable. Make sure to release the hostages - all these innocent people whom we don't know a thing about and whose relatives are hanging in uncertainty!

Soon the Christian Christmas will arrive for Protestants and Catholics - somewhat later for the Orthodox. Make sure to release the hostages! The actions of the terrorist organization Hamas are completely unacceptable. Here, the Palestinian leadership should act. Surely the Palestinian leadership does not stand behind a terrorist organization?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! A worrying trend that we see globally is a more open questioning of international conventions. Right-wing men and authoritarian leaders are increasingly breaking or ignoring signed conventions.

Now this trend has also arrived in Sweden. The leader of the Sweden Democrats, Jimmie Åkesson, did not hesitate for a second to question the International Criminal Court's arrest warrant for his friend Benjamin Netanyahu.

The next convention to be questioned concerned landmines. With vague arguments that mines might protect Sweden, land and nature will now be destroyed for generations to come with great risks. Children and wildlife are particularly affected.

There are truly good reasons why humanity should ban landmines and cluster bombs. Past wars and conflicts where these have been used are all too clear examples of that. 40 percent of all cluster weapons do not explode but remain. 97 percent of all victims have been civilians. Particularly many of them have been children.

Sweden signed and ratified the Ottawa Convention on mines in 1998, and in 2012 the same happened with the convention against cluster weapons. This we have decided here in the Riksdag. We have committed ourselves to following these conventions, because international law shall apply. It is that which creates human security and ensures that war criminals can be held accountable.

In the extension, the right's erosion of international conventions will have consequences for how we can condemn and demand accountability from those who violate international law. We cannot cherry-pick from the cake; the entirety of international law must apply, regardless of who commits the crime.

That is why we now need to show support for international bodies that uphold international law. They are currently facing enormous pressure from dictators and authoritarian leaders who want to determine their own rules. But the fact that democracies are now also providing support for this erosion is something we must stop.

Therefore, the Left Party, in view of Israel's war against Gaza, has pointed out that the International Criminal Court, ICC, must receive increased resources to be able to investigate all war crimes. Those responsible for the violence, on all sides, must of course be held accountable. The ICC must receive sufficient resources to be able to hold those responsible accountable in view of Russia's unjust war of aggression against Ukraine. Therefore, we have proposed that 15 million kronor should be allocated to the ICC.

Vänsterpartiet also stands behind South Africa's application to the ICJ, the International Court of Justice, in the issue of Israel's genocide, which is being investigated legally there. We believe that it is time for Sweden, like other countries, to join South Africa's application regarding genocide. Vänsterpartiet has repeatedly highlighted the importance of providing the International Court of Justice in The Hague with more resources, so that it has the necessary conditions to investigate the crimes that have been committed. Therefore, we propose that 15 million be provided to the ICJ.

In total, Vänsterpartiet adds 30 million kronor to the appropriation for 2025 to uphold international law. I must say that I welcome the Social Democrats' clarity in this chamber but am concerned by the right's erosion, of which we heard a clear example in the exchange just now. It is required that we show responsibility and that we demand accountability from political leaders globally, regardless of whether they are in Russia, in Israel, or in Sudan.

During Putin's time in power in Russia, the country has gone from nascent democracy back to dictatorship. Today we see a reactionary, conservative and patriarchal rule that oppresses oppositionists and human rights defenders as well as acts aggressively towards its neighboring countries and plays a destabilizing role in world politics.

The authoritarian development culminated in Russia's unjust war of aggression against Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Russia has thus shown that it is a real security policy threat to its surroundings.

But Putin's regime is also a threat to all those inhabitants who oppose his rule and who do not fit into the society that Putin wants to build. The Russian opposition, consisting of brave LGBTQ activists, feminists, human rights defenders and environmentalists, needs support from the rest of the world. To support them is to support the struggle for democratic development in Russia and to improve security both in our immediate neighborhood and, above all, for Russia's neighboring countries.

In a report by Stefan Ingvarsson and Ekaterina Kalinina from the Centre for Eastern European Studies at the Institute for Foreign Affairs, it is described how vibrant Russian civil society is despite the extensive oppression ongoing from Putin's regime. At the same time, it is noted that Swedish support for these actors needs to become more extensive than it is. Russian civil society exists today both inside and outside Russia. Some have settled here in Sweden, others are in countries where it is easier for Russians to obtain visas. At the same time, for those who are oppositionists, there is a constant risk that Putin's regime will reach them far beyond Russia's borders.

What the report primarily does is kill the myth that the actors only exist abroad. Instead, it is stated that there is a myriad of actors in Russia. The difficulty here is rather to see them and place them on a map than to say that they do not exist. They exist in many closed rooms at safe distances from Putin's power apparatus. There are democratic initiatives throughout Russia that need our support. Independent journalism and scrutiny can also give us increased knowledge about the actual situation in Russia. And that is often linked to the connection between domestic actors and precisely those actors who have been forced to establish themselves outside the country's borders.

We therefore need a bold Swedish foreign policy that dares to support a living Russian civil society so that democracy may one day sprout in our neighboring country. For me, it is clear that the government today is not doing enough because it believes in the myth-making, and that we need to see a renewed approach to supporting the Russian opposition.

Madam Speaker! In August 2020, Alexander Lukashenko claimed that he had won the so-called election in Belarus. He had not. The Belarusian people rose in the millions and demonstrated. But Lukashenko spared no means and suppressed the people through a brutal repression against everything and everyone. But above all, he remains in power thanks to support from his dictator friend Putin.

Europe and the Western world made many mistakes before the election, and after the election it took far too long before sanctions were put in place. But the fight for democracy in Belarus is far from over. Lukashenko's challenger, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, has been clear that support for the opposition is needed.

In Belarus, the oppression continues at an undiminished pace, and even though some political prisoners have been released during the recent period, it is very clear that the oppression persists.

I had the privilege of listening to Svetlana Tikhanovskaya as recently as a little over a week ago. She still travels around the world in her imprisoned husband's name and highlights the Belarusian people's struggle. And we must not give up hope for this struggle. It is a struggle that is clearly linked to Ukraine's struggle for freedom against Russian dominance in the region, and it is clear that the people have had enough and that Lukashenko's regime will one day fall.

It is against this background that we in Vänsterpartiet, in our budget proposal, allocate an extra 20 million in support to the Russian and Belarusian opposition for 2025.

Madam Speaker! Vänsterpartiet views the budget as a whole. Therefore, we will not participate in today's vote. But we stand behind our motion and our special statement regarding expenditure area 5, International Cooperation.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Yusuf Aydin (KD)

Madam Speaker! I begin by moving for the approval of the proposal in the committee's report.

International cooperation is our most important tool for a peaceful and secure world. Through dialogue and cooperation with other countries, we can strengthen our security and safety as well as gain the opportunity to promote the values that are important to us on a global arena. Sweden's membership and engagement in international organizations enables impact for our foreign policy and also constitutes an effective platform for substantive policy priorities.

Madam Speaker! We live in a serious time with a difficult security policy situation where many major crises are ongoing and several complex conflicts are partially interacting. There is war in our vicinity following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The Middle East is in an incredibly difficult and tense situation after Hamas's despicable attack against Israel and Israel's response to fight the terror. The humanitarian situation in Gaza is extremely difficult, and there are enormous acute needs. We also have a number of other major humanitarian crises in the world in countries such as Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Myanmar, Sudan, Syria and so on.

Just in Syria, we saw again this weekend how Islamist rebels and jihadists attacked and occupied the city of Aleppo in northern Syria, which has created great concern and uncertainty among the civilian population, especially among Christians and other minorities. They risk being persecuted or forced to flee in the same way as when Isis ravaged the region with devastating consequences. In this difficult situation, Sweden, the EU, the UN, and the international community need to act promptly and forcefully to protect and help the civilian population and the vulnerable minorities.

The Middle East has been characterized by difficult conflicts over the last two decades with major humanitarian consequences. Here, Sweden, together with the EU and the UN, needs to act to combat oppression and persecution and promote peace, stability, and human civil and political rights. This particularly concerns protection and security for the region's various religious minorities, including Christians, who are in a state of particular vulnerability and who have experienced severe persecution and oppression. It is for this reason that we Christian Democrats have long worked to ensure that religious freedom receives greater priority in Swedish foreign policy. And with us in government, it will now also make a difference when we clearly emphasize both foreign and aid policy.

Madam Speaker! For us Christian Democrats, foreign policy is also an enabler to promote certain values and principles, such as human dignity and solidarity with our fellow human beings. International cooperation gives us the opportunity to put these principles into practice by building bridges, safeguarding peace and security, and standing up for the most vulnerable in the world.

Madam Speaker! Sweden is a country with a strong foreign policy voice. And in the appropriations for expenditure area 5, there are also funds for various international organizations such as the UN, the Council of Europe, and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, for peace and security-promoting activities, and for research and cooperation within the Nordic region. In addition, we have our membership in the EU and now also in Nato as decisive platforms for Swedish foreign and security policy.

It is precisely on the international arenas where Sweden can make a difference in the big issues. Sweden's participation and commitment constitute an important platform to practically achieve impact for our Swedish foreign policy and to promote human rights, democracy, peace and freedom. By standing up for a rules-based world order, we can also contribute to creating security and prosperity. To do just this, we also need a clearer stance against authoritarian and repressive states. Sweden needs to be a driving force for change within the UN so that states cannot escape responsibility regarding violations of human rights. The UN needs to become more proactive and act resolutely to defend these values.

Madam Speaker! Sweden's international cooperation is more than just diplomacy. It is also an expression of our will to contribute to a better world. By participating in international cooperation and standing up for peace, human rights, and democracy, we can ensure that Sweden's voice continues to be heard globally. As Christian Democrats, we are also convinced that this is our moral duty. We shall therefore continue to develop this work for Sweden's interests and for the world.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Madam Speaker! I hope that we will be able to vote on this report at four o'clock. Given how the time has slipped away, we may have to consider whether it will be possible, but I will give the chamber time.

I do that by referring to my reservation, where one can read that Sweden shall not remain silent under the power claims of authoritarian leaders, nor shall it conduct a foreign policy that is inward-looking and nationalist. Sweden shall stand up for Ukraine. We in Centerpartiet are also clear – that is why we have a reservation, despite the fact that we do not usually participate in the decisions – that we, even though we have the same spending framework, do not want to give UD or the government a bag of money to use freely. We want instead to define what are security-politically strategic interventions, and we do that by redistributing the money.

I move for approval of reservation 2 in the report.

(Applause)

(ANDRE VICE TALMANNEN: It was a good attempt to save time! I would, however, like to inform that due to the presentation at 16.00, we will need to adjourn the chamber's meeting at 15.50. The presentation requires some preparations. It is good if everyone knows about it.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Joar Forssell (L)

Madam Speaker! Good international relations are absolutely crucial for the possibility of securing human rights and achieving peace in the world.

We find ourselves today in a cold war between, on one side, authoritarian countries and on the other side, democratic countries. This cold war also takes warm expressions, and Ukraine is such an example. Russia's full-scale invasion is a threat not only to Ukraine but to the entire democratic world. We must ensure that Ukraine wins and, which is equally important, that Russia clearly loses the war.

Madam Speaker! The war against us in the democratic world is not only waged with soldiers and tanks, but an economic war is also being waged. It is a war that is perhaps primarily waged by China, which exerts political pressure on others through strategic investments or by making countries trade-dependent. This is also a form of warfare, just with economic muscles. In the same way, Russia has used gas for extortion.

A war is being waged against our international institutions. Fundamentally, our liberal, democratic world order requires that we are rule-based - that the democratic institutions and the legal international institutions are upheld. Also there, China, Russia, Iran and others are waging a form of war.

Madam Speaker! China, from whose threat it is very important to emphasize, is committing genocide against the Uyghurs in Xinjiang. It threatens Taiwan in a manner similar to how Russia previously, before the full-scale invasion, threatened Ukraine. It also puts us and other countries in a position of dependency through so-called investments. All this is done because it is part of the cold war that is being fought against us here and now.

We will need to invest more in having stricter legislation against strategic investments from these countries - as well as, I believe, against investments that Swedish companies make in those countries. This also creates a state of dependency. The consideration is partly about the Inspectorate for Strategic Products, which will need to be given an expanded responsibility for this.

It is also pleasing, Madam Speaker, that we will have simpler rules for arms sales to allied democracies.

Madam Speaker! I also intend to be brief to save time. Therefore, I move for the proposal in the report to be approved.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! I had intended to speak a little bit about this matter of the rules-based world order and how certain parties question the ICC's arrest warrants, as well as how the questioning of arrest warrants contributes to undermining and questioning the ICC's independence and legitimacy.

I also intended to speak about how we are seeing many different types of crises and wars around the world, such as hybrid warfare, terrorism and extremism, and about how important it is that we increase international cooperation and understanding between countries and governments.

I had intended to speak about how it is important that we allocate even more resources to nuclear disarmament and to research on nuclear disarmament.

I had also intended to speak about how important it is that we continue to support the Swedish Institute's work in supporting Belarusian culture and Baltic Sea cooperation.

I had intended to speak about how important it is that we continue to support the UN organizations that support the international cooperation we want and about how important it is that we do not put all our money in one and the same basket, that is, support Swedish companies' exports and take money from the absolutely poorest countries to give to Ukraine. Of course, the support for Ukraine should be large – we shall give Ukraine what it needs – but we must not continue to move the money from those who need it the most. I also had intended to speak about some of the UN organizations that do much of this work but which the government is increasingly cutting support to.

International cooperation

Since the Green Party's proposal for expenditure area 5 is higher than the framework budget that was passed in the Riksdag last week, we have no reservation that we can move for approval. I must instead refer to our special statement and to the Green Party's entire budget proposal.

I also want to express that I am a bit skeptical about it proceeding in such a way that one of the Riksdag's spokespersons in the debate pressures us members to be as brief as possible, even though we have signed up for eight minutes of speaking time, in order for the debate to be finished before the vote. It cannot be up to us small parties – who are last in the speaking order – to try to press down our time when there are parties that have exceeded their speaking time significantly.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

ANDRE VICE TALMANNEN

The Chairman had room to speak a little more, but we regret if it was perceived as stressful. It is sometimes difficult to counter that here.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 14.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)