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Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)

23 May 2024 · 12 speeches · M, S, C, SD, V, MP

Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.

Summary AI, written in advance

1 M considers OSCE to be an important arena for dialogue and conflict resolution where Sweden has a good reputation 1. M argues that Russia's actions violate the statutes 1 and that the Moscow Mechanism should be established 1. M emphasizes the importance of protecting historical heritage and religious minorities 2. 3 S advocates for continued strong support for Ukraine 3 and wants both Israel and Palestine to be included in the Mediterranean Forum 3. S wants the Moscow Mechanism to be invoked in the face of threats against LGBTQI persons in Georgia 3. 4 C emphasizes the importance of preserving all three dimensions of OSCE, including democracy and human rights 4. 5 SD emphasizes the importance of election observations 5 and wants the delegation to work towards suspending Lukashenko's regime 5. 6 7 SD claims that they are the party that most clearly stands on Ukraine's side 6 7. 8 V wants OSCE to include LGBTQI issues 8. 9 MP emphasizes that OSCE functions as a guarantor for democracy and human rights 9. 10 S argues that OSCE is a platform to promote democracy and freedom 10.

Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.

Margareta Cederfelt (M)

Madam Speaker! The matter we are now going to debate, the Committee on Foreign Affairs' report number 12, concerns OSCE-PF, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. It is an account of the Swedish parliamentary delegation's activities in 2023.

I want to say initially that the parliamentary assembly is separate from the OSCE's executive side. They are two completely different organizations within one and the same organization, OSCE. Just as in other contexts, the executive side has its areas of responsibility and the parliamentary side has its. There are also different statutes and different budgets. They are two incredibly important organizations. The 57 member states stretch from Vladivostok to Vancouver and include the USA, Canada, Russia, all of Central Asia, Europe, and the southern Caucasus.

In times of anxiety and conflict, it is important to have an organization that aims for dialogue. It is just as important today as it was when OSCE was formed. The CSCE was formed in 1975 during the Cold War, when rearmament prevailed. At that time, it was a gathering of diplomats who sat down in Helsinki and concluded that something more than weapons was needed. It is important to have military defense force and offensive force to be able to defend oneself, but it is also important to have a dialogue and find solutions to conflicts. That is where OSCE was formed. Since then, OSCE has changed many times. In 1990, OSCE's parliamentary assembly was formed.

OSCE as an organization will turn 50 years old on the government side next year. It is a long time, many years. OSCE as such could be a bit more vital today than it is. A 50-year-old today is usually vital. That is not quite the case for OSCE. This is due to a disease, and it cannot be cured unless the one responsible for the disease shows insight. I am speaking here about Russia. Russia's actions within OSCE are completely despicable. They are completely against all statutes and all principles that Russia has so nicely signed. I will return to this, because it is Russia that is causing the mess that exists within OSCE.

There are those who say: Abolish OSCE - it is no longer needed! This is actually what Russia also says: We do not want OSCE - we want an arena where we can discuss with the USA alone. From my perspective, this would be completely wrong. It is obvious that an arena was needed that includes 57 countries, an arena where - if we now start from the parliamentary side - parliamentarians from 57 countries can meet and discuss current issues.

The work in the OSCE and the Parliamentary Assembly rests on the European security order and its broad concept of security. There are three pillars. The first is politics and security. The second is economy and climate. The third is human rights and democracy. The OSCE-PA works to promote conflict resolution, democratic societal development, and the principles of the rule of law through dialogue.

The Swedish delegation has a fantastic reputation within the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. The Swedish delegation is known for working purposefully, contributing to the activities, and upholding the OSCE-PA's core values. This also applied to the 2023 operational year. From what I understand, this also applies to how the situation looks today.

The parliamentary assembly meets three times a year for assembly meetings: a winter meeting, always in Vienna, a summer meeting in a member country, and an autumn meeting in a member country. I would like to see Sweden host a member meeting in the near future, if a time can be found, as it is a good way for us to showcase our Swedish society. It is also a good way to welcome parliamentarians from 57 countries to the Swedish Riksdag or some other arena where we will be.

Within OSCE, there are naturally more activities than these. Let me mention the Mediterranean Forum, where the Mediterranean countries meet regularly, but also an ad hoc committee on counter-terrorism and an ad hoc committee on migration. These were the committees that existed in 2023. In addition, seminars, working groups, study visits, operational visits, conferences, and meetings are organized where parliamentary diplomacy is expressed, all in an effort to move forward in the work for OSCE's pillars.

I want to mention what is undoubtedly the OSCE-PF's major flagship: election observations. For a parliamentary organization, it is obvious that election observations are important. It is about democracy. It is about opportunities for people to vote but also to engage and express their political opinion. During 2023, the OSCE's parliamentary assembly observed the parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan, the parliamentary and presidential elections in Turkey, the parliamentary elections in Poland, and the parliamentary elections in Serbia. I hope there can be more election observations, because significantly more elections were held during 2023 than the assembly observed, which I think is unfortunate.

I was the president of the Assembly for two years. I was elected in 2021 and re-elected in the summer of 2022. After two years, the maximum period according to the statutes, I resigned as president. My absolute priority as president was that the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly should focus on Russia's illegal war against Ukraine.

It was an easy task to gather the assembly. The assembly's member states have distanced themselves from Russia's war since the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014.

When Russia launched its war on February 24, 2022, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly was holding its winter meeting in Vienna. Those of us who were present will remember this day with horror. The head of the Ukrainian delegation, Mykyta Poturaiev, enters and says: The war is here. We are under attack.

It was also a day that demonstrated the strength of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. Delegation after delegation condemned the war and wanted to hold Russia accountable. The Russian delegation chair and the Belarusian delegation chair naturally knew what was going to happen. They were cowardly, as they were not present personally but participated via web. They knew nothing of the war. But the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly stood firm and stands firm for Ukraine's right to its territory and its integrity.

I had a few additional priorities during my presidency that I want to mention here. It was to prevent conflicts, to work for peace, to find solutions and to contribute as a parliamentarian to this. But it is difficult.

We all know that once a conflict has occurred, it is difficult to find an end to it. Therefore, the preventive work is important. It is about working with early warning systems and preventive conflict management. But it is also about trying to look further ahead and working towards this. What remains after a war?

I had further questions on the agenda, and I am keeping the focus on Ukraine. I appointed a special representative for parliamentary diplomacy. The person failed completely. It was not because the person was a failure, but because Russia was not interested in conducting any kind of dialogue at all.

I appointed a special representative for war crimes. It is important to do what can be done also from the parliamentary side so that war crimes are documented.

I appointed a special representative for political refugees. Here I am thinking of a person who is arrested and imprisoned because he spoke critically about Putin's war in Russia, Vladimir Kara-Murza. He is still imprisoned.

I had also appointed a special representative for Central Asia. It is important that we do what we can to show and include the countries that are geographically far away from Vienna and Copenhagen, where the OSCE PF's secretariat is located.

The ad hoc committee on migration had been tasked with working on the migration issue related to Ukraine. Also, the three committees worked from a Ukrainian perspective. The absolutely most important issue within the OSCE was to support Ukraine's right to exist and right to its territory.

I did more than that during my presidency. I mentioned including Central Asia and Mongolia. I have visited there and contributed to the countries meeting, meeting, discussing, and laying out plans for how the countries can cooperate.

I was the first president to visit Turkmenistan and there arranged a conference specifically so that the countries' delegations would meet.

I introduced a climate perspective with a special representative for the introduction of Agenda 2030 and for how OSCE can work with climate issues from a security perspective.

Gender issues are important. OSCE delegates are not appointed by the OSCE but by the national parliaments. The proportion of female delegates is approximately 23 percent. That was the case at the end of 2023. At most, the proportion of female delegates has reached 28 percent. It is important that female delegates are included. If we are to have a lasting peace, both women's and men's perspectives are needed.

I have also ensured that it became a youth network. Young people are common here in Sweden's parliament. We know it is important. Young people provide an additional dimension. But within the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, there were few young people. There were more of the gray temples, which I myself have.

The youth network was started. It has now appointed its own board. It works with education and network building. What I conveyed throughout my entire time was: Do not only build your network within the youth network. Also ensure that you are active in the parliamentary political groups. It is in the political groups that the political work is carried out.

Another question that was important to me was the cooperation within NB8 and that we should build on it and stick together. By cooperating, we can get our perspective across.

I am exceeding my allotted speaking time, excuse me, Madam Speaker.

I resigned as president, and a new president was elected. It was Pia Kauma from Finland. I am also pleased that Sweden continues to be represented at the highest levels within the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. Johan Büser from the Socialdemokraterna was elected as treasurer.

Let me say a few words about the two motions being dealt with in the report before I move on. One concerns the Moscow Mechanism. It is a motion from Vänsterpartiet regarding hbtqi persons and the hbtqi movement.

First and foremost, I think it is a pity that the motion is included in the processing of the committee report. The committee report concerns the Swedish parliamentary delegation's account. The Moscow mechanism is on the government side within the OSCE. It is nothing that the parliamentary side has any possibility of influencing, Mr. Speaker.

The Moscow mechanism has been triggered a number of times. The Moscow mechanism was established in 1991. It was in order to be able to send experts to an area where a problem existed that was important to address, especially if it lay within the third dimension.

Sweden, together with other like-minded countries, activated the Moscow Mechanism regarding Russia's illegal war in Ukraine. It was to investigate war crimes and abuses in MR issues. It has now also been shown to have been significant for the ICC's work that there is documentation.

In 2023, Sweden actively worked for an activation of the Moscow Mechanism in Belarus due to the deteriorating situation for human rights.

There are more examples. In 2018, Sweden was one of 16 countries that activated the Moscow Mechanism due to the persecution of LGBTQI persons in Chechnya.

I can very well see that it is an important mechanism that it is necessary to continue to establish on the government side. It is important to seek cooperation with other countries here. If a single country drives the issue, it is not possible to get it through. There must be more who cooperate.

There is also a motion that has been raised by the Sweden Democrats regarding the persecution of minorities and for specific support for Christians. It is an issue that I also work with within the parliamentary assembly. There is a specific representative here, Senator Ben Cardin from the USA, who has worked extensively with religious minorities and highlighted these.

There are also motions raised in the third committee regarding religious minorities. I would like to say that it is an issue that is important within OSCE. On the government side, there is ODIR, the organization for democracy and human rights that works with minority issues, and among those are religious rights. The issue is on the table for both the parliamentary assembly and the government side. The committee moves to reject the motions.

Mr. Speaker! I know that I have exceeded the allotted speaking time, but I take that liberty. It is the last time that I speak in this context, and I would like to express a number of thanks.

I would first and foremost like to thank the OSCE delegation for the support I have experienced during my entire time as president and for the good cooperation we have had. It has been extremely important for me as president to know that I have the Swedish support with me. Thank you!

I also want to thank the secretariat, and in that regard, I am thinking of the delegation secretary Fredrik Svensson, who has worked tirelessly and been committed to supporting the delegation in its work. I also want to thank Simona De Ciutiis and Lena Hemlin for their work in serving, ensuring that trips have been booked, ensuring that there is supporting material, and that everything functions ahead of the election observations.

I want to extend a special thanks to Jonathan Demner, who was my advisor during my time as president. He is a fantastic person. He was very young when he took office, and I can say now that I was a bit skeptical then. But, Mr. Speaker, that was quickly replaced by great joy and confidence. Jonathan Demner proved to have a sense of political tact. He is very alert and engaged and has an ability to discuss and find solutions. He ensured that my mandate as president functioned. A big and warm thank you to Jonathan Demner! I wish him all the best in his continued career. He can go just as far as he wants to.

Mr. Speaker! I also want to thank the Riksdag Administration in general for the support I have received as president. It was extremely necessary and important, because it is not possible to be president for an assembly with 57 participating countries without having the support of the national parliament with you.

I sincerely hope that I have done my best to support peace and security within the OSCE's region and that I have been a good representative for Sweden's parliament. I wish the delegation continued success in your important work. I follow you online!

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Johan Büser (S)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you to Margareta Cederfelt for the work you put into the Swedish OSCE delegation during your years there! Thank you also for good cooperation and for pushing forward common delegation issues of value for the Swedish delegation!

Today's debate concerns the past financial year of the Swedish OSCE delegation, but of course also a look forward. As has been said here, we are very pleased to have a very active Swedish delegation - active both in meetings, in election observations, and so on.

OSSE is the world's largest regional security organization with 57 member states in Europe, the Caucasus, Central Asia and North America. The view on security is broad and is based on three dimensions: a security policy, an economic and environmental, and the dimension of democracy and human rights. It is, quite simply, the idea of the European security order.

The challenges for OSCE regarding these issues are, as we know, many. Russia's war in Ukraine is now in its third year. During the past year, we have seen a worrying development in Armenia and Azerbaijan, not least in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The climate challenge continues to demand a policy for this. Not least, we also see a regression for both democracy and human rights in many of OSCE's member states.

Mr. Speaker! Russia's war in Ukraine continues. We Social Democrats advocate for continued strong Swedish support for Ukraine. This applies, of course, also in the OSCE, and we will continue to advocate for it until the last Russian soldier has left Ukraine's territory. No state within the OSCE may take it upon itself to attack another country. It is a clear violation of the European security order when one does so. The war that is now raging in our neighborhood is an existential issue for Ukraine, but also for us. It is also a decisive issue for respect for our common norms, our institutions, and international law.

Still, no end to the war seems to be in sight. The war is the greatest political change since the fall of the wall, and in addition to enormous human suffering, the war contributes to a significantly more insecure world, also outside our immediate vicinity.

Within the OSCE's Parliamentary Assembly, we stand united in the condemnation of the war and of the responsibility that Russia and Belarus have for this war. We stand in strong solidarity with our Ukrainian parliamentary colleagues in the OSCE, and we stand together for the Ukrainian people's right to peace and freedom.

Another war that is ongoing is the one in the Middle East, and even though Israel and Palestine are not formally member states of the OSCE, we all have an obligation to act in that matter, regardless of where in the world we are located or which seat we sit on. After Hamas's brutal attack on October 7 and the hostage-taking, which is still ongoing, a war is being fought in Gaza, where Israel now has a very large responsibility for all those thousands of innocent civilians who have been killed.

Furthermore, the humanitarian situation is appalling. Emergency aid does not reach in a sufficient extent and is even sometimes stopped at the border. The Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court announced this week that he believes an arrest warrant should be issued against the leaders of Hamas and Israel. It is now important that the ICC continues to investigate war crimes and receives the support that the ICC deserves in its work of upholding international law.

The only way forward now is an immediate ceasefire, a negotiated two-state solution, and respect for international law. The Social Democratic-led government, as is well known, recognized the state of Palestine already in 2014, and in recent days, recognitions also came from Norway, Ireland, and Spain.

There is reason for initiative on this issue also in OSCE's parliamentary assembly. We Social Democrats demand that not only Israel, but also Palestine, should be included in OSCE's Mediterranean Forum going forward. This is something that my colleague Kadir Kasirga is driving together with us in the Social Democratic group in OSCE ahead of our summer meeting.

Mr. Speaker! During my years in OSCE, I have visited Georgia several times. Most recently in January, the entire Swedish delegation made a visit to the country. Like Ukraine, Georgia has been hit by Russian aggression. 20 percent of Georgia's internationally recognized territory is de facto controlled by Russia today.

We had the opportunity to visit the administrative boundary line in South Ossetia together with the EU's crisis management task force. When it was announced some time ago that Georgia was granted candidate status for the EU, many of us were happy about this news at the time and saw a Georgian future in the EU. The support for this among the Georgian people is also strong.

But unfortunately, there is now reason to feel a very strong concern for the development in the country. A so-called foreign agents law is being discussed and is close to being implemented. Much indicates that it will be adopted shortly. Extensive protests have taken place in the country, and we see a very repressive and authoritarian development right now.

Yesterday, I had the privilege of meeting the organization Kvinna till Kvinna here in the Riksdag, and they were able to tell about a strong pressure on organizations that work for human rights, such as minorities' rights, women's rights, and hbtqi-persons' rights. One example of this repression is that healthcare personnel, according to a bill, shall be able to deny hbtqi-persons the opportunity for basic healthcare. There is therefore reason for us to follow this worrying development further.

One of the proposals that we Social Democrats are pushing together with the Left Party and the Green Party here today is that Sweden should work towards the so-called Moscow Mechanism being invoked when threats against LGBTQI persons are considered imminent, as in Georgia.

The Moscow Mechanism is an instrument that gives the OSCE the opportunity to send a rapporteur to a member state if it is judged that a particularly serious threat exists to the fulfillment of any of the commitments that the respective country has made regarding democracy and human rights.

Mr. Speaker! Democracy and human rights are also one of the most important issues for the Swedish people as the EU elections are now approaching. This week, early voting opened. We see how democracy and human rights are challenged in many European countries that are also member states within OSCE. Only eight countries in the world have full press freedom. We see threats to democracy also here at home with other states that want to interfere in our affairs, but we also see it internally with increased terror threats. We also see troll armies that are subsidized by Sweden's second-largest party. It is also a democracy problem that we need to address and that threatens the free democratic conversation.

Mr. Speaker! Margareta Cederfelt mentioned an important part of OSCE's activities, namely our election observations. She also mentioned the election observations we have carried out during the year in Kazakhstan, Turkey, Poland, and Serbia. 2024 is also an intensive election year. For my part, I have the ambition to observe the very interesting elections later this year in Moldova, Georgia, and the USA.

Mr. Speaker! I began my speech by stating that the challenges within OSCE as an organization are significant, and I exemplified this with Russia's war in Ukraine, the developments in Georgia, as well as the regression for democracy and human rights. Even though the challenges are great, OSCE is a unique forum for discussions and negotiations on regional security that in the long term can work to restore the European security order and respect for international law, humanitarian law, and human rights. Therefore, the Swedish membership and the work in this organization is and remains important.

I would like to conclude by moving for approval of the Social Democrats', Left Party's, and Green Party's joint reservation number 2 on the Moscow Mechanism. I would also like to thank the Swedish OSCE delegation and our secretariat for the past year and take the opportunity to wish you all a very nice summer soon.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Mr. Speaker! As has been shown, this is a report that concerns not only the OSCE delegation's account but also the government's communication regarding the activities in the Organization for Security and Co-operation during the full year 2022 and the first half of 2023. It is therefore a combined report, and that is how the committee often handles this type of issue. We try to coordinate the government's view of the work with the actions of parliamentarians in the parliamentary assemblies. It is, of course, very good when it is done.

OSSE is, as appears from the report and also from the debate, the world's largest regional security organization. It is interesting that next year we will experience the 50th anniversary of the Helsinki Accords, which Finland will lead. The hope had been that it could be a grand celebration of an organization that has built security, that has built structures that have been respected and that has prevented war and conflicts on our continent.

Unfortunately, however, that is not the case. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 clarified what we should have seen and what OSCE should also have seen earlier, namely what happened in Georgia in 2008. It was the start of the grip that Russia presented to us all. We thought it was an exception that confirmed OSCE's rules. But it was no exception. We could have seen it coming in 2014, but again Europe thought it was probably an exception and looked at how peace could still be maintained. We did not want to see.

I hope that we do not now end up in a situation where we once again choose to look away and not see what is actually happening. Russia is engaged in an invasion - a brutal assault on Ukraine's independence, the Ukrainians' freedom, and the Ukrainians' dreams. They are disturbed every night and many times a day by air raid sirens and attacks. One must consider how to meet this. It is a new architecture that Russia will not be a part of, as it looks, for a long time to come. I think it is important to reflect on and have a debate about this.

We have known from previous debates that Russia tried to take the fight against the three dimensions. They wanted it to basically only be about security policy and that one should not engage in environmental issues. Above all, one should not discuss the third dimension at all, which concerns democracy and human rights. Russia was, of course, a major target for various viewpoints from the OSCE but also from a long line of other organizations and countries.

It is important for the Swedish delegation, for the government, and for Sweden to ensure that in the structure that we still live in, albeit with a good deal of challenges, we retain all three dimensions and do not give up, for example, democracy and human rights.

I hear what is being said in the debate, even if not in the report as such, regarding Georgia. I must, Mr. Speaker, be clear: Georgia has been occupied since 2008. I have been there several times. I have followed Georgia, and I must urge my colleagues to see that the Tskhinvali region is part of Georgia. South Ossetia is something else. In Georgian geography, the Tskhinvali region, just like Abkhazia, is part of Georgia. It is important to still assert that. We recognize neither annexations nor occupations.

However, this was not my main question here. I think it is interesting, Mr. Speaker, to raise the discrimination of Christians but also of other religious minority groups. What is happening in our countries is actually that people are pointing fingers at each other. We have Shiites who are portrayed as dangerous groups, and we have Muslims who are pointed out as dangerous groups. These are religious minorities in our countries.

If we mean it when we say that we stand up for and demand that the persecution of Christians, which is de facto ongoing, be addressed, we must also see what is happening among ourselves and how we act towards religious minorities. Then I am not only thinking of many of the small Christian minorities and churches that are being tried to be strangled and banned. I am also thinking of other religious minorities among our 57 member states. We must practice what we preach. I hope that everyone who drives those issues is prepared to do so.

Mr. Speaker! I move for the proposal in the report to be approved.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Initially, I would also like to take the opportunity to thank Margareta Cederfelt for her time as president and in the delegation. I would also like to thank the entire delegation for the past year.

Mr. Speaker! Especially in these times, we see how important OSCE's task is. We live in an increasingly restless time. The number of countries with governments that can be considered authoritarian is increasing. And we see a clear democratic regression all around the world. Even democracies are hit today by hard pressure from authoritarian governments.

I therefore want to take this opportunity to highlight the importance of what we do in this delegation and what OSCE as an organization is engaged in. It is about the importance of participating as election observers and in other ways contributing to the work to counter the authoritarian tendencies we see. We shall, in particular, take a stand against Russia and, of course, their close ally Belarus.

Mr. Speaker! There are several of us, especially in this delegation, who have on several occasions met the legitimate president of Belarus, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, when she has participated in various international gatherings, including OSCE sessions. Most recently this week, she was visiting here in Sweden.

Just a few days ago, I had the privilege, in my capacity as chair of the Swedish delegation to the Council of Europe but also as a member of this OSCE delegation, to host a lunch with Svetlana Tikhanovskaya and her ambitious delegation. Views were raised, and requests were presented.

Like at previous meetings, we see that the democratic forces in Belarus, which Svetlana Tichanovskaja represents, are concrete when they express their needs. No one can lose sight of their energetic work to best represent the people in Belarus and work to give them the democracy they deserve. Against this background, we must do our part of the work. We must together do our utmost so that they receive the tools they need to be able to continue their important struggle against the oppressive regime.

I therefore want to take this opportunity to extend my hand and clearly signal my will that we, as a delegation and also in the Nordic-Baltic circle, shall work together and once again act so that those who today represent Belarus in the assembly are suspended. The Lukashenko regime is illegitimate. It is also the dictator's representative. If Belarus is to have a representation in this assembly, it should be representatives for the democratic opposition, not for the dictatorship.

Mr. Speaker! In this debate, I also want to address what was mentioned in the previous speech: the increasing discrimination of Christians and naturally also other religious minorities within the OSCE's 57 participating states.

There are extensive testimonies regarding this problem, which has also grown in scope. It is a direct consequence of the establishment of mosques and schools with links to the rapidly growing Wahhabist belief within Islam. It has its epicenter in Saudi Arabia, which also often finances these. The result has sadly been that people, despite the theoretical existence of religious freedom in their countries, do not dare to show which belief they actually hold, for fear of negative consequences and reprisals.

Mr. Speaker! We Sweden Democrats have, as is well known, raised this issue in many different contexts and for many years. But we have also, within the framework of the work in the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, proposed a resolution to highlight, condemn, and address the discrimination of Christians and other religious minorities that is currently spreading in several member states.

The resolution was adopted in 2019 by the assembly and became part of the final document from the Luxembourg meeting. There, all participating states of the OSCE are urged to take into account and take measures against the increasing discrimination of Christians and adherents of other minority beliefs.

Against this background, we believe that the government, within the framework of OSCE's third dimension, should actively work to place a particular focus on precisely this area.

Mr. Speaker! In conclusion, I would like to move for the approval of the Sweden Democrats' reservation number 1. And I would like to thank you again for the past year.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Carina Ödebrink (S)

Mr. Speaker! I have some reflections and a question for Member Wiechel.

Sweden and the Swedish OSCE delegation have been clear in their position regarding Ukraine. We have been clear, and we continue to be clear. Crucial to whether Ukraine will win the war against Russia is the support of the international community and primarily the EU and the USA - militarily, economically, and humanitarily.

It is crucial that we are able to maintain a united front against Russia's authoritarian dictator Putin. It is also crucial that we can hold out, or as the Prime Minister expressed it in yesterday's debate: Nothing is more important than the consensus on the support for Ukraine.

The Liberal Party's party leader clearly expressed that support for Ukraine must increase.

The Sweden Democrats have also stated this. At the same time, the Sweden Democrats and the Sweden Democrats' party leader have expressed opinions that there is an upper limit to the support for Ukraine. Jimmie Åkesson has said that ammunition is very expensive. Billions are blown away every week, and yet it is difficult to measure up to the strength Russia has.

What does Markus Wiechel say about where the upper limit is for the member of parliament and for the Sweden Democrats?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you for the question, Carina Ödebrink!

We have been extremely clear on this issue. From day one, actually before the brutal invasion, we have stood on Ukraine's side. We were the first party in the Swedish Riksdag to advocate that Sweden should send weapons to Ukraine, even before the Russian invasion. We still stand for them getting everything they need, if we can provide the military resources.

It is quite tiresome that the opposition in Swedish politics tries to pretend to be something else. Everyone here in the Swedish Riksdag is today united on the issue of support for Ukraine. Then, of course, there are differences. But in that case, the Sverigedemokraterna stand on the side that wants to give more and not less to Ukraine. The Socialdemokraterna resisted for a very long time.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Carina Ödebrink (S)

Mr. Speaker! Member Wiechel used my question incorrectly. The question was about, among other things, the support, which can be military and economic. But we within the OSCE delegation established at the summer meeting in Vancouver in a number of clauses the importance of continuing to contribute to supporting children and women, to supporting reconstruction, to supporting reconstruction of education systems, and so on.

I actually do not think that Markus Wiechel answers my question. We in this chamber are in agreement and have been the whole time, but what signals does it send when Sverigedemokraternas foremost representative says that there is an outer limit to what we can support Ukraine with? That question was not answered by Member Wiechel. What signals does it send and what consequences can it have when one goes out and says such things? It is Sverigedemokraterna who are becoming very unclear in this context. I would like to have an answer to that, thank you.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Mr. Speaker! I must apologize if I was not clear. An upper limit exists within all policy areas, otherwise we could, for example, send the entire military capability we have in Sweden - everything we have - to Ukraine.

I would have liked to send very much to Ukraine. I would have liked to send our entire military, but we do need our own military. It therefore falls on its own absurdity that we should not have an upper limit. We simply do not have everything to give.

What the Sweden Democrats have said, on repeated occasions, is that Ukraine shall receive as much as we in Sweden can spare. Our support for Ukraine shall be there as long as they need it and until the last Russian soldier has left the country, just as the member's party colleague said.

Furthermore, I have also repeatedly in various contexts here in the Riksdag and other assemblies clarified our position regarding the support for Ukraine in relation to other parties. There are also AI reviews that show that Sverigedemokraterna is the party that most clearly and most stands on Ukraine's side. Those who stand least on Ukraine's side tend to be the parties to the left in Swedish politics, primarily Vänsterpartiet and then Socialdemokraterna. One only has to look at these different examples. I understand that the member wants to create a different picture of reality in this building. It is quite obvious, but it does not work. Sadly, it sends very strange signals to the Russian dictator that Carina Ödebrink spoke about.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Mr. Speaker! OSCE is an important organization for peace and security and one of the world's largest regional security organizations with 57 participating states in Europe, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and North America. OSCE works to promote security and stability in the region and focuses on security policy, economy, environment, democracy, and human rights. The organization's particular strength lies, among other things, in its wide circle of participating states. It is important that Sweden continues to prioritize issues within OSCE that are linked to the European security order, democracy, freedom, human rights, and equality.

It is good that we as a country have contributed to placing the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine high on the OSCE's agenda. While this war, which violates international law, continues, we must continue to support the people of Ukraine in every possible way until Ukraine again has control over its own territory and the Russian aggressors have been expelled. We must also do everything we can to exert pressure on Putin and Russia, including tougher sanctions, to end the war.

It is not possible to talk about peace and security without mentioning the terrible war that is ongoing in Gaza. The humanitarian catastrophe is enormous with thousands of killed civilians, vulnerable women and children, destroyed hospital buildings and a huge shortage of all supplies. It is pleasing that several countries have recently decided to recognize the State of Palestine, just as Sweden did already in 2014. It is a valuable contribution to strengthening the Palestinian people's position and putting pressure on Israel for an immediate ceasefire.

I also note that the prosecutor at the international court has decided to issue an arrest warrant against Netanyahu and Hamas leaders for war crimes. This should cause our government to finally act more forcefully to put an end to the war.

Sweden must also in the future be a strong voice for human rights, democracy and the principles of the rule of law, especially in a situation where these are being challenged in several of the participating states in the OSCE.

One of OSCE's most important tasks is to participate in election observations. OSCE's independent election observations are of great importance in order to be able to determine whether an election has been free and fair. It is important that Swedish members continue to be active in this work. OSCE also enjoys great confidence when it comes to precisely election observations.

It is good that Sweden, together with others, has taken the initiative to activate the Moscow Mechanism and has produced several reports on violations of and abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law. It concerns suspected war crimes and other serious international crimes in Russia and also in Belarus, including the kidnapping of Ukrainian children to Russia.

I also hope that the OSCE can become more actively involved in the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Armenia has taken important steps towards democracy, but the challenges are many and the country needs our support. Azerbaijan, on the other hand, is moving in a more authoritarian direction.

It is important to develop cooperation with civil society organizations and support these, especially in countries moving in an undemocratic direction, but also in other countries that are part of the OSCE. This primarily concerns organizations that work for human rights, democracy, the rights of women and hbtqi persons, as well as environmental organizations.

For Vänsterpartiet, the right to express one's sexuality and gender identity on one's own terms is a matter of fundamental human rights, regardless of where in the world one lives. No state can, with reference to history, culture, religion, and so on, claim that these rights do not encompass all its citizens.

The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe is a good arena where Sweden can promote LGBTQI issues. In the parliament, there are both countries that have come a long way and countries that lag far behind. But open discrimination of LGBTQI persons also occurs on our own continent. When nationalistic and right-wing populist forces gain ground, the right to one's own sexuality and identity is challenged. We do not forget, for example, the publicized, horrific crimes against homosexuals in Chechnya, where OSCE also sent an expert mission to map and highlight these crimes.

We think that the Sverigedemokraternas Björn Söder has been elected as chairman of the Swedish delegation to the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly is directly inappropriate. Sweden should lead the way in the defense of human rights and minority rights. A chairman for the Swedish delegation should therefore stand up for minority rights, not attack them.

Within the OSCE, there is a reporting system for hate crimes, which includes crimes against LGBTQI persons. Sweden should work to ensure that the Moscow Mechanism is invoked when the risk of threats against LGBTQI persons and the LGBTQI movement is considered imminent. Sweden should also work to ensure that OSCE cooperation also covers LGBTQI issues.

I move for approval of reservation number 2, which we have together with the Social Democrats and the Green Party.

In conclusion, I would like to thank Margareta Cederfelt for her fantastic work as president of the OSCE. I have not been part of the delegation, but on several occasions when I was deputy speaker I have encountered Margareta in various international contexts and seen what great work she did as chair. Thank you for that!

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! We have gathered here tonight to debate the Foreign Affairs Committee's report on the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE. Most of it has already been said by my pleasant colleagues during the debate, but I also intended to say a few words.

The organization was formed in 1975, during the Cold War, and has had a decisive significance - not least regarding, for example, the work for security and safety in the former Yugoslav republics after the Balkan War.

In addition to OSCE having been crucial in the work for peace and human rights after the fall of the wall, the organization today also functions as a guarantor or even a bodyguard when it comes to democracy – the democracy that we in Sweden have often taken for granted. This is done through all its election observations but above all by standing guard over human rights and by being able to activate different mechanisms when human rights are violated.

A major advantage of the OSCE compared to many other organizations is that decisions such as resolutions and others are usually passed by a simple majority, which means that no single country can block decisions regarding, for example, human rights.

Mr. Speaker! When democracy is in retreat in several countries and respect for human rights is diminishing, organizations such as the EU and OSCE become an increasingly important counterforce that stands up for democracy, peace, and human rights. One example of this, which has also been mentioned earlier in the debate, is the events of recent weeks in Georgia.

Another example is, of course, when LGBTQI rights are questioned, opposed, or in some cases even rolled back. OSCE has a mandate to stand up for these rights as well, and we want, together with the Social Democrats and the Left Party, that the Moscow Mechanism be invoked specifically when LGBTQI persons or LGBTQI movements are threatened. I therefore move for approval of reservation 2.

Mr. Speaker! Speaking of these rights, the election to the European Parliament is in a couple of weeks, and yesterday RFSL released its report on how different Swedish parties act in LGBTQI issues and how much they stand up for LGBTQI rights. All parties except one receive over 80 points on a hundred-point scale. The Sweden Democrats receive 38 points. Given how important it is that the OSCE also stands up for LGBTQI rights, it is worrying and perhaps even inappropriate that the Swedish delegation is led by a Sweden Democrat. I do not intend to say much more than that about it.

I also want to thank Margareta Cederfelt for all the work she has done for OSCE.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Arin Karapet (M)

Mr. Speaker and honorable colleagues! Let me first thank my colleague Margareta Cederfelt, who is now leaving the OSCE delegation to become chairperson and head of delegation for the Swedish IPU delegation. I, who was previously chairperson for the Swedish IPU delegation, have been group leader for the Moderaterna in the Swedish OSCE delegation since the beginning of December.

Mr. Speaker! My experience of OSCE is not so long, but I will acquire more experience. I have previously sat in IPU and in PACE. OSCE is an organization that has great significance. In the Swedish IPU delegation and in PACE, we have had respect for one another. To have a reservation where one points out a member as directly unsuitable does not belong in the chamber. That discussion can be taken in other forums, between our group leaders. But I do not want to keep on politicizing. The world does not revolve around the Riksdag building, but the Riksdag is a part of the world. There are more important things to discuss than what I just brought up.

Mr. Speaker! I have [come] from Armenia, and OSCE has been of great importance for this small former Soviet country. In the Minsk Group, one tried to solve a conflict with political means. Unfortunately, one did not succeed, but one tried for over two decades before Azerbaijan attacked Nagorno-Karabakh and displaced 120,000 Armenians.

It was said here that we should not only talk about Christians but about all religious minorities. I agree with that. We see how antisemitism is spreading in Sweden and Europe. But we must also dare to talk about when 1,700-year-old churches and stone crosses are destroyed. The condemnations of this must be equally strong. When we talk about the southern Caucasus, it is not just about two or three former Soviet countries, but about European history. They were among the first countries to adopt Christianity. It does not matter whether one is a believer or not. It is about our historical heritage, for example, the world's oldest wine cellar. These countries lie between three countries with imperialist ambitions: Russia, Iran, and Turkey. The Caucasian countries stand in the way of three countries with great power ambitions.

Mr. Speaker! The good thing about organizations like the OSCE is that we get closer to the world. At the European level, we talk about how we should get countries to become part of the European family. We talk about Ukraine's right to its freedom, its territory, its democracy, and its self-determination. We meet Ukraine in, among other places, the OSCE. Moldova has the same right to its independence, and here Russia tries to exert influence through proxies and various political parties.

This can remind us in the EU that we are too slow; it takes too long. I share the concern over Georgia that Johan Büser and Kerstin Lundgren expressed. But it reminds us that we have given Russia time and space to position itself. It is not just about 2008. I can go back to when Saakashvili was ousted in the early 2000s. Even then, the Georgians stood up and said that Georgia would become a democracy.

When Eastern countries have tried to come to terms with their history, we have been late to the ball. Since 2018, Armenia has been making the journey Georgia made ten years ago. Of the six countries in the Eastern Partnership, Armenia is the country where it is going most in the right direction. In that case, it is important that one receives support. Let this be a reminder not to only talk about the European family in OSCE and IPU contexts. In the EU context, something is starting to happen, but it is taking too long.

Russia is also trying to influence the Balkans and divide Bosnia. I am incredibly happy that Bosnia is now a candidate country. It can put pressure on Serbia in the longer term. I am not hopeful, but we must put pressure.

If we are to seriously see a European family where there is peace and freedom and where people and not tanks move across the borders, we must remind ourselves that in the European family, where we can have the greatest influence, we must be quick on the ball.

Mr. Speaker! I truly look forward to the work in the Swedish OSCE delegation. Based on the short experience I have of working with Chairman Björn Söder and Vice Chairman Johan Büser, I am hopeful of being able to work in the same way as in the IPU delegation, where we had M, SD, S and MP represented. We were in good spirits, and when we left Sweden's borders, we worked for Swedish interests and stuck together from morning to night. I hope that I can take that experience with me into the Swedish OSCE delegation. Wherever we are - in Bucharest, Denmark or Vienna - we represent Sweden, and that is our primary duty.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Carina Ödebrink (S)

Mr. Speaker! I would like to begin by moving for approval of reservation 2.

As a member of the Swedish OSCE delegation, I would like to make some comments as we now consider the delegation's work during the past year.

The basis for democracy is about people's opportunity for free and fair elections. Therefore, the election observations are the core of the parliamentary assembly's mandate. But it is also about human rights regardless of gender, sexual orientation, faith, and ethnicity. It is about free media and a strong and free civil society.

This is not a given today. More and more people live in countries that are not counted as full-fledged democracies. What is now happening in Georgia is very worrying.

The Swedish delegation visited Georgia in January and met with political representatives from the government and the opposition, but what made the strongest impression on me were our meetings with civil society. Organizations for human rights, women's rights, and democracy and anti-corruption work face increasingly harsh repression and persecution. The population's support for belonging to the European community is massive, and strong popular protests are currently underway regarding the decision on the foreign agent law, taken from Russia, which hits civil society hardest.

Less than half a year ago, Georgia was granted candidate status for the EU. What is happening now goes against both an EU rapprochement and the explicit will of the population.

The parliamentary assembly has established a special support team for Ukraine, where I have the privilege of being the rapporteur for human rights. My focus is clear. It concerns Russia's kidnapping and deportation of Ukrainian children as well as gender-based violence against women and domestic violence.

Approximately 20,000 children in Ukraine are estimated to have been kidnapped and taken to Russian-controlled areas. Only a few of these have been able to be returned. According to Human Rights Watch, these children are subjected to double abuses: They are separated from their families and their country, but they are also deprived of their identity and their human rights through disinformation and propaganda.

Sweden stood behind the activation of the Moscow Mechanism last year to investigate and describe the abduction of the Ukrainian children. The report is a good basis for our further work.

Mr. Speaker! The challenges in Europe and the world are just as great today, if not greater, than when the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe was founded. We who act here and now have to stand up for what our predecessors established and the goals and commitments that the organization's 57 member states have agreed upon. Our mission stems from the people and the values and tasks that promote democracy, freedom, security, equality, and human rights.

The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe is not an organization for countries that think alike. It is an organization for countries that think differently but who think it is important that we have a platform where we meet.

Mr. Speaker! With this, I would like to thank Margareta Cederfelt for her efforts.

(Applause)

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(A decision was to be taken on 29 May.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.