Special debate on Sweden's support for Gaza

Janine Alm Ericson (MP)

Madam Speaker! We in Miljöpartiet requested this special debate on March 6. By then, the government had already paused development aid to Gaza and stopped the support to UNRWA. Since then, much has happened while at the same time far too little has happened.

Hamas's terrorist act was a horrific attack, a clear war crime and an immense tragedy that Israel has a legitimate right to defend itself against. But one war crime cannot legitimize another. Israel's right-wing nationalist government is deliberately preventing food and supplies from entering Gaza and saving lives.

Throughout this entire time, the world has been watching. The Swedish government's actions since October last year have been under scrutiny. During Palestine's most difficult time, the choice was made to withdraw support. Now we must do more to ensure that the aid reaches its destination. It is my hope that this debate will be about that.

In this speech, Jacob Risberg (MP) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! The reports tonight regarding attacks from Israel against Iran are very serious. The government is following the situation very closely, and it is naturally clear that de-escalation here is necessary.

The reports from Gaza affect us all. The humanitarian crisis is devastating, and the needs are acute and enormous. Tens of thousands of people, including many children, have been killed, and far more have been injured. The spread of infectious diseases continues to increase while the healthcare system is under severe pressure. Access to care is insufficient. Not least, it is deeply concerning that the risk of famine is acute in northern Gaza and that the entire population lives under alarming levels of food insecurity.

On Wednesday, the UN submitted an emergency appeal for further support to Gaza. The government is currently reviewing Sweden's possibilities to respond to this.

Madam Speaker! The Hamas terrorist attack on October 7 remains a trauma for Israel, for its population, and for Jews all over the world, including in Sweden. The terrorist organization Hamas started this war and bears a heavy responsibility for the situation in Gaza through its actions. The remaining hostages are judged to be held under horrific conditions. There is simply no doubt that this is a catastrophic situation that must change.

The government wants to see an immediate humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza. It is necessary to increase the delivery of humanitarian aid, which is needed now more than ever. A humanitarian ceasefire would also facilitate the beginning of a political process and enable the release of hostages. Security Resolution 2728 is clear in its demands for a ceasefire, release of hostages, protection of civilians, and increased humanitarian access. The resolution must be implemented.

Madam Speaker! Humanitarian access is crucial. Life-saving aid needs to reach across all of Gaza. The Government has therefore prioritized and actively been driving for this to happen since October. On a Swedish initiative, Sweden, together with about 30 EU countries, conducted a diplomatic outreach to urge Israel to increase humanitarian access to Gaza and enable better, safer, and sufficiently extensive humanitarian deliveries. Since then, the Government has continued to firmly convey to Israel, both bilaterally and together with other donors, that more must be done. As recently as last Friday, I and my Nordic ministerial colleagues made a joint statement on just this.

I welcome that Israel has announced its intention to open more border crossings for humanitarian aid and increase deliveries. But this must also be implemented, maintained, and followed by more measures.

Madam Speaker! Since October 2023, Sweden has increased its humanitarian support to Gaza by just over 400 million kronor as a supplement to the extensive core support that Sweden provides to several organizations on the ground, which has contributed to their life-saving work over the past half-year. According to the latest compilation from the EU, made earlier this week, this places Sweden among the five largest donors within the entire European Union of humanitarian support to Gaza since October 7 last year. On March 9, we also made a payment to UNRWA of 200 million kronor conditioned on written assurances from UNRWA directly to Sweden regarding increased transparency and tightened routines. Several other donors, for example Denmark and Finland, have followed our example.

We will carefully monitor that UNRWA carries out what has been promised. Further payments from Sweden will be based on progress being made with the measures that UNRWA has committed to implement to strengthen internal oversight, auditing, and control. It is about ensuring that Swedish aid funds always end up in the right hands with the hard-hit civilian population in order to reduce suffering and save lives in Gaza.

It is tragic and unacceptable that over 200 aid workers have been killed in Gaza. It is the highest number ever recorded. Humanitarian personnel from many countries are currently making incredibly important efforts. I want to thank them for their work. The government is working intensively to improve their conditions on the ground.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! First, a word on today's news regarding what is presumably an Israeli counterattack against Iran. Let us hope that this is the last of this type of direct confrontation we see between Israel and Iran and that all parties now take their responsibility to instead de-escalate the situation! The last thing we need right now is a major war. We, the rest of the world, must be able to concentrate on trying to resolve the dreadful situation prevailing in Gaza and the war between Israel and Hamas.

Madam Speaker! This special debate was requested a few weeks ago when the government still had frozen the payment of the support to UNRWA. We believe from the opposition's side that it was a completely unacceptable action, and we were strongly critical of it. It also subsequently led to Johan Forssell finally backing down and having to resume the support to UNRWA. Good. But it is not wise that children should have to starve to death before the government changes its position. That was actually exactly how it was.

The destruction of Gaza is enormous. Over 30,000 people are dead and the number of injured is at least twice as large, not to mention the psychological effects. We see an entire generation of children - perhaps 1 million children - who are losing the very desire to live. Unicef assessed three weeks ago that over 80,000 children in northern Gaza are now starving. It is likely that even more could be affected towards the summer.

Much of Gaza is already in ruins. It will become even worse if Israel defies an almost unanimous world and enters Rafah. But even if the war were to end tomorrow, the effects of this horrific war will echo for decades. We heard at a research seminar in the Foreign Affairs Committee yesterday that assessments are now being made that Gaza's economy cannot recover until 2092. So extensive is the destruction of Gaza right now. It is of catastrophic proportions.

In this situation, the Swedish government decides to de-prioritize aid to Palestine. Now, there is to be no longer a specific Palestine strategy regarding the aid, but now it shall be baked into the general Middle East strategy. We consider it to be completely the wrong way to go. To de-prioritize aid to Palestine in such a catastrophic situation is completely wrong. It sends a very unfortunate signal to the rest of the world that Sweden is turning its back on the Palestinians when they need this support the most. My question to the Minister in this debate is whether the government intends to reconsider the decision and once again prioritize increasing the aid to Palestine.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Madam Speaker! On the morning of October 7, over 1,400 Israeli civilians were murdered in a ruthless and utterly despicable attack carried out by the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas, which also kidnapped a large number of people. A number of them are still being held today under horrific conditions.

This attack, which was characterized by a rarely seen brutality and is additionally the bloodiest single attack against Israeli civilians since the Holocaust, is also the reason why we see the misery and the struggles that we see in Gaza today. It is important to remember this, for it is often forgotten in the ongoing debate. Hamas's act of terror is the very basis of the suffering that the people of Gaza are now forced to experience and the basis for why large parts of Gaza sadly lie in ruins. It is the terrorists' reckless and indescribable cruelty that deprives both life and health, and much more, from hundreds of thousands of people who want nothing more than to live normal lives in peace.

Madam Speaker! The most important thing we can do from a long-term perspective is to work to have the Palestinians liberated from the terrorists. They must be liberated from those who are so evil that they use civilian women and children as human shields in their fanatical struggle against Jews and against Israel, from those who are happy to sacrifice a school or two, a hospital or two, or human lives to make more people hate, just as they are doing.

As we have addressed several times before, the liberation must take place in accordance with international law, and Israel's legitimate response must take place in accordance with international law. With that said, we also see an enormous direct acute need to strengthen the humanitarian situation as well as send supplies to these civilian Palestinians. There is a need to work to, in consultation with Israel, guarantee immediate access for humanitarian aid and ensure the opening of more border crossings.

We have been clear about this from the Sweden Democrats, while at the same time we have defended Israel's fundamental and self-evident right to defend its country and its people.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! The situation in Gaza is catastrophic. Not since the Second World War have so many children, journalists, medical personnel, or UN employees been killed in a conflict as during the half-year-long conflict in Gaza. 70 percent of all buildings in Gaza are damaged or destroyed, and there are no safe places for those seeking shelter.

Israel's attack was a response to Hamas's bloody attack on Israeli civilians on October 7, an attack that I, of course, condemn strongly. But it does not justify Israel now punishing the entire Palestinian population so incredibly brutally. We must also not forget that history did not begin on October 7. It began long before then.

Since the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel has occupied the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem in violation of international law. More and more illegal settlements have been established, and the apartheid wall has been built. In the shadow of the Gaza war, the illegal settlers continue to attack, displace, and kill Palestinians in the West Bank while the Israeli military watches.

It is obvious that Israel has committed several serious war crimes. More than 33,000 dead, of whom 14,000 are children, clearly show that Israel is not protecting civilians as it is obliged to do according to the laws of war. It is clear that Israel is undermining the principles that the international community agreed upon after the Second World War. In January 2023, the International Court of Justice, ICJ, ordered Israel to, among other things, ensure the provision of humanitarian aid to civilians in Gaza, but the aid is not arriving and children are being killed now by starvation.

Despite reports streaming in about how Israel violates the laws of war, the Swedish government has not clearly condemned Israel. Instead, the government froze aid to Palestine in a situation where it was needed most. Freezing support to UNRWA, which is the only aid organization large enough and with enough personnel on the ground to make a difference, was deeply irresponsible and risked human lives. Freezing development aid to organizations that work for democracy, human rights, and equality was, of course, also wrong and catastrophic.

Now, the aid has been partially reinstated, but many question marks still remain regarding how it will be designed. What is clear is that the aid will be lowered when it instead should need to increase massively both to Gaza and Palestine. In the government's spring budget adjustment, an adjustment of the aid is being made. It concerns approximately 1.5 billion.

Vänsterpartiet argues that these are funds that could have gone directly to Gaza as a response to the distress call that has been sent out. The Swedish government has been too yielding despite the acute situation. I expect the government to openly support the International Court of Justice's work in investigating whether Israel has committed genocide. I expect the government to act to stop the war, demand a permanent ceasefire, and clearly condemn Israel's crimes against the laws of war.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Madam Speaker! This debate focuses on the humanitarian situation for the people in Gaza - the small area of land that houses over 2 million people on an area equivalent to approximately 25 percent of Öland.

70 percent of the buildings have been damaged or destroyed. Nearly 1.7 million are internal refugees and constantly on the run. The EU's foreign policy chief describes Gaza today as the world's largest graveyard. We hear children who wish they had died, who miss not only their family but also all hope, prepared to grow up with the goal of being able to exact revenge. As one sows, so shall one reap. This applies to both Israel and Palestine.

46 percent of children up to five years of age are expected to suffer from acute malnutrition within a few months. We hear reports of starvation. Children and women are hit hardest. They and we constantly hear about an imminent attack against Rafah, a catastrophe that some are trying to flee from, again northwards, but they are met with the message that it is a war zone.

Gaza is in ruins, and hope is in ruins. Those who will be able to testify to what has happened will be important for clarifying crimes against humanity and war crimes. This applies to actions committed both by Hamas with several terrorist organizations and by the IDF.

Madam Speaker! Hamas's terror attack against Israel on October 7 is undoubtedly condemned, as is the hostage-taking. They should have been released, even though nothing says that the Israeli leadership would have then ended the war against Hamas. The defensive war now tends to develop into a war against a future Palestinian state.

Centerpartiet demands a long-term humanitarian ceasefire to ensure that sufficient humanitarian aid reaches the aid workers who are to be able to operate throughout Gaza.

When it comes to UNRWA, the government has taken half a step forward. However, the image remains within the government base that UNRWA should be starved out and cease to exist to be replaced by others. But, Madam Speaker, UNRWA was created and has its mandate from the UN General Assembly in 1949 - an outcome of Folke Bernadotte's humanitarian efforts and his attempt to formulate a peace plan. UNRWA operates not only in Gaza but in the West Bank, in Jordan, in Lebanon and in Syria. There is no other UN body that wants or can take over the mission. The idea was that the organization should secure the refugees' situation pending a settlement for peace, including a solution for the refugees, compensation or the right to return.

Everyone who wants to see a sustainable solution and speaks of a two-state solution must realize that the issue of the refugees' rights is also included. Forces in Israel want to see UNRWA disappear, and an active campaign is being waged against UNRWA. If it succeeds, another light would be extinguished, a small hope for the future would die out, for all those who nevertheless see UNRWA as an international support for Palestinian refugees. The alternative, of course, would be that Israel, as an occupying power according to international law, must bear those costs fully, including the costs for reconstruction.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! On October 7 last year, innocent people in southern Israel were subjected to an indescribably brutal terror attack by Hamas and other Islamist groups. Without restraint, Israeli civilians were attacked in a pogrom where 1,200 people lost their lives, which is more than those who were murdered during Kristallnacht itself.

The nightmare is far from over for many Israelis, as more than 130 people are still being held as hostages in Gaza. Hamas has perfected its ability to mingle with civilians and thus shows an obvious indifference to Palestinian lives as they are used as human shields.

A ceasefire becomes a reality as soon as Hamas releases the hostages - a permanent one as soon as Hamas also lays down its weapons. With Hamas in power in Gaza, there will be no two-state solution. We also note that as recently as just a few days ago, Hamas again refused a ceasefire.

Israel has an absolute right to defend itself in accordance with international law and the principles of international law, but that is not the same as us unreservedly supporting everything that Israel does.

The suffering in Gaza is great. The distress is great. Israel needs to do everything to avoid the deaths of innocent people. This is a complete humanitarian tragedy, and it is of the utmost importance that swift, safe, full, and unimpeded humanitarian access is ensured and that humanitarian aid reaches people in need.

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Janine Alm Ericson (MP)

Madam Speaker! As many here have said, the need for humanitarian aid in Gaza is enormous. Every third child under two years old in northern Gaza is acutely malnourished, and children die daily from hunger and dehydration. We see this on the news and on our phones. The support for life-saving efforts such as food, clean water, and medical care simply must get through. If the aid is to save lives, it must reach its destination.

Today, Israel is actively and systematically preventing humanitarian aid from entering Gaza. They have shelled several humanitarian convoys and hungry and starving people who are desperately trying to receive food. This is a clear violation of international law, and the world must exert significantly harder pressure on Israel so that the aid can get through and lives can be saved.

The government chose to pause the aid to UNRWA, the organization that international observers have pointed out as the only one with the infrastructure to reach the civilian population with life-saving disaster relief, in the middle of the conflict in Gaza.

That UNRWA was the best suited organization for the mission was even something that the Foreign Minister stated in the foreign policy debate earlier today here in the Riksdag, but nevertheless, the government chose to pause the aid specifically there.

Now, thank goodness, the core support has been resumed, and Sida has reinstated parts of the development aid to Palestine. That is good, but the ambiguity in the government's policy continues. One says to work for a long-term peace and a two-state solution, but with the deprioritizations and reorganizations that have been made, the conditions are worsened for both Israeli and Palestinian human rights organizations to contribute to development and peace. This is also what Israeli peace and human rights organizations say.

If the aid is to be able to yield long-term results, the war and the occupation must cease. And for the war to cease, the rest of the world must exert significantly greater pressure on Israel. There is much to be done here.

We want the Swedish government itself or together with the EU to demand an immediate arms embargo, that trade with Israel be stopped, that the Swedish government direct sanctions against the settlers and that the government works for import restrictions. There is much that can be done.

At the same time as Gaza is being transformed into hell on earth, the violence and tensions on the West Bank are increasing. The settlement policy is harvesting lives and also lowering faith in the two-state solution. It is completely unacceptable.

I hope that the Swedish government, after an all too long passivity, can now find the courage to speak out for real and let the humanitarian aid come in.

(Applause)

In this speech, Jacob Risberg (MP) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Joar Forssell (L)

Madam Speaker! When Hamas started the war on October 7 with its pogrom, they did not care about the civilian Palestinians. When Hamas uses hospitals, schools, and residential buildings as human shields, they do not care about the civilian Palestinians. When Hamas holds, rapes, and systematically abuses hostages and thereby chooses to continue the war, they do not care about the civilian Palestinians.

Madam Speaker! The most decisive support that Palestine and the Palestinian civilians could receive is a neutralization of and a capitulation of Hamas. It is Hamas that occupies Gaza and holds the Palestinians in terror.

Madam Speaker! The situation in Gaza is appalling, and the humanitarian situation must urgently become much better. Every civilian casualty is a tragedy. That is why we from the Liberals and the entire government side demand unimpeded humanitarian access. That is why we have increased humanitarian aid. That is why we dare to speak openly about the major problems that UNRWA has and has had for a long time. It is also why we, as the entire government does, dare to speak about the fact that UNRWA must be restructured and reformed in the long term. Their mandate must be incorporated into other UN bodies, because the current structure does not work if we want to help the civilian population in Palestine.

Madam Speaker! This is a war with incredibly severe consequences for the civilian population, and I hope that we can achieve a negotiated peace. I hope that we see the hostages released, that Hamas surrenders, and that the humanitarian situation improves dramatically and soon.

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Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! Since Hamas's terrorist attacks on October 7, Sweden and the EU have stood behind Israel's legitimate right to defend itself. We have also been distinctly clear that this right must be exercised in accordance with international law, including humanitarian law.

Civilians must always be protected. Every innocent life spilled in the war is a tragedy. The demands for respect for international humanitarian law have been and continue to be one of the government's key messages, which we emphasize in our contacts with Israel.

Given the acute and enormous needs in Gaza, it is very good that new routes for the delivery of humanitarian aid are being explored. The work to establish a maritime corridor from Cyprus continues. Sweden is actively participating in the discussions on this both through our embassy in Cyprus and from Stockholm.

At the same time, there is no doubt that better access through established border crossings is what will make the greatest difference for people in great need. This is also something that World Food Programme's chief Cindy McCain particularly emphasized when she visited Stockholm at the end of March. It was also this that was behind the joint work that I myself took the initiative for in order to put harder pressure on Israel on this issue.

The government has since continued the dialogue with Israel regarding humanitarian access, bilaterally and together with other donors. As a major donor, Sweden takes a great responsibility to ensure that aid funds are used in the right way. This is the basis for why the government, in line with many other major donors, took the initiative for a review of the aid to Palestine. On the basis of this review, we have adopted a new strategy for development aid which presupposes that Sida addresses the deficiencies that have been discovered.

When it comes to the UNRWA support, it was important for us to ensure that our aid funds always go to the right things. UNRWA needed to take measures to tighten its control mechanisms before we made a decision; this became clear after the very serious allegations that were directed against some of the organization's employees and which are still being investigated by the UN.

On March 1, the EU Commission reached an agreement with UNRWA regarding strengthened oversight, scrutiny, and control. Sweden then took the initiative for its own agreement and had commitments bilaterally confirmed by UNRWA. We will now receive the same information as the EU Commission regarding the progress we hope UNRWA will make concerning control, independent audit, strengthened oversight, and external review of personnel.

Furthermore, UNRWA has confirmed that Swedish funding shall be protected in the same way as EU funding regarding the screening of personnel against the EU's sanctions lists. I personally had a conversation with UNRWA's chief, Philippe Lazzarini, about this, and I am pleased that we, as the first donor after the EU Commission, were able to reach such an agreement.

Our humanitarian support goes to the most vulnerable groups, with a focus on the situation and needs of women and children. It contributes to, among other things, acute medical care and social protection, as well as access to food, healthcare, psychosocial support, maternal care, water and sanitation. Sweden is also one of the world's largest donors to the UN's food program, which during the month of March, among other things, distributed 12 million hot meals in Gaza. We are also one of the largest donors to the UN Children's Fund, which during two weeks in March, for example, contributed to building 500 toilets in the overcrowded refugee camps in Gaza. These are important efforts in the work to make a difference for a civilian population that is having a very difficult time.

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! In my contribution, I asked Johan Forssell why the aid to Palestine is now being prioritized for reduction, and I do not think I received any answer to that. It is, however, a fact: Previously, there was a specific Palestine strategy within the aid, and now this is to be baked into the strategy for North Africa and the Middle East. Furthermore, the total amount is being lowered. Now we are not primarily talking about the humanitarian aid, but now we are talking about the development aid.

Everyone understands that there will be enormous needs in the future, both when it comes to rebuilding Gaza again - which it will take decades to do - and when it comes to strengthening the Palestinian Authority and Palestinian self-governance in the West Bank. In that situation, the government therefore chooses to de-prioritize the long-term support for Palestine, and my simple question is: Why does the government do so?

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Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! Yes, imagine if it were so simple that we could measure success in how many strategies we have or how many organizations we cooperate with! But it does not work that way in reality, only on paper. In reality, it is instead the results that count.

We have now adopted a completely new strategy for our aid, and it will place a much greater focus than before on, for example, private sector mobilization, entrepreneurship, business, and trade - but also on something that is in acute shortage in the region, namely democracy and human freedoms and rights. The scope of the country window is at the same level as it was last year, so there is no change in that part.

I envision that Sweden, both humanitarily and in our development aid, will make very important contributions to promote a long-term positive development for Palestine. The needs are enormous in a wide range of areas, and in those areas, Sweden will continue to work very actively.

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! I do not think one should mock in the way that Johan Forssell just did. I did not seek answers as to which strategies one has and how many, but it is about how one concentrates one's attention. If one has a focused strategy for Palestine, one shows that one takes this very seriously. If, on the other hand, one bakes it into other needs that exist in the region, one shows that one intends to de-prioritize it.

Furthermore, one is lowering the total sum; Johan Forssell cannot escape that. I would like to say that it is another mistake that has been made in the field of aid. It began with that the support for development aid was withdrawn in total. Then the support for UNRWA was withdrawn, and now one has additionally terminated all agreements with civil society and thus ended up on a collision course with the entire civil society, which carries out aid work in, among other places, Palestine.

Then Johan Forssell speaks about the need to develop entrepreneurship and trade, but it is only a smokescreen. As the situation looks right now, Gaza lies in ruins, Madam Speaker, and the legitimacy of the rule in the West Bank is being undermined. Here, the Swedish government unfortunately turns its back on the Palestinians.

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Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! I maintain that we cannot measure success in the number of strategies without looking at the content and the results. It is precisely that perspective that, unfortunately, has been absent in Swedish aid policy for so long, that is to say, the results.

The window for the country will be the same as last year. It is a reduction compared to the year before, which in turn was a reduction after the cut of aid to Palestine that the previous government made. We will continue to work in a new bilateral strategy, and we will invest large funds in this.

We are also working on something else that is absolutely crucial for us, namely ensuring that resources always end up in the right hands and never end up in the wrong hands. It may be the view on just this that is the great dividing line in this debate: We ensure that we have control mechanisms. It would naturally have been better if they had been in place earlier, and I regret that they were not. But now the government takes that responsibility and ensures that the mechanisms and the transparency are put in place.

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Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! More than 33,000 people have been killed, of whom 14,000 are children. Every day, ten children must have one or both legs amputated. Thousands of children are traumatized. At the same time, pregnant women are forced to undergo cesarean sections without anesthesia, and children are dying right now from starvation. It is estimated that 1.1 million people are at catastrophic levels of malnutrition in Gaza. The need for support is enormous.

Why did you discredit UNRWA and freeze the aid in the situation where it was needed most, Johan Forssell? Is the government prepared to provide extra aid funds to Gaza in the difficult situation that now prevails? And why do you not take the opportunity to use those funds - 1.5 billion - that you adjusted upwards in the supplementary budget? You could have sent them to Gaza. It would have been a good start.

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Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! I want to point out to Lotta Johnsson Fornarve that the humanitarian support to Gaza since Hamas initiated the war on October 7 has amounted to 400 million kronor in addition to the core support. It is an incredible mobilization of resources that has been made, and Sweden is today the fifth largest donor of humanitarian support to Gaza in the entire EU.

It is not just about how much money we spend on something, but we must also ensure that the money reaches its destination – that it does not end up in the wrong hands. We take, as a government, the very serious tasks that have emerged regarding UNRWA very seriously, and we are far from alone in doing so. Actually, all other major donors have reacted in the same way. This applies to the USA, France, Germany, Japan, Finland and many others.

Now we will ensure that these control mechanisms are put in place. We will also carefully read the UN report that we expect to arrive tomorrow, and after that, we are ready to make more long-term decisions.

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Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! The truth is that there was no clear evidence that UNRWA's employees had participated in Hamas's attack. And even if a few individuals had done so, it was completely irresponsible to punish the entire organization. To freeze the aid – for that is what you actually did, Johan Forssell – to the only organization that has personnel and sufficient resources on the ground to reach out was extremely irresponsible, and it risked human lives in the dreadful situation that Gaza was in.

In this acute situation, where UN experts warn that a genocide is taking place and where aid organizations lack words to describe the situation on the ground, the government is far too hesitant. Again: In the government's spring revision of the budget, an adjustment of 1.5 billion is made to the aid. Those funds you could have used to reduce the catastrophe in Gaza. If we had had any influence, we would have done so. Why did you not take that chance? Will the aid to Gaza and Palestine increase in the future?

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Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! Let me repeat once again that Sweden is the fifth largest donor of humanitarian aid in the entire EU circle since October 7 last year. It is clear that this means something. We have also been instrumental in bringing the EU circle together with demands that Israel must increase humanitarian access. I would actually say that this is the very greatest challenge right now. Much of not only our aid but also the aid from many other countries is not getting into the area. That is why it is so important to be able to use at least one additional border crossing, preferably in the northern parts of the country, so that the aid gets in.

It is also important, which I have touched upon several times, that we ensure the aid ends up in the right hands and does not end up in the wrong hands. I want to point out that the UN's investigation is still ongoing; one should perhaps be a bit cautious about drawing all too far-reaching conclusions before we have received it.

The Left Party also has its own history of exhibiting that type of problem with aid - and Swedish aid that has been channeled via the Left Party - which shows how badly it can go. We must learn from this.

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Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Madam Speaker! What the Minister says is entirely correct: One must see what emerges from the UN's investigation regarding UNRWA. It is crystal clear that if individuals were involved in the pogrom that took place on October 7, they must be punished. It is also natural that someone must bear responsibility for this, but it should not be the entire Palestinian population. UNRWA today serves approximately 5.6 million people, not only in Gaza but also in the West Bank and in Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon. Here, many are forced to bear the burden of the decision that may have been taken.

I wonder how the government views the alternative to UNRWA. How does one intend to replace UNRWA with someone else?

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Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! Sweden, along with a long row of other countries, decided to withhold further payments to UNRWA. France, Germany, USA, Japan, the Netherlands, Australia, Finland and several others chose to make similar decisions against the background that the allegations were serious and investigations were ongoing. It is quite unique that the UN itself initiates this type of investigation. We expect a report from Colonna tomorrow.

The discussion regarding the more long-term operations in the area is now being held among the EU's development ministers. One can imagine different alternatives in this. I believe that a very large part of the answer depends on how UNRWA itself chooses to handle the criticism and to introduce and implement the type of control mechanisms, auditing, and transparency that they have committed to.

We will await that type of insight and see how UNRWA chooses to act. Then, from the Swedish government's side, we will provide a statement on how we view the continuation.

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Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Madam Speaker! At the foundation of UNRWA lies the right of return. It is an unresolved issue following the formation of the State of Israel, when the Palestinian side chose to decline their state. Since then, 75 years have passed, and the question has not been resolved.

UNRWA came into existence as a result of Folke Bernadotte's work to find a peaceful solution to what unfolded in 1948. At its core lies a promise from the international community regarding the right to return or compensation. We have all asserted that it is part of a negotiated solution. For a government that, in its Middle East strategy, has a requirement for strengthened conditions for return, it would be reasonable to ensure and emphasize the importance of this being part of the overall solution for the region. The government says it wants a two-state solution.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! I actually have nothing to object to regarding the historical description that has been given here. One can simply note that it has been quite a long time – it is 76 years since the mandate arrived. We must always ask ourselves how organizations deliver and perform today. Are the goals that have been set achieved? Are the types of control mechanisms, scrutiny, and transparency that are needed present? UNRWA does not have any special solution here, but the same rules apply everywhere.

It would of course have been an advantage if this type of insight had existed earlier. I am proud that we now, as the first bilateral donor, have received these assurances from UNRWA, but we will very carefully follow up to ensure that they actually deliver what has been promised to us.

Connected to the more long-term issue, there are various proposals, including that UNHCR could take a greater responsibility. It can be noted that there are very many organizations operating in the area today, both with humanitarian support and in the development part. We will have reason to return to this.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Janine Alm Ericson (MP)

Madam Speaker! The divide that the Minister claims exists, regarding whether one thinks it is important to ensure that aid goes to what it is supposed to go to or not, I would say does not exist. This is part of the government's ongoing - I do not know how to express it - mudslinging of aid in general.

Swedish aid has always been both effective and transparent in the large whole. It is good that the government continues this work. It is naturally an important principle.

At the beginning of the escalated conflict and the war in Gaza, the government chose to withdraw support for Palestine and for UNRWA. I want to assert that this has resulted in Sweden's voice no longer being heard as clearly.

It is good to have a humanitarian ceasefire, and the minister has been very clear that one is trying to demand it. But why is a permanent ceasefire not being demanded, so that aid can get in, so that peace can be negotiated, and so that the two-state solution that the government says it supports can actually be realized?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! To Janine Alm Ericson, I want to say that we have worked relentlessly over the past months, not least on the issue of humanitarian access. I assume that from the Miljöpartiets side, one stays somewhat updated on the work – it is possible to get information on the government's website, for example – but I gladly take the opportunity to emphasize and repeat that it was at Sweden's initiative that the entire EU circle approached Israel with demands to increase the humanitarian import routes.

The Green Party describes it as if we have been inactive, but it was thanks to Sweden that the entire EU did this. Doesn't the Green Party see that? Is one closing one's eyes to it, or is one just interested in repeating its core messages?

We are working very committedly with this. We are working to secure humanitarian aid and increase the routes of import. We are also working on something that has far too rarely been spoken about before, namely to ensure that the aid reaches its destination and never, ever even comes anywhere near terrorism or terrorists.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Janine Alm Ericson (MP)

Madam Speaker! I began the exchange of remarks by saying that it is good that this is ensured; on that point, Johan Forssell and I are in complete agreement.

I have heard what the minister has said about the humanitarian access, both here in the chamber today and previously, and about what the government is doing. It is not this that we are criticizing. Just in this exchange of remarks, I asked why the government only wants a humanitarian ceasefire and not a permanent ceasefire, so that one can continue working with the peace, the reconstruction, and the long-term support for Palestinian civil society – which we know must come next.

Above all: Why are more and broader demands not being placed on Israel to achieve the humanitarian access that you say you want to have?

In this speech, Jacob Risberg (MP) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! We have worked very actively to quality-assure Swedish aid in light of the serious allegations that have been received. When that type of information arrives, investigations are conducted, aid is paused, and payments are withheld in the meantime. This follows Sida's normal routines; it is nothing special for Gaza specifically. I do not understand why one would act differently in this particular case. These types of routines have probably existed even under environment-party aid ministers.

We advocate for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. We naturally hope that it will lead to a negotiated solution and an end to the war. We hope that the terrorist organization Hamas immediately releases the Israeli hostage and that there will be an end to the hostilities. We also hope that the Swedish development aid and the new strategy, which is broader than before and focuses on democracy, human rights, private sector mobilization, and entrepreneurship, will be successful.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! First of all, I would like to say a few words about the discussion on UNRWA. We must remember that it concerned allegations from the Israeli side against UNRWA, which remain unconfirmed for the time being.

Even if the allegations were true, that a handful of individuals from UNRWA were somehow involved in the terror attack, it is those individuals who should be punished. One cannot punish the entire organization.

One above all cannot completely paralyze an organization that is absolutely crucial for getting necessities out to a starving population. One cannot let it go so far as to starve children while waiting to investigate allegations. It is completely the wrong way to go. That is not how one can treat a large and suffering population.

It was here that the government went wrong. It is strange that it should have to go so far that children would start starving to death. So that is actually what happened. Save the Children alerted the same week that the government finally backed down. Children would start starving to death before the government backed down. But they did eventually. That is good.

Now we move on. What we see is that the government is lowering its ambitions even further regarding aid and support to Palestine. I have pointed out that it has abandoned the special development strategy for Palestine at a time when more support and help are needed than ever, and it will be needed for decades to come.

It will take many years to rebuild Gaza. For the time being, there is no plan for that. But then one must also strengthen the self-government in the West Bank, if one is to speak of a two-state solution at all.

I have asked the Minister today why the priority for long-term aid is being lowered. I feel that I have not received any answer whatsoever. It is very unfortunate.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Madam Speaker! As I mentioned in my first speech, humanitarian access to the residents of Gaza must be secured, and significantly more routes in are required.

At the same time, UNRWA is not a solution, especially not in the long term. We in the Sweden Democrats have been clear about this the entire time. We stand by the decision to freeze the aid to UNRWA as correct. We know that a long row of Hamas members hold significant positions within UNRWA, not least within its education system. This phenomenon is in no way a new occurrence.

We have, from the Sverigedemokraterna side, warned against this for many years. We have raised example after example and emphasized the absurdity of that Swedish tax money, money that is supposed to go to the vulnerable, has instead been pumped into this organization which obviously has terrorist links.

Year after year, the organization has contributed to the dissemination of anti-Semitic teaching materials or employed school staff and sometimes even principals with Hamas links. UNRWA facilities with associated infrastructure have been used by Hamas, which we clearly see now.

Madam Speaker! A high-ranking IDF officer recently testified that there was not a single UNRWA site—no school, no mosque, or preschool—where weapons were not found.

That says a lot. It has, of course, not occurred without UNRWA's knowledge. They live in this. Of course, they are aware of it. One must get to the bottom of that.

Contributing to this organization is therefore not only morally wrong but directly counterproductive if the purpose is to save lives and health.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! Now we have received yet another example of the sweeping and unfounded accusations regarding UNRWA.

Let me put it this way: Even if it were the case that some individual has been involved in this, for that is what we are talking about, does Markus Wiechel really think it is right and reasonable to paralyze an entire organization with 30,000 employees who are the only ones who can deliver supplies to a starving population?

Is that how one should respond to it? That is not how rule-of-law states handle other accusations. It is not the case that one punishes completely innocent people by starving them out just because accusations are directed at others.

My question to Markus Wiechel is: How far is he prepared to go? Is he really prepared to let thousands of children starve to death in his eagerness to paralyze UNRWA?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Madam Speaker! There are very many organizations operating in the area. If it is so that one truly wants to reach the children who are starving, which I and everyone in here want, it is better to make use of other organizations operating in the area that Israel also has respect for.

It is not just about a handful of people within Hamas. We have seen clear connections, and for a long time, on how the organization fosters antisemitism in various ways and how those currents exist.

I understand that it is difficult for the Social Democrats to accept this. The Social Democrats have a history of having contacts with the PLO as far back as 50 years ago when the PLO was labeled as terrorists. That history shows that it is not surprising that the Social Democrats ignore the serious allegations that are now being investigated by the UN.

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! We have had cooperation with the PLO. The PLO and Fatah are not Hamas. It is the opposite. It is such that Hamas kills Fatah supporters. Hamas kills Social Democrats in these areas. Hamas's most important opponent is precisely that party, Fatah, which we have cooperated with for many years. Markus Wiechel should be able to know that, and he should also be able to distinguish between the different Palestinian parties we are talking about.

Markus Wiechel says: Well, there are other organizations. No, that is not the case. There are no other organizations with that capacity that can deliver supplies in this situation. It is not just me who is saying it. The Foreign Minister said so as recently as just a few weeks ago: It is UNRWA that is the only one that can deliver supplies.

I can only state that Markus Wiechel has no qualms whatsoever when it comes to paralyzing an organization that is now more necessary than ever. He seems to have no qualms about letting thousands of people starve to death in his eagerness to attack UNRWA. It is deeply regrettable.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Madam Speaker! I do not equate Hamas with the PLO. I just want to be clear about that. What I said was that when the Social Democrats initiated their contact with the PLO, they were designated as terrorists, just as Hamas is designated as terrorists today.

The former Social Democratic Foreign Minister Ann Linde called terror wages a form of social welfare. We have a former S member who posed with a map where Israel was erased and so on.

There are several links that demonstrate the Social Democrats' indifference towards the forces we see. That is what worries me.

Again: The important thing is to ensure access to Gaza. The right way to go then is not to go through UNRWA, which Israel, for understandable reasons, has no respect for.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! Member Markus Wiechel stands here in the Riksdag's rostrum and is spreading falsehoods. There is no clear evidence that UNRWA has participated in Hamas's horrific attack. If it is the case that a few individuals who have worked for UNRWA have done so, they must, of course, be held accountable. One cannot accuse the entire organization.

It is only UNRWA that has the resources, the personnel and the infrastructure needed to reach out on the ground. It is not only I - and several others whom we heard here earlier - who testify to this, but several large aid organizations also testify to this. It is a fact; if one is to reach the people in Gaza, it is UNRWA that is the organization that has the capacity.

I have a question that I do not have time for now, so I will take it in the next turn.

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Markus Wiechel (SD)

Madam Speaker! Again: Today, access is not sufficient for any organization. If one now wants to get Israel on board in this situation and try to get Israel to help with increasing access to the people who need help, perhaps one should focus on the organizations that actually operate in the area and that Israel would gladly let in. This concerns, for example, the World Food Programme, UNHCR, or whoever they may be.

There are a number of different organizations that I am convinced would do their utmost to ensure that aid shipments get in. But then we must take those organizations that we know can reach in without having these connections, which are being investigated by the UN today. It is important to keep that in mind.

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Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! The links are being investigated, but there is no clear evidence.

What I wanted to ask the member about is the clear stance against Hamas, which I, of course, share. It was a horrific attack. But why does the member not condemn Israel's clear war crimes? The figure of 33,000 dead civilians, of whom 14,000 are children, clearly shows that Israel has not protected civilians in the way that one is obliged to do according to the laws of war. The blockade, that they do not let in food and other supplies to children who are starving, is also a war crime.

Why can you not also condemn Israel's war crimes and not just Hamas? Then you would become more credible, because it would mean that you stand up for international law fully.

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Markus Wiechel (SD)

Madam Speaker! Of course, I condemn any war crimes, regardless of which party has committed them. And I am convinced that Israel also stands for some of the war crimes that have been committed; there should be no doubt about this.

I think I have been quite clear in both of my speeches that Israel, even though the country has a fundamental right to defend itself and even though it is legitimate to strike back against the terrorists, must follow international law. Israel must ensure that as few civilians as possible are affected. It is a self-evident matter.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! The humanitarian situation in Gaza is inconceivable. Since Hamas's horrific attack on October 7 last year, over 33,000 people in Gaza have been killed by Israel. Almost the entire population has been driven into flight. The majority of all hospitals have been destroyed, journalists and aid workers have been killed, and aid shipments are being blocked. Israel's blockade is causing enormous suffering.

In the government's spring budget adjustment, an adjustment of aid is being made. It concerns approximately 1.5 billion kronor. Vänsterpartiet argues that these are funds that should have gone directly to emergency relief in the situation in Gaza. But that is naturally not enough; more support and help are needed.

I expect the Swedish government to condemn Israel's crimes against the laws of war and human rights and not settle for condemning Hamas. It is simply a matter of standing up for international law in a credible way. When Israel does not listen, there must be consequences. Sweden should oppose the EU deepening its cooperation with Israel in any area and suspend the association agreement.

Vänsterpartiet can imagine using all forms of pressure and sanctions to stop the war and to compel Israel to introduce a permanent ceasefire. I expect the Swedish government to act to stop the war and demand a permanent ceasefire. Such a ceasefire would also lower the regional level of tension and violence, lay the foundation for a sustainable and lasting end to the hostilities, and constitute a step towards being able to restart a process towards a negotiated two-state solution.

I also expect Sweden's government to actively support the work of the International Court of Justice ICJ to investigate whether Israel has committed genocide, and I expect the aid and support to Palestine to increase in the future.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Madam Speaker! The Left Party's aid organization, Vänsterns internationella forum, has had a cooperation with DFLP and channeled Swedish aid to an organization that was involved in the terror attack against Israel.

My question to the member - who I naturally understand takes a stand against this - is what the Left Party draws for lessons from this. And how is it that in this case it was chosen to pause its aid to a group that was active in the terror attack but is still critical of the freezing of the aid that has gone to UNRWA?

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Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! It is true that Vänsterns internationella forum had an aid cooperation together with the Danish organization Enhedslisten a number of years ago. The aid went towards supporting several different youth organizations in a platform so that Palestinian youth organizations would have an opportunity to meet and discuss various important issues related to democracy, equality and such things. This project was concluded several years ago.

It has now emerged that the youth organization of the organization DFLP, which was one of those involved in the project, supports Hamas. We naturally take this seriously, and we investigated the matter. Sida investigated the matter and concluded that none of the aid funds previously used have gone to anything other than what they were intended for.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Markus Wiechel (SD)

Madam Speaker! I thank the member for the answer to the question and note that it is naturally pleasing that the aid funds were not used in the attack.

The question remains nonetheless: What lessons does Vänsterpartiet draw from the incident?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! Now it was not the Left Party, but Vänsterns internationella forum – the aid organization which, in any case, is close to the Left Party – that had the partnership.

We naturally see that one must become much more careful in the future when it comes to reviewing which organizations one has a cooperation with. The project is, as stated, concluded, and we have investigated the matter very thoroughly. I assume that nothing similar will be able to happen in the future.

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Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! The question I had intended to ask has already been asked, but I have another one.

We know that the situation in Israel and Gaza also engages many people in our country. We have seen many peaceful demonstrations with different purposes, but we have unfortunately also seen examples of other things.

When the leader of the Christian Democrats, Ebba Busch, participated in an afterwork with citizens in my hometown of Gothenburg a couple of weeks ago, it was disrupted by an unauthorized demonstration outside. It was also people who banged on the windows and shouted slogans inside who tried to stop the meeting - not to participate in a dialogue.

I have spoken with many who experienced the situation as threatening. I mean that this risks leading to fewer meeting places between elected representatives and citizens.

My question to Member Johnsson Fornarve is therefore whether she thinks it is reasonable for Left Party members in leading positions to disrupt other parties' events even if they are very engaged in an issue, such as Sweden's support for Gaza.

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Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! I thank you for the question.

I am not aware of the incident that the member refers to. Of course, it is important that all forms of meetings are allowed to be held and that all opinions are allowed to be expressed. I also naturally safeguard the freedom of demonstration. I do not think it sounds like anything good that someone has tried to disrupt a meeting, if that is indeed the case.

I cannot comment on this much. I have poor knowledge of what actually happened in Gothenburg.

(ANDRE VICE TALMANNEN: I want to remind that the subject of the debate is Sweden's support for Gaza.)

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Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! Then I would just like to thank you for the answer.

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Joar Forssell (L)

Madam Speaker! I thank Member Fornarve for her contribution.

In a previous post, Member Fornarve asked whether one should not support the international court in its work of examining and assessing what is currently happening in Gaza. I mean that the Member is right that one should support the court in this. At the same time, I think it is problematic when Vänsterpartiet quite often – time and again, one could say – anticipates the court's decision and speaks as if the court had already ruled. I mean that it is the opposite of supporting the court. If one is a politician, one must let courts have their own, free processes and not believe that one knows what courts will come to before they have come to it.

My question to the member is whether Vänsterpartiet considers that one supports the courts by anticipating their decisions.

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Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! Thank you, Member Forssell, for the question!

Yes, we think it is incredibly important that the government actively supports the court and states it. I do not think that support for the International Court of Justice, which is now investigating whether Israel has committed genocide or not, has been clearly stated. Of course, the process must take its course, but we can still clearly and distinctly see that Israel has committed a large number of war crimes. Here, the government has also not been clear in condemning Israel. Hamas has been condemned, but Israel's war crimes have not been clearly condemned. We believe this is necessary if one is to be credible when it comes to standing up for international law.

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Joar Forssell (L)

Madam Speaker! I still mean that one should not anticipate the court's process, but must wait for the ruling from the court.

Another thing that Member Fornarve took up in a previous post was when the war started. I want to mean that the war we are in right now started when Hamas carried out the pogrom on October 7. If one wants to draw the line even a little further back in history, the war does indeed have roots in an antisemitism and a hatred against Jews that has existed for many hundreds or thousands of years.

The Speaker Fornarve, however, drew the historical line at the Six-Day War in 1967. Then I want to ask if the Left Party considers that Hamas's Islamist and anti-Semitic ideology has hundreds of years of roots and that this is a continuation of the long, historical line of attacks against Jews, or if the Left Party believes that this has a shorter history than that.

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Lotta Johnsson Fornarve (V)

Madam Speaker! Thank you for further questions, Joar Forssell!

I wanted to remind that the conflict between Israel and Palestine did not begin on October 7. It can be easy to believe that, but the conflict between Israel and Palestine actually began before the Six-Day War. It began long before that, if one is to trace the history really far back. Already when the state of Israel was formed, thousands of Palestinians were displaced.

However, it is not possible to escape the fact that the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, the construction of the wall, and the oppression and imprisonment of Palestinians have contributed to escalating the situation. We must not turn a blind eye to that.

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Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Madam Speaker! Darkness also contains light. It is important to keep in mind even during a debate such as this.

Let us see the night's events, which have been touched upon previously, as still a possible signal that one does not want to go the path of escalation. This applies to both Iran's signals so far and Israel's actions.

Let us see yesterday's vote in the Security Council as an interesting signal nonetheless. The question of recognition of Palestine has lived as a question since the recognition of Israel in the General Assembly. In yesterday's Security Council vote, France, Japan and South Korea voted yes to recognition. Great Britain and Switzerland abstained. It is nonetheless a signal to note.

We must also in a debate such as this try to convey the hope of a better tomorrow, an alternative to the violence for the child who now falls asleep with fear as a main pillow and wakes up to bombs, death, and flight. A humanitarian ceasefire and open corridors are required so that humanitarian aid can get in, but it also requires hope for a better tomorrow and that impunity must not prevail.

Here is a concern, which the Foreign Affairs Committee heard just yesterday, the difficulty of obtaining independent scrutiny of what is happening in Gaza. Here we get voices from Israel and from Hamas, but we need independent scrutiny. We need to ensure that we get this in, just as in Ukraine.

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Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! That Israel has signaled an increased humanitarian access to Gaza, which we have also been able to follow over the past few weeks, is a positive development. Since the needs are acute and significant increases in deliveries into and within all of Gaza are required to prevent further catastrophes, it is crucial that this is carried out fully and without delay.

Exploring all possibilities for increased imports is important, including the maritime corridor from Cyprus, even if it cannot replace large-scale deliveries via land and existing ports.

In order for humanitarian organizations to be able to carry out their work to the extent that the acute situation requires, an immediate humanitarian ceasefire is crucial. The tragic attack that resulted in the death of seven employees from World Central Kitchen underscores the need for improved security for all humanitarian organizations and their personnel. The incident requires a legal investigation so that accountability can be demanded and so that similar incidents never happen again.

In light of the current circumstances, Israel must refrain from a ground offensive against Rafah. The importance of following binding measures from the International Court of Justice cannot be overstated. Finally, a restart of the process towards a negotiated two-state solution is also needed.

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Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Madam Speaker! I am somewhat interested in listening. A negotiated two-state solution was mentioned in the member's conclusion. In such a solution also lies the handling of the refugees' situation. 5.6 million Palestinians are today supported by UNRWA. UNRWA is a result of the partition plan, and the continuation has not been resolved during all this time.

I wonder if the Christian Democrats also belong to the circle that believes that UNRWA should be replaced by someone else without a pre-negotiated solution being in place. In that case, the Palestinians have been told that what was promised there as well, the right to either be compensated or return, is given up as part of a total solution.

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Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! I thank the member for the question. Of course, the refugee situation must be included in the negotiated two-state solution that we hope for. It is not near in time, but the process must be restarted.

Today we are talking about 5.6 million refugees. When UNRWA was started in 1949, there were significantly fewer. One of the problems with UNRWA's structure is that one inherits the refugee status. The focus becomes backward instead of forward. We must find a solution so that people can live together in the future.

I mean that UNRWA preserves a situation that makes it difficult to think forward. This must definitely be included in a future negotiated two-state solution.

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Kerstin Lundgren (C)

Madam Speaker! That was not quite an answer to the question. UNRWA is the actor that has been given the mandate by the UN to ensure. The intention was not for it to take so long. The idea was that one would have arrived earlier. There are many countries that bear responsibility for the fact that we have not succeeded.

But if those people who have not seen a solution and still live as refugees were to be deprived of the organization that is their protection without receiving anything else in return, other than a part of a general refugee structure, the international community has once again said: This is a matter that does not concern us. It involves a negotiation issue that must come between Israel and Palestine.

It would be good to receive a notification as to whether you view UNRWA as dissolved or remaining.

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Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! In a long-term negotiated two-state solution in the future, I absolutely see that UNRWA is dissolved. But we are far from that. There are many steps that need to be taken. Even several UN resolutions will need to be adjusted until the day we have a long-term peace that allows people to live together in the area.

I just want to point out to the member that regarding UNRWA's work today, there are many people who have been in other countries, such as Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, since several generations ago. It is clear that one cannot simply say that they should not receive anything else. It is very important that the UN structure finds other solutions for support as well in the future. It is therefore not about leaving any individuals behind but about thinking about a future for everyone in the area.

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Janine Alm Ericson (MP)

Madam Speaker! I had actually prepared another question. We shall see if I get to it, because it has become a bit interesting here regarding refugee status, UNRWA's work and the fact that we must find a way to peace and a two-state solution that works. Palestinians and Israelis must be able to live peacefully side by side.

The members of the committee were just very much on the Palestinian part and what displaced Palestinians shall do. But we know that there is another major issue here: Israel's aggressive settlement policy. They are pushing to make peace impossible, so that more Israelis can live in Palestinian areas.

How do the Christian Democrats view the aggressive settlement policy? And what does one want to do to stop it, to reach a point where people can actually live together peacefully?

In this speech, Jacob Risberg (MP) agreed.

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Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! I thank you for the very important question.

I want to be clear that the settlements on the West Bank are an obstacle to peace in the entire region. It must be resolved in the upcoming peace negotiations, otherwise we will not reach a two-state solution. And that is something the Kristdemokraterna stand behind. There is no doubt about that. It is also the government's policy.

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Janine Alm Ericson (MP)

Madam Speaker! I hope that we will see more of that in the government's communication and real policy.

I will take the opportunity to ask a question. Regarding the aid to Palestine, a strategy has now been removed; there will be less money. At the same time as we see exactly that regarding the Palestinian aid and the cooperation with Palestine, we see that many Swedish aid organizations have had their contracts terminated. This also applies to those who work in this region and who really should have a focus on their work and on helping people on the ground.

What do the Christian Democrats actually think about aid when you pull the rug out in a large way, but also when you now in a clear way reduce the ambitions and the efforts when it comes to what must be long-term and what comes after the war has ended anyway?

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Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Madam Speaker! What Member Alm Ericson is referring to is the adjustment of the civil society strategy for aid that will be made. I believe that Sida, in all good intentions, has communicated to all actors that when the current strategy ends, they will ensure that the agreements are also terminated. It is something that the agency itself has made a decision on.

For us Christian Democrats, it has always been important that civil society actors should have a larger share of the total aid in the future. It was a clear part of Bana for aid, and it is included in the reform agenda for aid. We stand by that.

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Janine Alm Ericson (MP)

Madam Speaker! After hearing all the parties here in the rostrum, it nevertheless becomes clear that no one wants to see children die from terrorist attacks, bombs, or starvation. No one wants to see communities leveled to the ground or mothers burying their families. No one wants to see hospitals and infrastructure bombed.

No one wants to see war. But still, we do. We see war, we see violations of international law, and we see a world that stands helpless, that is unable to save lives.

Order in this chamber does not save any lives either, and it does not build up any societies. But Swedish aid and development cooperation do. We want to point out that the government must do more. After having at least dragged its feet at the beginning of this escalated conflict, paused aid, and not voted for a ceasefire in the UN, it can well be seen as a step forward that the government is now acting in the right direction.

But more must be done. The UN pleads for more money but also for all parties and states to ensure that the humanitarian aid reaches and gets inside to those in need in Gaza. Here, Sweden must be clearer in the press regarding Israel's government.

Instead of reducing and deprioritizing long-term aid, the government should increase it so that there is support for the organizations that work to mitigate the effects of the conflict and to rebuild Palestine afterwards. Human rights and peace organizations in both Israel and Palestine have an important role in this, and free media and organizations working with education, healthcare, and other areas are, of course, central actors.

I urge the government to rethink and prioritize the humanitarian and long-term aid to Palestine, also with its own strategy.

I conclude by thanking you for the debate. I hope that the government takes it to heart and is willing to do more, not less, for Palestine.

(Applause)

In this speech, Jacob Risberg (MP) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Joar Forssell (L)

Madam Speaker! It is a bit special to be last in such a debate. Much has been said, but I will try to underline some of the most important parts.

To start somewhere, it is the entire government's policy that humanitarian access must be guaranteed. We have increased the humanitarian aid to Palestine, and more support will be needed. It is incredibly important that the aid and support to the civilian population is released throughout Gaza and that Israel does not enter Rafah in the way that has been warned about.

Madam Speaker! In addition to this, I truly want to emphasize the importance of the Palestinians experiencing democracy, freedom, and a world where their rights are respected. This requires that the Islamist terror sect Hamas be neutralized, that the war ends, and that the hostages are released. In the reconstruction of Gaza and the building of a future, flourishing Palestine, it will require trade, capitalism, and a market economy – all the things that lift people out of poverty and make them wealthy and which create the conditions for a future life in peace and freedom.

It will of course also require some support, which I expect this government and future governments in Sweden will return to.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Statsrådet Johan Forssell (M)

Madam Speaker! As we have touched upon in this debate, the situation in Gaza is appalling, not least from a humanitarian perspective. The Government has worked and continues to work along three lines.

Firstly, it is about allocating more funds. Sweden is thus the fifth largest donor of humanitarian aid since the terrorist organization Hamas began this war.

Secondly, we are working to increase humanitarian access. I am proud that Sweden succeeded in bringing together virtually the entire EU circle to approach Israel with demands for increased humanitarian access, and the other day the Nordic aid ministers also made a joint statement.

For the third, we are also working to quality-assure Swedish aid and increase transparency, oversight, and efficiency. Swedish taxpayers and people in Gaza shall know that Swedish aid funds will never even come close to terrorism.

We are now making decisions on a long-term development cooperation with Gaza. The level is unchanged compared to last year, and the focus will lie on, for example, private sector mobilization.

I thank everyone who has participated in this debate, and I want to especially thank all the aid workers, who are making incredibly important contributions on the ground right now.

The special debate was hereby concluded.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)