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Nordic cooperation including the Arctic

27 May 2026 · 17 speeches · SD, S, M, V, KD, C, L, MP

Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.

Summary AI, written in advance

The debate regarding Nordic cooperation including the Arctic focuses on security, economy, and environment. SD believes that the cooperation promotes economic development and innovation through voluntariness 1 and wants to reduce border barriers 2. S emphasizes community, trust, and culture 3 and wants to deepen cooperation within defense, security, and climate 4. M argues that the cooperation is crucial for security and competitiveness 5 6 and wants to update the Helsinki Accords 5. V advocates for regional solutions, a sustainable food strategy 7 and a broader revision of the Helsinki Accords 8. KD wants to strengthen competitiveness and create growth 9. C advocates for coast guard and a ministerial council for infrastructure 10. MP wants to deepen the cooperation faster to meet the climate crisis 11. L wants a transport ministerial council 12.

Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.

Speakers (17)
  1. Staffan Eklöf (SD)
  2. Heléne Björklund (S)
  3. Maria Stockhaus (M)
  4. Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)
  5. Anna Lipinska (KD)
  6. Catarina Deremar (C)
  7. Helena Gellerman (L)
  8. Jacob Risberg (MP)
  9. EU-minister JESSICA ROSENCRANTZ (M)
  10. Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)
  11. EU-minister JESSICA ROSENCRANTZ (M)
  12. Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)
  13. EU-minister JESSICA ROSENCRANTZ (M)
  14. Sara Gille (SD)
  15. Azra Muranovic (S)
  16. Alexandra Anstrell (M)
  17. Staffan Eklöf (SD)

Staffan Eklöf (SD)

Madam Speaker! I vote in favor of the committee's proposal in the report.

What are we to have the Nordic Council for, and why are we doing this? Is Nordic cooperation at all something to have? Yes, it is. Nordic cooperation creates increased degrees of freedom for the citizens. It makes it easier to work in, move to or live temporarily or for a longer period in the other Nordic countries. Increased degrees of freedom for the citizens is no small thing. Even companies get increased degrees of freedom. They can in a simple way establish their business in another country in the Nordic region, and they can get labor from another country in the Nordic region, labor that works directly. This provides economic development and prosperity.

The Nordic region has an internal market that functions even better than the market commonly called the internal market, i.e., the EU's internal market. Nordic cooperation also increases the pace of innovation and the utilization of innovations. The same applies to scientific development. These advances occur either within the sphere of the Nordic Council and the Nordic Council of Ministers or arise at institutions and companies around the Nordics, with the support of the Nordic Council or purely spontaneously.

As a young researcher, I myself participated in a Nordic collaboration and learned a lot about analytical chemistry – and a little bit of North Norwegian as a bonus.

In the Nordic Council, we can also solve certain difficult and cross-border problems. This is therefore another advantage of the Nordic cooperation.

It deserves to be said, however, that not all cooperation is expedient to carry out in the Nordic context. That is exactly why we in Sverigedemokraterna and Nordisk frihet always ask ourselves before every proposal whether it contains any Nordic benefit. It is important, because we must manage the fine Nordic cooperation well.

Usually, a lecture on the benefits of Nordic cooperation would end here, but I mean that there is an entire dimension of benefits to it.

I believe it is easy to become consumed by what is closest to you. One can believe that Sweden is the entire reality and that as things work in Sweden, they should work everywhere else as well. But I want to say in a serious tone that the political environment in Sweden is quite condemnatory and has narrow corridors of opinion within which the permissible exists. Deviations are punished collectively and with indignation. Admittedly, the Sverigedemokraterna have moved the walls of the opinion corridors, and today everyone moves more freely. But the walls remain, and from time to time the prussian-style theater of condemnation flares up, surprisingly often under the name Cold facts.

But when I have come to the Nordic Council, another reality has opened up, a more permissive reality where it is completely natural that there is something Nordic – a spirit, a way of thinking – and that in the Nordic countries it is natural for each country to have a national character. This has not fit into the Swedish corridors of opinion – at least it did not a few years ago. Paradoxically, there was nothing Swedish in Sweden, but only in the Nordic countries. In the Nordic countries, the Swedish is natural, precisely because it is natural.

I believe that a minimum critical mass is required to maintain prejudices and restrictive norms that confine people in thought patterns, and since the Nordic countries have slightly different prejudices and restrictive norms, many of them are diluted in the Nordic cooperation and fall below the critical mass.

I will also bring up something that I have pointed out before, and that is that cooperation in the Nordic region occurs with voluntariness and mutual responsiveness instead of with majority decisions and coercion of the minority countries, as in the EU. With voluntariness, the Nordic region has come further than the EU. The Nordic cooperation and its spirit should serve as a model and pattern for other international cooperations.

There is finally an advantage when it comes to cooperation. In Swedish politics, it is painfully clear that there is talk of cooperation across party lines, but in the next breath, it is taken back by saying that one cannot cooperate with certain parties. Hypocrisy, I call it.

In the Nordic cooperation, the trenches are shallower. There, Swedish parties can cooperate without critical glances from party comrades. Recently, the first negotiation took place between all Swedish parties, where we gave and took and compromised regarding a proposal that Miljöpartiet had originally put forward, and we did this in a meeting room in the Riksdag. We were also in agreement that this was a historic occasion.

Do you know what? The cooperation across party lines within the Nordic cooperation increases the mutual understanding between our parties, and it remains when we return within the walls of the Riksdag. The polarization decreases, and the freezing out of parties thaws under the Nordic sun of freedom. The Nordic region is the union of freedom.

This also means that when we deepen the cooperation, we must not remove the freedom. That would be counterproductive. We shall deepen the cooperation through deepened contacts and increased understanding for one another. It is when the union exists in people's hearts and not in treaties and legal text that magic arises. Hail the sisters and brothers of the North!

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Heléne Björklund (S)

Madam Speaker! Today we are debating the Nordic cooperation, a cooperation that is about community, trust and culture. I begin by moving to approve reservation 3.

To those of you listening, I want to say that it is possible that it will sound a bit similar from the rostrum today, even though we represent different parties. But that is actually a strength. In a time characterized by much conflict and division, there is something very fine in that we in the Nordic countries still gather broad political unity in the vast majority of issues. At the same time, we must be honest that this unity is not always noticeable in the decisions that the governments make or in what is actually implemented. There is still much left to do here, and it is a common task for us regardless of party color.

Madam Speaker! I do not know the exact truthfulness of what I am about to say, but I read that it was precisely on May 27, 1905, that the crisis began which eventually led to the dissolution of the union between Sweden and Norway. It is said to have been that day that King Oscar II refused to approve Norway's demand for its own consular service, which became the spark for the conflict that a few months later led to the union being dissolved. The important thing in this anecdote is not that the union was dissolved, but how it happened. Our countries did not choose war; we chose negotiation. When the Nordic Council was later formed, after two world wars, the Nordic countries wanted to bind themselves even more closely together with democracy, culture, dialogue, and cooperation between the people in the Nordic countries.

I believe that this can be important to remind oneself of in the time we now live in, with war in Europe, a restless security situation, increased nationalism, threats to democracy and a world where many countries are starting to turn more and more inward. Now, Nordic cooperation means more than it has in a very long time. It is about people who for generations have lived as neighbors, about languages that we almost understand, about labor markets, about education and about families who daily cross the borders between the Nordic countries. It is about trust.

In the Nordic region, we have a common view that strong societies are built together, not by pitting people against each other. For many, the Nordic region is not about politics but about being able to work, study, receive healthcare, and be able to use transport services across borders – simply that families should be able to live their lives without hassle, as if the Nordic region were a single region. But here, we actually still have much to do.

During the work in the Nordic Council, I, as president last year, had the privilege of traveling around large parts of the Nordic region and meeting many people in different environments. I was, among other places, in Greenland where I saw how the Arctic has rapidly become one of the world's most important security policy regions. There, geopolitics becomes very concrete. The interests of the great powers are constantly present, and the climate changes are clearly noticeable. At the same time, people are to live their everyday lives in the midst of this. That made a strong impression on me.

Sometimes world politics becomes large and abstract when we talk about it, but ultimately politics is always about people, security, faith in the future, and the opportunity to live a good life.

I also think back to the meeting with the youth on Utøya in Norway. There, young people from all over the Nordic countries, from all political parties who want to participate, gather annually. They discuss and try to find common solutions to the everyday problems that they feel we have in the Nordic region. They do everything to find consensus and common proposals. It is actually very hopeful to see, especially at a place like Utøya, which reminds us of how fragile democracy is.

Madam Speaker! Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine has changed Europe, but it has also changed the Nordic region. Today, we Nordic countries stand closer together in terms of security policy than we perhaps have ever done before. It is historical. We cooperate more closely on defense, preparedness, and security, and we are building stronger relations between our countries. We do this because we know that we are stronger together than each one alone.

It is important that we continue to hold our Norden together. It is important that we strengthen cooperation in defense and preparedness, that we stand firm in our support for Ukraine and that we continue to defend democracy, international law and human rights, even when it costs.

I would therefore like to say a few words about our reservation concerning a Nordic defense and security policy commission. It is a proposal that has strong political anchoring in the Nordic Council. Think what a tool it would be if the Nordic parliaments together had a common overview of what threat pictures, what readiness, and what measures are required moving forward! It would strengthen our governments and send a clear signal to the rest of the world about Nordic cohesion. This is yet another plea to our Swedish government.

Madam Speaker! The Nordic region is in many ways a role model in the world. We have built societies with high trust, strong welfare systems, high equality, and a fundamental idea that people should be given the opportunity to grow and live free lives. This has made the Nordic region strong, not only economically but also socially and democratically.

These values are not, however, self-evident. Therefore, we must not forget the part of the Nordic cooperation that concerns culture, education, the labor market, climate, and youth exchanges. So we also build resilience. We do this not only through military strength but through strong societies that hold together.

In conclusion, I would like to take this opportunity from the rostrum to thank the entire Swedish delegation in the Nordic Council. I truly appreciate the commitment we share and that we always manage to maintain a good tone and good cooperation. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank our Minister for Nordic Affairs for her commitment to these issues.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Maria Stockhaus (M)

Madam Speaker! As Heléne Björklund said, there is much in the Nordic cooperation that we very much agree on. I would like to take this opportunity to thank Heléne for an excellent cooperation in the presidium, not least last year when we shared the presidency.

I have had the privilege of sitting in the Nordic Council for ten years now. The cooperation has changed quite a bit. It is a sad event with Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, but for the Nordic cooperation, it has at the same time meant that we have all realized how incredibly important the cooperation is, especially when the world around us becomes restless. The cooperation has changed for the better over the last few years, I would say. The focus is on completely different things now than when I first joined at the very beginning.

Madam Speaker! Nordic cooperation has always been important, but where we are now, it is more important than ever. The Nordic family is one of the oldest regional cooperations in the world. It is built largely on our shared values and, above all, on what is called the Nordic gold, namely the trust in one another, which is very clearly visible in the cooperation in the Nordic Council.

The world is changing rapidly. Democracy is being challenged from many sides, climate change is accelerating, and the security situation in our immediate vicinity remains very serious. In this reality, it is important that we prioritize Nordic cooperation and ensure that we keep it strong and vital.

Madam Speaker! The security situation in the Nordic region and the Baltic Sea area remains the most serious in a very long time. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine is still ongoing, and the war is affecting the entire security architecture of Europe. At the same time, we are also being challenged from the west, given the discussions that have taken place regarding Greenland.

Sweden and Finland are now full members of Nato. This creates entirely new opportunities but also new requirements. We have a historic opportunity to deepen Nordic cooperation. Previously, we have not worked particularly much with defense and preparedness, but now – as all our countries are in Nato, there is an opportunity to work more organized with, for example, cybersecurity and total defense. Something that we have discussed a lot in the Nordic Council during the past year is how we can cooperate regarding not least preparedness.

It is important that we together have robust energy systems and resilient societies. This requires political will and cooperation but also a great deal of coordination.

Madam Speaker! If Nordic cooperation is to continue to be relevant, its foundation must also be updated. The Helsinki Treaty has served us well for a long time, but now reality looks different, with new security policy conditions, EU membership, NATO cooperation, and an increasingly integrated economy. This requires that we review how the cooperation is organized, and the Nordic Council has unanimously recommended that the Council of Ministers update the Helsinki Treaty.

It is pleasing that the Council of Ministers is now proceeding with the first revisions and, in a first step, strengthens the role of the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Åland in Nordic cooperation. We need to continue to develop their influence, and it is pleasing that a decision has now been made to give them permanent seats in the Nordic Council's presidium. A strong Norden is built on all parts of the Norden feeling included and that everyone has the opportunity to contribute.

Madam Speaker! The climate challenge remains one of the most decisive issues of our time. The Nordic countries have good conditions to be a global pioneer in the green transition. All countries in the Nordic region have this issue high on the agenda. There are many national initiatives but also a great deal of innovative companies within green transition that can be involved and contribute to improving the conditions for the climate, not only locally but also internationally.

We see great progress in fossil-free energy, electrification, and green industry, but we need to work more together to get a greater return on the investments being made, for example within energy, infrastructure, and industrial transition. We must also ensure that it happens in a socially sustainable way. In that regard, the Nordic countries have unique conditions, through the trust we have at our core, the citizens' confidence, and the ambition in all our countries that the citizens should be involved. There is, therefore, a foundation for this work.

Madam Speaker! I also intended to speak a little about the Arctic, even though there are others who will surely focus more on it. The Nordic Council works extensively with international cooperation. There, the Arctic has moved high up on the agenda, not least considering the discussions that have been about Greenland.

Just as Heléne Björklund pointed out in her speech, the climate changes are being noticed very quickly in Greenland. As we have seen, the global interests in the area's natural resources and strategic importance have also increased. Therefore, the Arctic needs to have a clearer place in the Nordic cooperation, not least because Greenland and the Faroe Islands are central actors in that area.

We need to stand up for the Arctic as a region characterized by peaceful cooperation, for respect for international law, and for strong influence from the indigenous peoples who live in those regions. But we also need to be clear, as the Nordic Council has been on numerous occasions, that when it comes primarily to Greenland's future, it is the Greenlanders who shall decide what it shall look like. We have a special responsibility for the Arctic, and it is something that we in the Nordic Council shall act for together.

Madam Speaker! In a time of increased polarization, we must not forget the foundation of our Nordic cooperation and our shared values. Language, culture, and education bind us together. Therefore, it is important that we continue to invest in Nordic youth exchanges, cultural exchanges, and research collaborations. That is how we build the next generation of Nordic cooperation.

Nordic cooperation is not a heritage we manage. It is a tool that we must be involved in developing. A stronger Norden requires both deepening and renewal. It requires that we strengthen our cooperation and that we dare to modernize. We need to move forward together with faith in the future, decisiveness, and a common vision of an open, secure, and sustainable Norden.

With that, I move for approval of the committee's proposal for a decision.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! Cooperation in the Nordic region is of great importance for our country in a number of different areas. Nordic cooperation is also unique in its kind and is one of the world's oldest regional cooperations.

The Nordic prime ministers have decided that the Nordic region shall be the world's most integrated region by 2030. That is good. Vänsterpartiet shares that view. But it must also mean something in practice. There are undoubtedly great opportunities to strengthen and develop Nordic cooperation across national borders.

I regret that the revision of the Helsinki Accords does not cover more than the status of Åland, the Faroe Islands, and Greenland. Naturally, those areas should be allowed to participate in their own capacity.

Vänsterpartiet views regional solutions positively to facilitate for those who live, work and study in the border regions. It is obvious that more must be done to remove various border barriers. We therefore propose that this be investigated, among other things by reviewing common agreements between the Nordic countries. One issue that must be reviewed is the tax issue. We therefore believe that the government, together with the other Nordic governments, should review the Nordic double taxation agreement.

Madam Speaker! The Nordic countries face similar climate and environmental problems. The rising temperature is clearly noticeable, especially in the polar region. There are signs that animals and nature are already under great pressure. Researchers warn that the average temperature in the Arctic is increasing between two and three times as fast as in the rest of the planet.

The impact of food production on climate change is well known. An increased self-sufficiency rate would make us better prepared for crises and extreme weather as well as reduce our import dependency. Sweden produces only half of everything we eat, while Finland's corresponding share is 80 percent. Vänsterpartiet therefore wants to see the government take the initiative for a sustainable Nordic food strategy in order to increase the self-sufficiency rate and reduce the dependence on imports. This is important, not least from a preparedness point of view.

In connection with various crises caused by climate change, cooperation between the rescue services in the different Nordic countries also needs to increase, especially in the border municipalities. It can involve fires, other natural disasters, or mountain and sea rescue.

Unfortunately, Sweden does not look set to reach either the national climate goals for 2030 and 2040 or the EU commitment regarding the ESR sector by 2030. It is not only regrettable but also irresponsible. We can do better than that.

Large investments are needed to streamline the transport of people and goods. This implies, among other things, extensive investments in railways. At the Nordic level, it primarily means that the railway needs to be expanded. Cross-border railway lines need to be developed, along with night trains and a well-functioning ticketing system that is easy to use.

The communication also mentions how the Nordic cooperation during 2025 has developed in issues of preparedness and civil defense concerning cross-border transport. It is good, but it is not enough. Functional communications is ultimately a total defense issue. The Nordic Council has, from a parliamentary perspective across party, bloc, and national boundaries, repeatedly pointed out the need for a ministerial council for transport, transport, and infrastructure issues. We regret that the government has not complied with this.

Madam Speaker! The Baltic Sea is seriously threatened. We have, among other things, proposed that a ban on trawl fishing for cod should be introduced in the entire Baltic Sea. We have also pushed for Sweden and Finland to jointly introduce a ban on trawl fishing for herring in the Åland Sea and the southwestern Gulf of Bothnia in order to strengthen the ecological system and small-scale coastal fishing.

It is pleasing that the EU Parliament has now voted for a temporary trawling ban. I hope that the Commission will listen to it. I am glad that there is a consensus among all parties regarding a ban on trawling. It is very good.

Madam Speaker! Vänsterpartiet is opposed to Sweden joining Nato, but Nato membership is now a reality. Vänsterpartiet considers that even in the future, it must be Sweden's own defense capability that stands at the center, but also that Sweden shall be an active partner in cooperation with our Nordic and Baltic neighboring countries.

There is an imminent risk that larger and stronger countries will be the ones to set the agenda when it comes to defense and security policy issues in the EU. This also applies to the defense industry. In order for Sweden not to fall behind, a clear and strong agenda is required for what we want with the defense industry both in Sweden and in the EU. We therefore view closer cooperation regarding materiel and defense industry issues between the Nordic countries in Nordefco positively.

With Sweden's entry into Nato, the Swedish position on nuclear weapons changed in practice. Nuclear weapons are a fundamental part of Nato, which is a nuclear alliance. Nuclear weapons are a weapon of mass destruction which, if used, would have devastating consequences for people and the environment for an unforeseeable period of time. There are no winners in a nuclear war, only losers.

Vänsterpartiet has repeatedly proposed that Sweden should establish reservations regarding nuclear weapons. Our neighboring countries Denmark and Norway, for example, made statements about nuclear weapons when the respective countries joined Nato in connection with the countries' respective DCA agreements. Vänsterpartiet's position is that Sweden should not participate in any nuclear weapons cooperation whatsoever. We believe that the Nordic region should be an entirely nuclear-weapon-free zone and that Sweden should adopt legislation and a ban on nuclear weapons on Swedish territory.

Once upon a time, the Nordic Council actually adopted a unanimous resolution that the Nordic region should become a nuclear-weapon-free zone. It was some years ago, but perhaps it is time to implement it now.

Madam Speaker! When Trump threatens to take over Greenland, it is a threat to the entire Nordic region. It is good that the Prime Minister clearly marks and shows support for Denmark's and Greenland's self-determination. Otherwise, we think the government is far too silent about Trump's imperialist ambitions.

Climate change, environmental threats and security policy conflicts in the Arctic will directly affect our country. We want to see expanded Nordic cooperation on the Arctic.

The Nordic countries could act more powerfully globally. We see large cuts in international aid, primarily from the USA but also from other countries. Unfortunately, Sweden also belongs to the countries that have significantly cut back on international aid, even though the needs are greater than ever. We believe that Sweden should act so that the Nordic countries can find a common strategy to meet the attacks against cuts in aid and support for equality, sexual and reproductive health and rights, as well as for the LGBTQ+ movement. Sweden should also push for the Nordic countries to allocate 1 percent of GNP to aid.

The Nordic countries have long been at the forefront when it comes to equality. Despite this, violence against women is a problem in the Nordic countries. During the years 2017–2024, between 10 and 23 women were killed annually in Sweden by their partner, according to the Swedish Crime Prevention Council. I am therefore pleased that Vänsterpartiet in the Nordic Council got a proposal through that the Nordic countries should work more on the issue of violence in close relationships.

A clearly cross-border issue is that of the Sami's rights. According to international law, indigenous peoples have special rights beyond the rights that follow from the status as a national minority. It concerns the right to self-determination and the right to the land areas they traditionally inhabit. The Sami's conditions and rights are an issue for several countries, and it is important that Sweden works to secure indigenous rights throughout the Nordic region.

Madam Speaker! International law, finally, is the international framework concerning how states should act towards one another. It is based on respect for the UN Charter, human rights, and the right to territorial integrity and the prohibition of the use of force. International law is a fundamental cornerstone for a peaceful world.

Unfortunately, a very serious development is occurring in the opposite direction. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the world's passivity in the face of Israel's genocide in Gaza, and China's work to erode central concepts are three distinct examples that are all attacks against international law.

Vänsterpartiet argues that Sweden must push for the Nordic countries to stand up for all countries' right to independence and against occupation and genocide. Israel's occupation of Palestine must be condemned, as well as Morocco's occupation of Western Sahara. Sweden should work for the Nordic countries to recognize Palestine and Western Sahara as independent states. Sweden should work for the Nordic countries to jointly work to prevent Nordic companies from investing in activities on occupied land, regardless of the country.

I move for the approval of reservation 4 and apologize for exceeding the speaking time.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna Lipinska (KD)

Madam Speaker! It is with great humility that I stand in this speaker's chair for the first time. It is a great honor.

I would like to begin by expressing my support for the committee's proposal in the report on Nordic cooperation including the Arctic.

Nordic cooperation is strong. Our countries are united by historical ties, shared values, high trust, and a long tradition of solving challenges together. But in today's world, Nordic cooperation is about more than historical ties and cultural community. It is about security, resilience, and competitiveness in an increasingly uncertain world.

Madam Speaker! Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine has fundamentally changed Europe's security situation. It has become clear that the Nordic countries need to stand closer together not only politically but also in terms of security and economy.

With Sweden and Finland as members of Nato, there are completely new opportunities to deepen cooperation regarding defense, civil preparedness, and crisis management. The Nordic region is stronger and safer today when we act together.

But Nordic cooperation is not just about security policy. At least as important is the question of Nordic competitiveness. We live in a time of fierce global competition. USA is investing enormous sums in industry and new technology. China is strengthening its economic and geopolitical influence. At the same time, Europe faces major challenges with energy supply, innovation, and growth.

In a world where great powers compete for investments, innovation, and technological leadership, the Nordic countries must strengthen their position. Our countries are individually relatively small economies, but together we are one of the world's most innovative and competitive regions. Therefore, it is important that Sweden, Finland, Norway, Denmark, and Iceland deepen cooperation within energy, transport, research, innovation, and cross-border infrastructure.

We need better conditions for companies to grow across Nordic borders. We need stronger energy cooperation, more efficient transport, and modern infrastructure that binds our countries closer together. We also need to continue removing border barriers so that people can more easily work, study, and run businesses throughout the Nordics.

Madam Speaker! The green and technological transition will determine which regions stand strong in the future. Here, the Nordic countries have very good conditions. We have a high level of education, strong innovative power, access to fossil-free energy, and some of the world's most advanced industrial environments.

If we deepen the Nordic cooperation, we can strengthen our international competitiveness and create growth and jobs throughout the region. Ultimately, it is about the Nordic countries not only adapting to the future but being part of leading and shaping it. For Sweden's part, this is particularly important. Swedish companies are dependent on open markets, functioning transport, and a stable energy supply.

Madam Speaker! An important part of today's report concerns the Arctic. The Arctic is gaining ever greater strategic importance both in terms of security policy and economics. Climate change is affecting the region at a rapid pace, while at the same time, geopolitical interest from several global actors is increasing. This means that issues regarding security, natural resources, research, and future development are becoming increasingly important for the Nordic countries. It also means that the Nordic countries need to take a greater collective responsibility in the region.

The Christian Democrats want to see an Arctic characterized by peace, stability, and respect for international law. Natural resources shall be used in a long-term and sustainable manner, and development in the region must occur with responsibility for both the environment and future generations.

But the Arctic is also about geopolitics and future competitiveness. Those who take responsibility, are present and cooperate in the long term will also have a greater opportunity to influence the region's future development. Therefore, it is important that the Nordic countries deepen cooperation also in issues regarding research, security, energy and infrastructure.

Nordic cooperation shows that free and independent nations can become stronger together without losing their identity or their self-determination. In a time marked by uncertainty, the Nordic region needs to stand strong security-politically, economically, and in terms of values.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Catarina Deremar (C)

Madam Speaker! I would like to begin by moving for approval of reservation 1 in this report on Nordic cooperation including the Arctic. The reservation concerns the work on removing border obstacles.

We live in a time where the world is changing ever faster. Every time we wake up, we have a new reality to contend with. We see an aggressive Russia, a China that takes up ever more space, and a USA that time and again is perceived as capricious. In this perceived chaos, the stable Norden is our security. The vision is clear: Norden shall become the world's most integrated and sustainable region by 2030. But to get there, action is required. Beautiful words are not enough.

For the Center Party, it is obvious that we build security together with others. Now that all Nordic countries are members of Nato, we have a historical opportunity to deepen our cooperation. We must see the Nordic dimension from the Baltic Sea up to the Arctic and out across the North Atlantic.

Centerpartiet has pushed for defense spending to reach at least 3 percent of GDP – because we know that our own capability is the first line of defense. We also want to see a joint Nordic-Baltic coastal surveillance effort in the Baltic Sea to mark against Russian transgressions.

Madam Speaker! Security, however, is about more than military strength. Security is about society functioning even when the crisis comes. The Centre Party wants to see a common Nordic strategy for food preparedness. We have witnessed empty shelves, and we know how quickly important goods can be blocked from our country. Our supply can be vulnerable, and we must turn our words into action.

The Karlstad Declaration in practical reality would be welcomed. Every Swede should be a part of the total defense, and we are talking about ten million defense-ready Swedes.

In order for the Nordic region to be integrated, we must also be able to travel and transport goods smoothly. Today, Sweden is unfortunately a bottleneck. The Center Party wants to see a Nordic Council for Infrastructure and Transport established. We need to co-plan our railway corridors, for example, Stockholm–Oslo or Stockholm–Copenhagen. It is both expensive and foolish to have unnecessary border obstacles that stop people in their daily lives. Free mobility is the Nordic region's greatest asset, and we must safeguard it.

When we look north, we see the Arctic – a region where climate change is here and now. The ice is melting and the great powers are moving forward their positions. The Centre Party wants to see a new, tangible Arctic strategy. We cannot accept that countries like China, which is not an Arctic state, are allowed to undermine the international rule of law in the area. We shall be a strong voice for democracy, human rights, and environmental protection in the Arctic.

Madam Speaker! We must also not forget what binds us together deeply, namely our culture, our language and our shared values. The Centre Party sees culture and popular education as the beating heart of our psychological defense. It is through culture that we build trust, cohesion and understanding for one another.

For the Center Party, it is important that the culture and education sector is not deprioritized in the Nordic cooperation. For us in the Center Party, it is also essential that cooperation regarding culture, language, and research is absolutely crucial for us to reach the goal of becoming the most integrated region. When we meet through art, music, or studies in the neighboring countries, we create the bonds that make us care for one another. Then we build real resilience – resilience in a restless time.

Madam Speaker! Nordic cooperation is about trust. The trust that exists between our countries is unique in the world. It was said earlier that it would sound a bit similar here, and I think I have heard that formulation today. It is still positive, after all.

By modernizing the Helsinki Treaty and daring to invest in common solutions in everything from energy and IT security to deepened defense cooperation and transport, we build a Nordic region that stands firm even when it storms in the outside world. The Centre Party chooses the path of cooperation. We choose an open, free and inclusive Nordic region.

Lastly, I must raise a question that I have spoken about several times in the chamber and in the Nordic Committee. It concerns UWC Red Cross Nordic. The school is located in Fjaler municipality in Norway. The government decided a few years ago to withdraw the Swedish part of the operating grant. Sweden, Norway, and Denmark started the school jointly. I have pointed out many times how unfortunate this was. Even though it is small money in the state budget, the grant means a lot for the school.

But suddenly, Madam Speaker, it happens – the government changes its mind. Once again, the school receives its operating grant, and I am very happy about that – not least for the Swedish youths who can once again apply for a place at the school and gain new contacts in other parts of the world. Thank you for that, the government!

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Helena Gellerman (L)

Madam Speaker! I have had the privilege of being a member of the Nordic Council during the latter part of this parliamentary term. Before I entered the Riksdag, I participated in various research projects funded by the EU. It became clear to me that there was a natural community of values with my Nordic colleagues. In the work in the Nordic Council, I experience the same thing. We have a community based on cooperation and pragmatism in the sense that problems are there to be solved.

Madam Speaker! We are, however, living in a restless time with war in our immediate vicinity in Europe and in the Middle East and with an increasingly tangible energy crisis – also linked to fighting in the Middle East.

Nordic cooperation stands in stark contrast to these wars. We have a common war history, but we have step by step expanded our cooperation, which has led to growth and that the Nordic region today is the eleventh largest economy in the world. Our neighboring countries are our allies, and we are building a future together. This applies to all five member countries as well as the three autonomous territories in the Nordic Council.

That all Nordic countries are part of the defense alliance Nato implies an increased common commitment to openness, freedom and security in the Nordic region.

Together we have been a driving force for the strong support that the Nordic countries have shown Ukraine and now also for Greenland, where we have expressed our support that it is only the Greenlanders who can decide on Greenland's future.

The vision that the Nordic region should be the world's most sustainable and integrated region by 2030 is shared by the Nordic Council of Ministers and the Nordic Council. During 2025, Sweden held the presidency of the Nordic Council, which was utilized to drive the vision forward under the heading "Nordic Together – Nordic Benefit and Cohesion in Restless Times," with the subheadings Nordic Everyday Benefit, An Integrated Nordic Region, Cohesion and National Anchoring.

The vision of the world's most sustainable and integrated region is achievable. If not we in the Nordic region can reach that vision, who can? We together have the best conditions, and by showing the way for how a peaceful cooperation continuously develops and creates growth, we can inspire others to step by step reduce areas of conflict between neighboring countries.

Let me point out some important issues that we Liberals would like to see increased focus on.

If we are to become an integrated region, people must be able to travel and goods must be transported across our borders in a smooth way. This is important in everyday life for the inhabitants of the Nordic countries, for Nordic companies, and for the large trade exchange between our countries. Functional transport across the borders has been accentuated by Sweden's and Finland's entry into Nato and the great need for transport in the event of crisis and war. This applies to all four modes of transport: road, rail, maritime, and air.

During this parliamentary term, there has been an increased focus on cross-border transport opportunities at Sweden's expense, while it has also become apparent that cooperation must be strengthened. Infrastructure planning takes place in different processes for each country, the decision mandates for parliaments and governments are different, and the decision dates for infrastructure plans fall in different years. In such an environment, achieving common plans to build, not least railways across the border, is challenging.

That is why the Liberals view a Nordic transport ministerial council positively, where plans can be synchronized in a structured way and we can achieve greater momentum in the interconnection between our countries. Is there anything more tangible that integrates two countries than a common railway across the border? It directly fulfills the ministerial council's vision of an integrated region.

Another natural area for a vision of an integrated Norden is to remove obstacles for people to live, study, and work around in the Norden at different times in life. There is a great consensus in the Nordic Council that border obstacles must be removed, and our joint border obstacle council works to identify and solve problems with border obstacles. It is not simple, as the Nordic countries have developed their respective legislations individually over a long period. Nationally and also through EU regulations, minor adjustments and different choices of implementation of requirements from the EU can develop into border obstacles.

Parallel to the work of the Border Obstacles Council, the Liberals would therefore like to see a common Nordic approach to prevent new border obstacles from arising. This means that in the Nordic cooperation, as far as possible, we must collaborate on the implementation of new laws and regulations. From the Liberals' side, we see this as a long-term task within the Nordic cooperation.

The cooperation is, however, based on an important process that has not quite found its form today, which colleagues in other parliaments also testify to. The recommendations that come from the Nordic Council do not have an organized process for landing with the parliaments' committees, where they are handled and, if possible, implemented in each country's legislation.

This is an important issue so that the Nordic cooperation does not lose its relevance. It is important that parliamentarians have good contacts across borders, not least to facilitate common strategies in the event of a regional crisis, but if the cooperation is to gain relevance for the Nordic citizens, the link between the Nordic cooperation and the legislative processes needs to be strengthened so that the proposals that arise within the Council of Ministers and the Nordic Council become a reality.

Madam Speaker! I would like to point out the great importance of us also maintaining an open and close contact with our neighboring countries in the Baltics in the Nordic cooperation. The Baltics and the Nordics have everything to gain from a close and trusting cooperation. This applies not least to security policy issues but also to other areas such as digitalization and, of course, our shared sea, the Baltic Sea.

I am myself a rapporteur for the Baltic Parliament and also for the Benelux Parliament. There are great similarities in the work that takes place in these parliaments, which all consist of smaller countries that can more agilely cooperate, reduce border barriers, facilitate a common labor market, and serve as test markets for innovations before they are implemented on a large scale.

As an example, I can take the more than 40-year-old freedom of movement within the Schengen area. It is a further development of the freedom of movement that existed between the Benelux countries, which in turn came into being some years after we in the Nordic countries introduced freedom of movement. My firm opinion is that a comparison between cooperation within these parliaments could provide a creative platform for how additional border barriers could be removed in the Nordic region.

Madam Speaker! In conclusion, I would like to raise the modernization of the Helsinki Accords. The world has changed dramatically since it was written in 1962, and without an agreement update, our Nordic cooperation risks stagnating and losing relevance. The demands to complement and update the Helsinki Accords have become stronger after Russia launched its war of aggression against Ukraine and thereby dramatically worsened the security situation.

Even in other areas, changes are required for the cooperation to be able to develop. In addition to the purely substantive policy drivers for an update, the global situation is pushing for a change in the status of the self-governing areas in the Helsinki Agreement. This should happen promptly and can constitute an important signal to the world that we are serious about our vision of the world's most integrated region 2030.

Madam Speaker! With this, I move for the approval of the committee's proposal for a decision.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! Nordic cooperation is – and must be – more important than ever. We live in a time characterized by uncertainty, growing geopolitical tensions, and an accelerating climate crisis. In such a time, it is crucial that we strengthen the cooperation that is built on common values, openness, democracy, equality, the principles of the rule of law, and respect for human rights.

The Nordic region is such a community. Here, there is a unique platform for trust and cooperation that many other regions lack. It is a strength, but it is also a responsibility.

Madam Speaker! The Nordic Council plays a central role in this work. It is there that our parliaments meet, it is there that common solutions emerge, and it is there that we can together take responsibility for meeting cross-border societal challenges.

The report that forms the basis for the committee report we are debating today shows important progress: increased cohesion, reduced border barriers, and a clear focus on Nordic benefit.

Miljöpartiet shares this direction, but we also mean that the development must go further and happen faster. We stand in the middle of a climate crisis. We face a deteriorated security policy situation, and we see increased tensions in our world around us. In that situation, it is not enough to manage the Nordic cooperation. We must deepen it.

Madam Speaker! The vision of the Nordic region as the world's most sustainable and integrated region must be guiding in everything we do. It is not solely about facilitating people's everyday lives by removing border barriers, even though that is important in itself. It is also about jointly taking the lead in the green transition.

The green transition must not lose momentum; on the contrary, it must accelerate. Here, the Nordic region can and should function as an engine. Through joint investments, coordinated regulatory frameworks and strong political leadership, we can demonstrate that climate work and economic development go hand in hand. A more integrated Nordic region is also a stronger Nordic region, not least in the global competition.

At the same time, Madam Speaker, we see how the security situation in our global environment has deteriorated. This places new demands on us. Miljöpartiet believes that Nordic cooperation regarding crisis preparedness and civil defense needs to be further strengthened.

This is particularly important in our border regions. It is there that people live their lives across national borders, and it is there that the need for functioning coordination is greatest. Planning, exercise, and operational cooperation must be able to occur seamlessly between our countries. When the crisis comes, whether it concerns a natural disaster or, in the worst case, an armed attack, we cannot afford administrative hurdles.

We know that climate change will lead to more crises even in peacetime. Downpours, floods, heatwaves, droughts, and forest fires will put our societies to the test. Here, Nordic cooperation is not just a strength – it is a necessity.

Madam Speaker! The Arctic is a region where many of our time's great issues meet: the climate, security, and respect for the rights of indigenous peoples. Climate change is occurring faster in the Arctic than anywhere else on Earth. The melting ice affects biodiversity and changes the living conditions for the people who live there – not least the indigenous peoples. At the same time, we see increased geopolitical tensions in the region.

Miljöpartiet wants to see clearer accountability from Sweden and the Nordic countries. We believe that an international ban on all extraction of fossil fuels in the Arctic and in the surrounding seas is needed. It is a crucial measure, both for the sake of the climate and for the region's stability.

We also want to see a strengthened international dialogue and cooperation in the Arctic, a stronger protection of sensitive ecosystems and biodiversity, increased influence for indigenous peoples over land and water use, as well as a peaceful development and, in the long term, a demilitarization of the region.

It is simultaneously central that international law is respected. The law of the sea must form the basis for how we handle issues regarding shipping and territorial claims. Disputes shall be resolved diplomatically – not through power politics. Here, Sweden, together with our Nordic neighbors and the EU, has an important role to play.

Madam Speaker! The report we are considering shows one thing clearly: the Nordic region stands stronger when we cooperate. In a time characterized by climate crisis, security policy challenges, and democratic trials, we need more – not less – Nordic cooperation.

Miljöpartiet argues that Sweden should take an active and leading role in this work. We shall push for deeper cooperation for the climate, for democracy, and for people's opportunity to live sustainably and securely in the entire Nordic region. It is precisely this that is at stake: our ability to collectively meet the challenges of the future and shape a society that is both sustainable and just.

Madam Speaker! We have all the conditions to succeed. Let us use them together.

With this said, I move for approval of reservation 5.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

EU-minister JESSICA ROSENCRANTZ (M)

Madam Speaker! Honored members and dear friends of the Nordic countries! It is always a pleasure to stand in the Riksdag's rostrum – usually as EU Minister but today as Nordic Cooperation Minister.

I sometimes receive questions from countries in Europe – not least from candidate countries that want to join the EU and whose neighboring countries can often mean conflict – and from countries around the world, where the same thing is experienced. In those cases, I am particularly proud that we from the Nordic side can show that neighbors do not have to mean conflict, but that neighbors can mean peace, cooperation, and shared values.

Right now, the cooperation we have in the Nordic region is more important than ever, because the security policy situation in our region has unfortunately hardly improved since I participated in the Nordic Debate here in the Riksdag last year. If anything, the situation has become increasingly serious and unpredictable. This includes, among other things, alarming American statements about Greenland and conflicts in the Middle East, while Russia's brutal war of aggression in Ukraine continues unabated here on our own continent.

We find ourselves in a time of significant changes, where the security policy order, the international regulatory frameworks, and the free trade that for so long have contributed to Sweden's stability and prosperity are being challenged. In this situation, the relations with our closest neighboring countries are becoming increasingly important.

Against this background, the need for Nordic coordination in defense, crisis preparedness, and security of supply is particularly prominent. Ultimately, it is about safeguarding Sweden's own freedom, peace, and security. The Government's work is characterized by this orientation, and Sweden has an active and driving role in the Nordic cooperation.

During 2025, the informal foreign and security policy cooperation between the Nordic countries, N5, and the cooperation between the Nordic-Baltic countries, NB8, was intensified to a historically high level. Together with Finland, Sweden has also worked for a deepened security policy cooperation between all democratic states around the Baltic Sea within the framework of the Baltic Sea States Council.

The cooperation within Nordefco, Nordic Defence Cooperation, has also reached a new level now that all Nordic countries are members of Nato. The Nordic defence ministers met earlier in May in Trøndelag in Norway. The defence ministers then stated that it is required that we take more responsibility in Europe and the Nordic region because the responsibility within Nato is about to change. The Nordic defence cooperation must increase even within Nato.

All Nordic states are also Arctic states and therefore have a special interest in and responsibility to work for a peaceful, stable and sustainable development in the Arctic. As allies, we need to jointly strengthen security in the Arctic to counter Russian influence. Preparations are underway for Sweden's chairmanship in the Arctic Council during 2027–2029. Work is also ongoing to develop a new Swedish Arctic strategy.

We are soon halfway through the Nordic Council of Ministers' Arctic Programme for the period 2025–2027, which has a resilient Arctic as its theme. The programme has a budget of approximately 45 million Swedish kronor. It currently finances, among other things, projects to increase preparedness and resilience within Arctic municipalities. There are also projects linked to digitalisation and alternative data cable routes.

The advisory committee with our Arctic experts met last week to discuss new projects. The Ministry Council's research institutions also drive and finance projects linked to energy cooperation, green transition, and development in the Arctic.

The EU's Arctic Strategy is also subject to an update, and the government welcomes increased engagement from the EU in the Arctic.

Within the Nordic Council of Ministers, the work continues to realize our common vision of becoming the world's most sustainable and integrated region by 2030. The Nordic countries must continue the work of leading the way in the green transition, further increasing our competitiveness, promoting mobility, and removing border barriers to meet our citizens' expectations of Nordic cooperation. Together, we identify areas where there is added value for us in finding common solutions in the Nordic region.

In today's world – characterized by increased geopolitical tensions, growing trade barriers, and extensive technological transitions with challenges surrounding Europe's competitiveness – the Nordic region has a special role to fill. During her tribute speech here in the Swedish Riksdag during the Nordic Council's session in October, the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, described the Nordic region as Europe's problem-solver and leading light.

Inspired by the EU's Draghi report, we have recently commissioned an analysis of the competitiveness in the Nordic region. The goal is to create a solid foundation for future political discussions on how the Nordic region can continue to be globally competitive. This report is to be presented in October.

The same underlying analysis of Europe's competitiveness lies behind the fact that a number of Nordic large companies, foundations, and organizations have joined forces in the joint initiative Nordic Compass – The Nordic Round Table for Industry to strengthen the competitiveness of the Nordics and Europe.

The ambition with Nordic Compass is to act faster than the European processes through Nordic cooperation. In Europe, a discussion on competitiveness and renewal is currently ongoing. Processes at the European level sometimes take time – even though we push for them to go faster – but the Nordic countries can show leadership and act even faster and more efficiently.

Madam Speaker! The establishment of the Nordic-Baltic AI center New Nordics AI is in full swing. AI Sweden in Stockholm acts as the coordinating office, and during the autumn, AI nodes from Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania will also be phased into the cooperation. The Nordic countries and the Baltics all have the prerequisites to lead the AI revolution in Europe. Our hope is that the AI center will drive co-investments in strategic resources, increase our competitiveness and AI usage in the Nordics, and contribute to future policy development.

The work to promote mobility and remove border barriers was at the center of the Swedish presidency of the Nordic Council of Ministers in 2024 and continues to constitute one of the Nordic Council of Ministers' most important tasks. I have said it before, but I say it again: It should be easy to work, study, live, and operate across borders. It benefits both the individuals and our societies as a whole.

Many people live and work across borders. In the Öresund region, the number of commuters across the Öresund has hit new records in recent years. Even though not everyone experiences border obstacles, there are still obstacles, and they risk creating an untapped potential.

The possibility of communicating digitally across borders is central, as is the coherent issue of identity matching, and I am convinced that a long series of other border barriers could be resolved if it were possible to communicate digitally across borders in a secure way. The issue remains a priority for the cooperation ministers and ministers responsible for digitalization, and the work is moving forward in a more systematized way than before.

Technically, cross-border verification of identities is possible today, but regarding the reliable recognition of identity between population registers, there are still a long series of operationally complex issues to solve. The next step in the process is that during the autumn, recommendations shall be developed on how best to handle these challenges.

A related issue is that of opportunities for cross-border commuters to open bank accounts. The Government is well aware of the problem and therefore chose at the beginning of the year to task Finansinspektionen with producing a guidance to facilitate for the banks to fulfill their obligations to provide basic payment and banking services.

Even within crisis preparedness, we Nordic cooperation ministers want to prevent border barriers or other types of obstacles to cross-border cooperation. We want, for example, to avoid crisis and preparedness laws unexpectedly hindering the possibilities to act nationally and Nordic-wide. Therefore, we have made a decision to map and compare existing legislation and identify any challenges for cross-border cooperation.

We have also stood behind the Gränshinderrådet's study on border barriers in a future crisis. How and in what way can border barriers come to affect mobile residents during a future crisis? What has been done based on the pandemic, and what measures are necessary to take to avoid them occurring again?

The work on removing border obstacles is, of course, not only taking place in the Nordic Council of Ministers but also to a very high degree in our border regions and between the capitals.

In July last year, I had the pleasure, for example, of participating in the celebration of the Öresund Bridge's 25th anniversary. A prime ministerial declaration was adopted with the goals of making the Öresund region safer and more competitive, as well as, not least, promoting mobility in the region.

In September, the Swedish-Norwegian joint police station on the border in Morokulien was inaugurated with a very clear goal: to stand stronger together against international and cross-border crime.

Earlier this spring, I was in Umeå and participated in the celebration of Nordic Day together with my Finnish EU colleague Joakim Strand. On-site, I was able to take part in the challenges and opportunities in the border region around the Gulf of Bothnia.

The Government has recently made decisions on infrastructure investments in the Öresund region that will positively affect both the regional accessibility and integration in the region as well as the competitiveness of the whole of Sweden.

Another current issue is how we best work together within the Nordic Council. This concerns, among other things, the role of the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Åland in the cooperation.

After receiving a report on international law regarding questions concerning a possible revision of the Helsinki Treaty, we cooperation ministers could in March decide to appoint a commission. The commission shall develop concrete proposals to enable equal participation from the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Åland within the Nordic Council and the Nordic Council of Ministers. The commission shall report back to us cooperation ministers in time for the Nordic Council's session in Helsinki this autumn.

This summer, we cooperation ministers will also meet in Tórshavn in the Faroe Islands to discuss how the work within the Nordic Council of Ministers in general can be developed and improved. What is the Nordic Council of Ministers' role? Are we working on the right issues? Are our working methods sufficiently effective and flexible? And how are we to achieve the vision of the Nordic region as the world's most sustainable and integrated region by 2030?

Madam Speaker! Nordic cooperation is more important than ever, and there is a broad commitment from all Nordic countries, governments, and parliaments. I and my government colleagues will continue to be a driving and responsible force for a strong, integrated, and united Norden.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Minister, for an interesting speech!

It is positive that many good things are happening in the Nordic region. I would like to ask questions about the revision of the Helsinki Accords. Now it didn't amount to much. It was only about the status of the areas Faroe Islands, Greenland and Åland.

Of course, we think it is important that those areas are given an independent status in the Nordic Council in their own capacity. I wonder why the opportunity has not been taken to try to revise the Helsinki Accords more broadly.

How has the government acted in this issue? Very much has happened during the approximately 30 years that have passed since the Helsinki Accords were last revised, not least in the area of climate.

Climate change is a fact. We see how it affects the Nordic countries in a dramatic way. There is much here that would need to be discussed and brought into the Helsinki Agreement.

It also concerns other areas such as digitalization, cyber threats, and security issues overall. The situation of children and young people is also something that would need to be included. It is also something that the Nordic Council of and Youth has pointed out. A paragraph on children and young people is missing in the Helsinki Agreement. The language is perhaps also a bit outdated and would need to be updated.

I would like to hear from the Minister how the government has acted to make a broader and more comprehensive revision of the Helsinki Accords.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

EU-minister JESSICA ROSENCRANTZ (M)

Madam Speaker! Thank you to Lotta Johnsson Fornarve for the question!

First, I want to emphasize that the question of equal participation for Åland, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands is not a small matter. It is an important and extensive question, and it is a rather complex question.

The legal analysis that we were given as a basis before we, as cooperating ministers, appointed the commission shows that it is complex, based on legislation in the individual countries and how it relates to EU law, international law, and much more.

We also see that Greenland, Åland, and the Faroe Islands have somewhat different conditions, both legally and regarding what one wants to achieve with equal participation.

It will be a neighboring task to now review how it shall proceed in practice and what solution we can find. We have been very clear about the ambition to be able to achieve an equal participation. But the process will be quite complex.

There are also quite a few who think it is important that the process does not drag on but that it happens expeditiously. Above all, of course, it must be correct. But if it is to happen expeditiously, we have said that we prioritize this issue within the framework of the commission that has now been appointed.

Then there are a lot of other questions that one can reflect upon. What should we devote ourselves to in the Nordic Council and the Nordic Council of Ministers? It is important that each organization, with self-restraint and relevance, regularly evaluates what it wants and should devote itself to.

From our side, we have said that we will have that discussion when we, the cooperation ministers, meet soon in Tórshavn in the Faroe Islands. We will discuss how we see our role should be developed moving forward.

It is clear that a part of that discussion may very well be the recommendation from the Nordic Council. The ambition to evaluate what we are doing and how we should design our cooperation moving forward is important to have.

It has also been important to have an orderly and rapid process regarding the question of equal participation for Greenland, Åland, and the Faroe Islands.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! Thank you for a good answer, Minister!

It is clear that it is good that there is a prompt process when it comes to the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Åland. I really agree with that.

It does not prevent one from then moving forward and revising the Helsinki Accords a bit more broadly, because it is truly needed. It has been 30 years since it was revised. Since then, an incredible amount has happened in a number of different important areas that have already been mentioned, such as climate, cyber threats, digitalization, and the rights of children and young people. Work needs to be done here.

Since I am standing here and asking, I thought I would take the opportunity to ask one more question. Several of us raised the importance of a Nordic ministerial council for transport and infrastructure. It is also something that the Nordic Council's parliament has put forward across national borders and party lines.

There is a great consensus here that this is something we see as extremely important for improving the transport possibilities, communications, and infrastructure between our Nordic countries. This applies in particular to ticketing systems and such things.

There is an incredible amount to do here. Things have happened in the right direction, but more needs to be done. We truly see the need for a structured cooperation, and a Nordic ministerial council would be needed. How does the minister view that?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

EU-minister JESSICA ROSENCRANTZ (M)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Lotta Johnsson Fornarve!

Let me emphasize that cooperation at the Nordic level today is deeper than perhaps ever before in several of the areas the member highlights and in the security policy area. This applies not least now when all Nordic countries are in Nato. There, we have a completely new opportunity to be able to coordinate and plan our defense efforts. This also applies to civil defense.

We cooperate closely regarding digital issues. I mentioned some examples from the rostrum earlier. We also work very closely regarding sustainability issues, where the Nordic countries are a model.

There is much for us to be proud of – areas where we have already truly deepened our cooperation. There is, of course, also more to carry forward.

We also cooperate very closely in the transport policy area. It is not a new question whether we should have a transport minister council or not, for we have discussed that in this chamber many times before. But if I ask my minister colleague and he asks his other Nordic minister colleagues in the transport area, we hear that there is a well-functioning cooperation between our transport ministers. They have regular meetings, and they coordinate with each other. We talk more and more about the need for cross-border infrastructure, and we also have those types of important perspectives in our own national infrastructure plan. There is, therefore, a functioning cooperation.

Since then, I have full respect for the fact that one wants precisely a ministerial council, but I can truly guarantee the member that extensive exchange, coordination, and planning takes place between the Nordic transport ministers. They also experience that the cooperation works very well.

The forms we can of course always discuss, but the most important thing for me is the matter and that we get things done. And I can guarantee that our Nordic transport ministers will get things done.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Sara Gille (SD)

Madam Speaker! I would like to begin by expressing my support for the committee's proposal in the report.

Nordic cooperation is of great importance for Sweden and for Swedish interests. This applies in particular in a time when Europe is characterized by a deteriorated security situation, economic uncertainty, and increased global competition.

The Nordic countries are together a strong region both economically and politically. Our societies are built on democracy, trust and stable institutions. In a time when many countries are characterized by division and uncertainty, this is a strength that should not be underestimated.

Our countries have high employment, strong innovative power, and strong export industries. We also have closely integrated labor markets and extensive trade between the countries. For Sweden, this is extremely important. Norway, Finland, and Denmark belong to our most important trading partners. Furthermore, thousands of people commute between the Nordic countries for work and business.

Madam Speaker! It is therefore remarkable that people still face extensive border barriers in the Nordic region. Despite decades of discussions, there are still problems regarding taxation, social security, pensions, transport, and interactions with authorities for people moving between our countries.

For those who live near a national border, these are not theoretical questions. In many border regions, it is a natural part of life to work in one country while simultaneously having family, school, home, and childcare in another country. The pandemic became a clear reminder of how vulnerable these regions are when borders are closed or regulatory frameworks do not work together. It affected people's everyday lives, the labor market, and the Nordic community that has developed over a long period in the border regions.

It also affects the supply of skills and hinders the matching on the labor market. When people encounter complicated regulations and administrative hurdles, mobility is restricted while businesses find it more difficult to find the right skills. This is clearly noticeable in northern Sweden. There, contacts across borders are a natural part of both everyday life and the labor market.

Madam Speaker! For us in the Sverigedemokraterna, the work of reducing border barriers is a central issue. The cooperation between the Nordic countries shall focus on practical utility and concrete results. It shall become easier to live, work, and operate in the Nordic region. At the same time, it is important that the cooperation is built on independent nations with respect for each country's right of decision and sovereignty.

That is also why the Nordic region differs from many other international collaborations. There is a historical and cultural proximity between the peoples here that has created strong relations between independent states for a long time.

Madam Speaker! In recent years, Nordic cooperation has also acquired a clearer security policy significance. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine changed the security situation in all of Europe. Sweden's and Finland's membership in Nato means that the entire Nordic region is now within the same defense alliance.

This creates new opportunities for cooperation regarding defense, preparedness, transport, energy supply, and the protection of critical infrastructure. This involves, among other things, strengthening supply preparedness and improving cooperation regarding civil defense, while simultaneously creating conditions for coordination in crisis and war.

We also see how important it is that the Nordic countries can act more coordinately in issues concerning energy supply and preparedness. The energy crisis of recent years shows how vulnerable European countries can become when the energy systems do not function. The Nordic countries have better conditions than many others, but it requires continued cooperation and long-term thinking.

Madam Speaker! The Nordic region also stands strong in innovation, energy, industry, and digital development. At the same time, we face tough international competition and ever-increasing uncertainty in the global economy. Therefore, the Nordic countries simply need to improve the conditions for investment, growth, and functioning infrastructure.

This applies in particular to transport between the Nordic countries, where deficiencies still affect both people and the labor market. For the northern Nordic region, this is especially important. Large distances, extensive industrial investments, and important transport routes mean that functioning roads, railways, and cross-border transport are of great importance for development throughout the region.

Madam Speaker! With that said, I move for approval of the committee's proposal in the report.

(Applause)

In this speech, Staffan Eklöf (SD) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Azra Muranovic (S)

Madam Speaker! It has been said several times in this speaker's chair, and it deserves to be said again, that the cooperation that the Nordic countries have is one of the absolute strongest and most successful regional cooperations that exist in the world.

It is based on something that cannot be legislated into existence, and especially not overnight, namely trust. It is based on trust between people, trust between our societies, and trust between our democracies.

In the Nordic region, we have over generations built up societies where people have been able to move freely across borders to study, work, and live their lives. We have cooperated on the labor market, energy, culture, research, and welfare. We have also shown that international cooperation does not at all need to mean that countries lose themselves. On the contrary, the Nordic region shows that countries can become stronger together.

Perhaps that is exactly why Nordic cooperation feels even more important in the time we live in now. The world around us is changing rapidly, and we see how the rules-based world order is being challenged more and more every time we stand here and have foreign policy debates or debates about Nordic cooperation during this parliamentary term.

Russia's brutal war of invasion against Ukraine has changed the entire security situation in Europe, and also in the Nordic region. The increased geopolitical tensions, hybrid attacks, cyber threats, and attempts to divide democracies are becoming more common and more frequent. In that situation, the Nordic countries need to stick together.

Madam Speaker! The Social Democrats argue that Nordic cooperation must be further deepened, not least through foreign, security, and defense policy. In our committee motion, proposals for a Nordic defense and security policy commission have been submitted. We have done this because reality has changed and continues to change. All Nordic countries are now members of Nato. This creates entirely new opportunities for joint planning, joint preparedness, and a deeper strategic cooperation.

It also creates responsibility. Security in the Nordic region can no longer be seen country by country, and the threats to our societies are cross-border. Sabotage against critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea affects several countries simultaneously. Cyberattacks know no national borders. Influence operations are directed against our entire democratic system.

We therefore need to think more collectively regarding total defense, supply preparedness, and security policy. A Nordic defense and security policy commission could contribute to a long-term strategic coordination between our parliaments and governments. It could strengthen cooperation regarding the Arctic, the Nordic region, and the Baltic Sea. These are areas that are becoming increasingly important for Europe's and the Nordic's security.

Madam Speaker! The Arctic clearly shows why the Nordic countries must think both in terms of security policy and climate policy. For a long time, the Arctic was primarily regarded as an area for research and international cooperation, but today we have a completely different situation. The Arctic has become a geopolitically strategic area. Great powers are moving forward their positions, and military activity is increasing.

Competition for natural resources and trade routes is intensifying. Russia is rearming in the region. China has described itself as a near-Arctic state and seeks increased influence. The USA, Canada, and European countries are also strengthening their presence. What happens in the Arctic will affect the security of the entire continent of Europe.

The Arctic is simultaneously one of the areas hit hardest by climate change on Earth. The ice is melting at an alarming rate, ecosystems are changing, biodiversity is threatened, and indigenous peoples are directly affected by the developments.

These are not two separate issues. We must be able to hold two thoughts in our heads at the same time. Climate and security are linked. When climate changes open new shipping lanes and make natural resources more accessible, geopolitical tensions also increase. Therefore, the Nordic countries must be a strong voice for both security and sustainability in the Arctic.

The Social Democrats would like to see increased Swedish engagement in the Arctic and deepened Nordic cooperation on climate, research, civil preparedness, and the protection of marine environments. The Arctic must not become the next area where short-term geopolitical interests are allowed to take precedence over peace, the environment, and long-term sustainability.

Madam Speaker! Nordic cooperation has always been about more than just practical cooperation. It is also about what kind of society we want to build. In a time when nationalism and division are growing in many places, the Nordic countries need to stand together for democracy, equality, and international work.

We need to show that security is not just about military strength. It is also about strong societies, trust between people, and the ability to act together. That is why Nordic cooperation is so important, and that is why it must be deepened. Together, the Nordics can be a strong democratic force in an increasingly uncertain world. I therefore wish to move for the approval of reservation 3.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Alexandra Anstrell (M)

Madam Speaker! The Arctic is not a remote periphery on the map. Today, the Arctic is a region where security policy, climate change, energy, research, and geopolitics meet, and where Sweden's and the Nordic countries' future security is influenced to the highest degree. Therefore, it is entirely correct that the Committee on Foreign Affairs, in its report, highlights Nordic cooperation and the Arctic as strategically important issues for Sweden, because they are.

For us Moderates, the starting point is clear: the Nordic region shall be safer, stronger and more cohesive. In that work, the Arctic plays a decisive role.

Sweden is an Arctic nation. One might not feel that today when the sun is shining and warming. That Sweden is an Arctic nation implies responsibility but also opportunities, Madam Speaker.

For a long time, the Arctic has primarily been viewed as an area for research and environmental cooperation. That is important enough, but the reality no longer looks quite like that. Russia's aggressions, increased military activities in the north, and China's growing interest in the region have fundamentally changed the security situation. The Arctic has become a geopolitical key region.

It is therefore crucial that Sweden, together with its Nordic neighbors and its allies within Nato, strengthens security and the common situational awareness in northern Europe. With Finland and Sweden as members of Nato, there are now completely new opportunities to link the Baltic Sea, the North Atlantic, and the Arctic in a common security perspective. This strengthens stability and security in our immediate vicinity.

Madam Speaker! Nordic cooperation is not only historically strong but also more relevant than it has been in a long time. When the world is characterized by uncertainty, the Nordic countries need to stand united.

We also see how Arctic issues have become increasingly integrated with issues of total defense, energy supply, critical infrastructure, and resilience against hybrid threats. This is about shipping and trade routes, about minerals and strategic raw materials, and about research and technological development. But ultimately, it is about freedom, security, and democratic values in our part of the world.

In the report reporting on the parliamentary work on the Arctic during the year, it is seen how broad and concrete the cooperation actually has been this year and how it is. We have worked with issues of security, preparedness, research, transport and sustainable development but also with issues that sometimes receive less attention, even though they affect the environment and people's everyday lives very concretely. It is about waste.

I have during the last two years been a special rapporteur for issues concerning waste and littering in the Arctic. It may sound like a small trivial issue in the large geopolitical context, but it is on the contrary an important part of the whole. It is also quite "tabart". Everyone can relate to trash and that it is important that we need to take care of it.

Waste and refuse spread in Arctic environments affect nature, wildlife, and people's living conditions. It is about plastic in the oceans, about lack of waste management in vulnerable areas, and about the need for better international cooperation on sustainable solutions. This applies between Arctic states, but we also need to reach out to non-Arctic states that their waste also affects the environment in the Arctic. Melting ice affects the entire earth.

For me, it is important that we see the whole of the Arctic, both the major security policy issues and the practical environmental challenges that people in the region face every day.

Madam Speaker! I am very honored to have been elected during the spring as chair of The Standing Committee of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region. It is a mandate that shows that Sweden has a strong international confidence in Arctic issues and that the Swedish commitment makes a difference. It also gives us an important opportunity to continue to drive issues of security, sustainable development, research and international cooperation in a time when the Arctic is gaining an ever greater global significance.

It is important to remember that the Arctic is not an empty area on the map. It is people's home. There are many who call the Arctic their home. There are people who live and work in the Arctic regions, not least indigenous peoples and local communities. They must, of course, be given influence and long-term conditions. We must be able to combine increased security with sustainable development, research, innovation, and respect for the environment.

Madam Speaker! The Arctic states need to cooperate even more closely. This applies to defense and security, to investments and critical infrastructure, and to research and technological development. It also applies to our common resilience against the influence of authoritarian states.

Sweden shall be an active, credible and long-term actor in the Arctic. We shall contribute to stability. We shall, of course, uphold international law and the rules-based world order, and we shall strengthen Nordic cooperation. We shall ensure that the Arctic remains a region characterized by responsibility, cooperation, security and absolutely not by conflict and destabilization. Therefore, this report is important.

We must also become better at synchronizing the efforts made for the Arctic. Much is done in the Arctic Council, in the Arctic delegation, in the Nordic Council, and in many other different councils. We also need to be synchronized, so that we work more together and so that the knowledge we have is spread between the different bodies.

This was needed for a stronger Nordic region, a stronger Arctic, and a more secure Arctic. It was also needed for Sweden's safety and security.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Staffan Eklöf (SD)

Madam Speaker! As chairperson of the Swedish delegation to the Parliamentary Baltic Conference, I would like to explain what the conference is and how our Swedish delegation works.

The Parliamentary Conference on the Baltic Sea Region, abbreviated BSPC, is a cooperation forum for parliamentarians from the countries around the Baltic Sea. The purpose is to create political cooperation regarding common issues that affect the region. BSPC produces recommendations to governments and international organizations. The work is carried out through annual conferences, working groups, and reports.

After Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, security issues have gained greater importance. The conference has no legislative power. The decisions are not binding and are taken by unanimity. The conference does, however, play an important role by influencing public opinion, strengthening contacts between parliaments, and contributing to common political initiatives in the Baltic Sea region.

The Swedish delegation is working hard to achieve consensus within the delegation. It has, in my opinion, worked and historically compromised in a constructive manner even on difficult issues. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Swedish delegation for the work.

The delegation has noted that a weakness in BSPC's cooperation is that the resolutions are long. This makes the resolutions unmanageable and that what is intended to be a consensus decision is sometimes only accepted for practical reasons. The delegation is therefore working within BSPC with the objective of shortening the resolutions and thereby hopefully obtaining resolutions with a few points and true consensus among the participants. We believe this can move the issues forward for real.

(Applause)

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(Decisions were made under § 14.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.