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Strengthened legislation against honor-related violence and oppression

25 May 2026 · 9 speeches · S, SD, M, V, C, KD, MP, L

Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.

Summary AI, written in advance

1 S considers that honor oppression has no place in society and advocates for stricter penalties for forced marriage, child marriage offenses, and marriage travel offenses, as well as the use of covert coercive measures 1. S argues that preventive work must be prioritized as highly as repressive measures 1. 2 SD motions for approval of the proposal as honor oppression is one of the most serious expressions of lack of freedom 2 and considers that marriages that violate Swedish law should never be recognized 2. 3 M considers the bill to be important as it closes loopholes 3 and wants to expand forced marriage to include manipulation 3. 4 V emphasizes the importance of social competence and preventive work rather than solely legislation 4 and warns of the risks with covert coercive measures 4. 5 C welcomes the proposals that strengthen criminal protection 5 but emphasizes the need for proactive prevention 5. 6 KD considers that clan structures must be broken up 6. 7 MP considers the legislative proposals to be necessary 7 and that support measures must stem from an hbtqi perspective 7. 8 L considers the government's proposal to tighten the legislation to be positive 8.

Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.

Sanna Backeskog (S)

Mr. Speaker! Honor killing has no place in our society.

Honor-related violence and oppression means that people, primarily women and girls but also boys, men and hbtqi-persons, are restricted in their lives and subjected to pressure and violence aimed at maintaining the family's control over the individual. The pressure and control of the individual's freedom can be carried out by one or more persons, but the violence is often sanctioned by large parts of, or the entire, network. The same person can also be both a crime victim and a perpetrator. This is important knowledge to have, and it is important to understand the power of the oppression and the vulnerability of the one who tries to break free.

Mr. Speaker! Every person has the right to decide over their own body and their own life. There is no room for compromise here. Everyone in Sweden shall be allowed to love whomever they want, marry whomever they want, or choose not to marry at all. Everyone in Sweden shall be free to dress as they want and to be themselves – who they want to be.

Today, representatives from the Committee on Justice are debating the bill Strengthened legislation against honor-related violence and oppression. Since I am the first to speak in this debate, I would like to briefly explain what the bill entails.

The punishable area for the crimes of misleading into marriage, which is renamed to marriage trafficking, and forced marriage is expanded. A new crime is introduced in the form of marriage trafficking against children. Attempts at marriage trafficking and marriage trafficking against children are criminalized. The penalties for forced marriage, child marriage crimes, and marriage trafficking are tightened. The prohibition against recognizing unauthorized foreign marriages shall apply without exception.

In order for these crimes to be investigated and the person or persons responsible to be able to be convicted, secret coercive measures will now also be allowed to be used in preliminary investigations of forced marriage and child marriage crimes.

Once again we have a unanimous chamber, which I consider to be a sign of strength in these matters.

I think it is particularly good that the crimes and the increased penalties are complemented by the possibility of using wiretapping and camera surveillance in the preliminary investigations. This is because secret coercive measures are an Achilles' heel for me when it comes to men's violence against women and honor-related violence, as I believe that far too much responsibility for evidence is placed on the victim.

This is a responsibility that involves a particular vulnerability when it concerns a child – who, in these cases of honor issues, has been raised throughout their entire life to believe that the family's way of living is the only right way and that their own longings, desires, and choices are wrong if they do not align with the family's honor. Here, society must be able to step in, and one must also not forget any siblings.

Mr. Speaker! The honor-related violence and oppression must cease, and society must react against all forms of this violence and oppression. During the Social Democrats' time in government, a number of important steps were taken regarding both increased penalties and preventive work. But the work must continue. Reports of oppressed and abducted women and children continue to arrive.

What makes me truly worried now, Mr. Speaker, is Brå's evaluation of the honor crime legislation, which was introduced in 2022. The evaluation, which arrived last week, shows how incredibly few cases lead to prosecution and conviction. But it also shows something even worse: that the life situation for those subjected to violence does not improve after a report is made. We stand here in the chamber and debate and decide on new laws with the aim of strengthening everyone's right to a life free from violence, but the laws also need to be used in the right way.

I believe that the Social Democrats' proposal to be able to use secret coercive measures in more cases is completely correct. Likewise, I am convinced that the restraining order needs to be updated with a zone arrest in cases where the threat is extra large and can also come from multiple actors. It is in those cases that the perpetrator is to stay within a certain geographical area so that the protected person can move more freely, and her place of residence must not be disclosed.

But above all, we have a long way to go when it comes to the preventive, knowledge-raising, and collaborative work. We Social Democrats have a specific statement where we argue that if increased penalties are not combined with knowledge-raising and preventive measures, there is a risk that the legislation will not reach full effect and, in the worst case, function counterproductively. We Social Democrats believe that for every krona spent on the repressive, at least as much should be spent on the preventive work.

It is, of course, about reinforcements for school and social services – for more colleagues, opportunities for professional development, and more time for each individual one meets. It is also about labor market policy. It is through jobs that we build community and a strong society. But it is also about better operational cooperation models.

Here, I believe that Trygghetens hus in Bollnäs is an exemplary example. Under the same roof are the police, social services, and the women's shelter, and they join forces with schools, health and medical care, and civil society to be able to prevent, detect, and prosecute men's violence against women and honor-related crimes. They also work together to be able to provide the vulnerable person with adequate support and protection. In this house, there is also many years of expert knowledge on precisely honor-based violence.

This knowledge about honor violence must increase in the entire society so that we can better prevent, detect, and stop honor violence, regardless of in which contexts it is suspected to exist. Knowledge is also needed to be able to provide the right support to the victim when it comes to building a new life in safety and freedom and in a new community.

Mr. Speaker! Key persons to be able to turn these patriarchal structures and the spirals of violence that honor entails are, of course, the young people who today are growing up in homes characterized by honor norms. That is how we have historically built equality and freedom in Sweden. Women have, step by step, been fully involved and driving in the struggle for equality.

Now it is time for a new struggle. The Social Democrats want to see a national prevention program aimed at young boys and girls who are in contexts where structures and norms linked to honor are predominant. A very good example of such a program is Shanazi heroes and heroines, which started in Linköping and is now established in Gävle municipality.

The activity aims to achieve attitude changes through education and role modeling among young boys and girls living in honor cultures. The work has also been subject to follow-up research, and Högskolan i Gävle has been able to show that it is possible to break old perceptions and deeply rooted norms and instead spread values of equality and the right to live one's life as who one is, free from oppression, to more people.

Mr. Speaker! I have had the honor of participating in Shanazi's closing ceremony, which is held every year after the completed training. I have heard the participants give speeches to the audience about what journey they have made, where they were before, and what dreams they now have for the future.

I have also seen very proud mothers and fathers in the audience, who, when things have turned out best, have been able to follow their children's journeys and, alongside that, also made their own journeys. That is how we truly change the world.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Sara Gille (SD)

Mr. Speaker! I want to begin by expressing my support for the committee's proposal. Honor-related violence and oppression is one of the most serious expressions of lack of freedom and control in our society.

It is about girls who are controlled from morning to night, about young women who are forbidden from choosing partners themselves, and about children who are sent abroad to be married off. It is about people who live under threat because the family's honor – the so-called honor – is considered more important than the individual's right to decide for themselves over their own life.

Honor-based violence primarily affects girls and women, but also boys who break against the family's norms and expectations.

Mr. Speaker! This is not a tradition. It is an oppression, and it does not belong in Sweden.

This development has not come of itself. For a long time, parts of the political establishment in Sweden chose to turn a blind eye to the problems. People were afraid to speak plainly about honor cultures because the truth was perceived as uncomfortable.

At the same time, parallel norm systems emerged in our country. These are norm systems where the family's reputation weighs more heavily than the woman's freedom, where young people are expected to obey the family's will instead of shaping their own lives, and where the kin's control takes precedence over the individual's self-determination.

It is the result of that development that we see today. The Sweden Democrats have long warned about the consequences of an irresponsible migration policy where people from strongly patriarchal and honor-based environments have come to Sweden without society having set clear requirements.

Those who are subjected to honor oppression often live a life that others do not see. A girl might have her phone checked every evening. She might not be allowed to participate in sports, class trips, or leisure activities. She might be monitored by her brothers or cousins. She might know that a false rumor can have enormous consequences at home.

Many of these girls do not live the same lives as other young people in Sweden. They are not allowed to choose who they associate with, whom they shall marry, how they shall dress or where they go – nothing! They are not even allowed to choose whom – or which gender – they are allowed to love. Some know that a single misstep can lead to threats, violence, or that they are forced out of the country.

Mr. Speaker! Many of these girls are forced to live double lives – one life in school and a completely different one behind the walls of the home. Unfortunately, this is a reality that far too many in Sweden still do not fully understand. Therefore, it is also important that the legislation continues to be strengthened.

Mr. Speaker! The bill contains several important changes. The rules regarding marriage tourism are tightened, and the protection for children is further strengthened. The penalties for forced marriage and child marriage offenses are also clearly increased.

Furthermore, the justice system will receive better tools to investigate this type of crime. This is necessary because honor crimes often occur in closed environments where many are afraid. The victims are scared. Families protect one another. Witnesses do not dare to come forward. In that case, society must have tools that actually work.

One of the most important changes concerns the view on foreign marriages that conflict with Swedish law. The Government proposes that child marriages, forced marriages, polygamy and other prohibited foreign marriages should never be recognized in Sweden. The so-called valve is removed. It is completely the right way to go.

Swedish law shall apply in Sweden – not clan structures, not honor norms, and not religious or cultural traditions that restrict people's right to live free lives. No, marriages that conflict with Swedish law shall not be able to gain legitimacy here simply because they were entered into abroad.

But, Mr. Speaker, we must also understand that legislation is only part of the solution. Society must also dare to set clear demands. Those who come to Sweden must adapt to Swedish laws and fundamental values regarding independence, freedom, and the individual's right to decide over their own life. This should be a self-evident matter in a functioning society.

We cannot continue to relativize problems because they have cultural or religious elements. We must put an end to this. Oppression does not become less serious just because it is justified by tradition. And we do not help vulnerable people by silencing the problems. We help them by daring to see reality as it is.

It is also required that authorities and organizations dare to act earlier. The school must dare to sound the alarm when students suddenly disappear abroad. Social services must understand the mechanisms behind honor oppression. The police must have the resources and knowledge to handle this type of crime.

Mr. Speaker! It is often not about a single perpetrator. It is about collective control where several people participate in the oppression. Therefore, it is also difficult to convict the right person, quite simply.

In Sweden, no person should have to choose between their own life and their family's acceptance. In that case, the state must be strong enough to stand on the side of the vulnerable person from the beginning.

In Sweden, no girl should have to be afraid of her family because she wants to live like other young people. No human being should have to be married off, controlled, or threatened because the family's honor is considered more important than the individual's right to freedom and self-determination. These are values that a free and modern society must defend.

I am pleased that there is a broad consensus regarding these legislative changes. It shows that the Riksdag takes the problem seriously. But the work must not stop here. Sweden needs to continue to strengthen the fight against honor-related violence and oppression.

For the Sweden Democrats, it is obvious that society must always stand on the side of the vulnerable. Sweden shall not adapt to honor cultures. Honor cultures shall adapt to Sweden.

With this, Mr. Speaker, I move for approval of the committee's proposal.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Ludvig Ceimertz (M)

Mr. Speaker! Honor killings have no place in Sweden. It contradicts everything that Sweden stands for. This must be said clearly and without the relativizations that have historically occurred.

Honor-related oppression is ultimately about people – especially girls and women – being deprived of their freedom. It is about control of everyday life, of clothing, of social interactions, of love, and of sexuality. It is about one's own will being subordinated to the family's or the clan's so-called honor. In the most serious cases, it is about threats, about violence, about forced marriages, and about children being taken out of Sweden to be married off.

This is a serious and growing societal problem, and it requires a clear and consistent rule-of-law reaction. Therefore, the bill on stricter rules for honor-related violence and oppression is urgent. This is a government bill that closes loopholes in the law, strengthens protection for the vulnerable, and advances the rule of law's positions.

Mr. Speaker! The bill that is on the table today contains several important parts. Much has already been said, but I still want to touch upon the parts in the bill.

Firstly, the crime of forced marriage is being expanded. It will no longer be required that someone is explicitly threatened or forced. Deception shall also be covered. This is important because honor oppression rarely functions through clearly stated threats. Reality often looks different.

A young girl may be told that the family is only traveling to visit relatives during the summer. She goes along because she trusts her parents. But once on site, the pressure begins, and suddenly she faces an arranged marriage that she has never consented to.

Previously, such situations have been difficult to address legally because it has not always been possible to show that there has been a clear threat or a classic coercion. Perpetrators have been able to hide behind the fact that the girl, despite everything, accompanied them voluntarily. We are now changing the law so that manipulation, lies, and deception are also covered. This is important. We are adapting the legislation to how honor oppression actually works in reality.

Secondly, the protection against so-called marriage trips is strengthened. The crime misleading into a marriage trip is renamed to marriage trip crime and is expanded so that even illegal coercion and exploitation of a vulnerable situation are covered. Furthermore, a completely new crime is introduced: marriage trip crime against children.

This means briefly that society can intervene earlier and more clearly against adults who attempt to take children out of the country to marry them off.

Even here, we are closing loopholes in the legislation. It is not reasonable that in crime fighting, one practically needs to wait until a child is abroad or has been forced into a marriage. It is not reasonable that society cannot intervene fully before that. Now the focus is shifted forward toward preventing and stopping crimes before the damage is done.

Thirdly, Mr. Speaker, attempts to commit these crimes are also criminalized. That is also important. The police should not have to stand and wait until a child has actually been taken away or sold off before acting.

For the fourth, we tighten the penalties. The penalties for forced marriage and child marriage offenses are increased significantly. It is not just symbolic. Higher penalty values also mean better opportunities to use all of the justice system's tools and to prioritize these crimes in investigations.

Another important part of the bill concerns secret coercive measures. Secret coercive measures shall be able to be used in investigations of forced marriage and child marriage crimes. This involves, for example, secret interception of electronic communication. It is needed. Honor-related crime often takes place in silence. It rarely happens openly. There are often several people involved – family members, relatives, and others in the immediate social circle. Decisions are often made collectively. Planning can continue for a long time, and the culture of silence is strong. This makes these crimes very difficult to investigate. The person who is subjected to it often does not dare to tell. And the surroundings, in turn, remain silent.

Therefore, the rule of law must have modern and effective tools. Secret coercive measures are already used today when it comes to other serious and difficult-to-investigate crime. The same possibilities need to exist here as well, because this has proven successful in other respects. When children risk being taken out of the country to be married off, society cannot stand helpless because the legislation is too weak.

It is about giving the police and prosecutors reasonable opportunities to prevent very serious crimes against children and young people. This naturally takes place in legally secure forms, just as in other cases when we use secret coercive measures. The rule of law must simply be stronger than the culture of honor.

Finally, the bill also means that prohibited marriages shall never be recognized in Sweden. Child marriage, forced marriage, polygamy, proxy marriage, and marriage between close relatives shall not be able to gain legitimacy through legal exceptions. The so-called "valve," which has existed in a way that is almost incomprehensible, shall finally be removed. It is an important principled change. Previously, there have been exceptions. Despite the fact that a marriage actually violates Swedish law and, above all, our fundamental values, it has then been able to be given legitimacy in Sweden. It is not reasonable, and that ends now. A marriage based on oppression shall never be given legitimacy by the Swedish state – period.

Mr. Speaker! These new and amended laws are not an isolated reform. They are part of a much larger work. The Moderate-led government has, since taking office, conducted a systematic work against honor-related violence and oppression.

We are tightening the legislation against forced marriages and child marriages. We are strengthening the protection against marriage tourism. We are introducing stronger exit bans for children. We are combating female genital mutilation. We are criminalizing virginity tests and virginity procedures. And we are banning cousin marriages.

The latter is something it is actually important to speak clearly about, because cousin marriage is not some innocent cultural issue. It is often part of honor structures where families and clans want to control, above all, girls' lives and sexuality. The choice of partner becomes a family matter rather than being about the individual's free choice.

The police and the prosecutor, Mr. Speaker, have also described how cousin marriage occurs in cases linked to serious organized crime – this to consolidate loyalty and control. Despite this, a former Social Democratic minister chose to call the issue of cousin marriage – quote – a genuine shit issue when the investigation was initiated. It is highly remarkable.

Mr. Speaker! Let me be clear. For us Moderates, honor-based oppression is anything but a trivial issue. For the girl who is not allowed to choose who she should live with, it is not a trivial issue. For the boy who lives under threat and control, it is not a trivial issue. And for the young woman who is taken out of the country to be married off, it is not a trivial issue.

It is about freedom, about security and about human dignity.

Mr. Speaker! That is why it is important that the government has now actually introduced a seventh gender equality policy sub-goal to prevent and counteract honor-related violence and oppression. For the first time, the state fully recognizes honor-based oppression as a specific societal problem that requires its own measures, its own tools, and long-term work. This is not just about crime fighting. It is fundamentally about what kind of society Sweden shall be.

Mr. Speaker! Honor oppression has no place in Sweden. No girl should be forced into marriage. No one should be taken out of the country to be married off. No one should live under threat and control to uphold a family's honor.

Therefore, we are tightening the legislation. We are closing loopholes that have previously existed. We are strengthening the protection for children and young people and giving the justice system better tools to act.

It is ultimately about freedom and the right to shape one's own life and pursue one's dreams.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I would like to vote in favor of the bill and apologize for exceeding the speaking time slightly.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

TALMANNEN

I want to remind of the importance of using a careful language in the chamber. I am aware that this expression was used in connection with a quote and to make a rhetorical point, but I still think that one should be cautious with that type of language in the chamber.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Gudrun Nordborg (V)

Mr. Speaker! Vänsterpartiet also stands behind this bill and argues that it contains a number of important legislative proposals that address some of the most serious forms that can be associated with specifically violence in the name of honor. I also want to say that I think it is fantastic that many are speaking out against this violence in the name of honor, but it is only a part of the patriarchal oppression that very many other women also experience and that we call men's violence against women. There are both similarities and differences. We must be vigilant regarding both, and we must not label these issues in an overly racist manner.

I also want to highlight the report that Brå submitted last week, which I believe many of us should read. It points out the sensitivities involved when we intervene in a family and what we can expose those who are already victims to if we do not have sufficient knowledge of violence or culture.

There are many, both among the referral bodies and when it concerns Brå and the non-profit organizations, who point out that we must not be too focused on legislative measures. It must be much more about a social competence that comes through knowledge-enhancing interventions and where we work preventatively. Vänsterpartiet has motioned on this several times, and we will continue to do so. It cannot be overemphasized how important this is.

It can also be said that very many of the other measures will fail if we do not manage to provide support and protection to those who are crime victims. We must have increased cooperation in society between different entities and authorities, not least when it concerns cooperation between the justice system, the school, and social services.

New terms have emerged regarding being forced into marriage. These are marriage trafficking or marriage trafficking against children. I believe these are quite accurate descriptions of what essentially only concerns honor-related violence and which are very cruel expressions of this.

Last week we discussed reforms that criminalize psychological violence, and it is interesting that some things here complement or alternatively compete with each other. It will be up to the judiciary and practice to see what will become the dominant offense. It is not a major problem, but I believe it is important that we see the debate we had last week in that light.

It is also important to see that the crime is completed as soon as a person has arrived in the foreign country where the person is intended to be married. Therefore, a marriage does not have to have been entered into for the crime to be completed.

I want to dwell a little bit on secret coercive measures. There are several referral bodies, including the National Centre for Women's Peace at Uppsala University, which point out that there are risks with this and that they are concerned about what situation it could create for the crime victims. Also, Roks, that is Riksorganisationen för kvinnojourer och tjejjourer i Sverige, is concerned by this and sees risks and argues that one must be very careful with how it is used.

This also relates to the experiences documented in the Brå report, where it turns out that in the vast majority of cases, unfortunately, it has become worse for the crime victims when the justice system has tried to step in. The crime victims drop out and cannot endure remaining in the legal process because we do not provide sufficient social support. It is, in itself, also extremely difficult to do so, because they might have to sever all ties with their family and their entire kin. There are therefore risks here that we must also consider and take very seriously.

I find it interesting to read how we could handle matters concerning marriage that we, from our Swedish tradition, do not consider reasonable. We require, for example, that both must be present at a wedding and that it should not be possible to carry out with a power of attorney – and even less that one marries at a distance, as these forms sometimes imply.

It can also be the case that a marriage is valid in certain countries but not in ours. This is called a limping marriage. If we now say that a marriage has been entered into abroad and under forms that we do not consider acceptable, it is a matter of how we can protect the woman. The bill we are now discussing, I believe, is correct, but we must also ensure that we preserve certain things for the protection of the woman. This includes, for example, that the right of inheritance shall be allowed to remain and that the right to division of property and maintenance shall be allowed to remain, as well as perhaps some more personal legal effects, such as the right to a name.

When it comes to proxy marriage, I was surprised in any case. I have followed these issues for a number of years but now see that proxy marriage is something that in some ways is growing. It occurs, for example, in Japan but also closer to us, such as in Poland and Spain.

There may also be other reasons why it is not so simple for both parties to be present before a marriage. In Ukraine, a possibility has recently been introduced to marry completely digitally via an app. There, you surely understand that it is about the war, and such marriages we should be prepared to accept.

What is also important, based on what we know now, is that Brå again points out that a broader and more long-term social effort is required against the factors that can contribute to honor norms being upheld and defended. These are factors that concern more general measures in society: segregation, unemployment, poverty, and racism.

The police also point out that it is necessary to develop the competence to meet the feelings of loneliness and ambivalence that many victims experience during the investigation periods.

We must also be vigilant and see that certain countries appear more frequently in these cases, but those are also the countries from which we have the largest immigration. Seen in proportion, it is a vanishingly small proportion of all from these countries who become relevant in cases involving honor-related problems.

We must also be vigilant about something that is relatively new: Several of these victims now experience that if they report something as problematic, they may also risk someone in their family being deported. This also constitutes a threat to them.

I want to conclude by mentioning something a judge said: Actually, one commits excessive violence against the girl when one judges for a crime against her will, that is, even though she explicitly does not want it. The judge says at the same time that one must do this. Here we have the great dilemma when it comes to honor-related violence, that is, how we should handle it in a way that does not make it worse for the one who is exposed but helps the entire collective with better values.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Helena Vilhelmsson (C)

Mr. Speaker! Today we are debating one of the darkest chapters in our society. We are debating the invisible prison that honor-related violence and oppression constitute. It is a prison without walls – a prison where the jailers can be one's own family, relatives, and closest surroundings.

For the Center Party, this is a fundamental issue of freedom. The right to shape one's own life and to choose one's love, one's education, and one's future is non-negotiable. When the collective's demands of honor crush an individual's freedom, society must intervene with all its might. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, we in the Center Party welcome the proposals in the bill and stand behind the proposal in the Committee on Justice's report.

These are necessary and important steps to strengthen criminal law protection. The expansion of the crime of forced marriage to also include deception is good. It is entirely correct to introduce a new crime, marriage trafficking against children, and criminalize attempts at this. Harsher penalties and expanded possibilities to use covert coercive measures to investigate these despicable crimes are tools that the police and prosecutors need – even if one must be cautious, as we have heard from the rostrum. These tools shall be used with the utmost caution.

This is good, and the government should be commended for it. But we must never believe that only increased penalties and new laws are the entire solution, Mr. Speaker. The fight against honor-related violence and oppression must be won in the classrooms, at the social service offices, at the youth centers, and at the kitchen tables. Legislation is, after all, reactive, and we must become much better at being proactive. That is where the Center Party's policy rests on three legs: to prevent, to intervene early, and to provide support to those who want to leave – which is not particularly easy.

Firstly, it is about prevention and knowledge. Staff within schools, preschools, social services, and healthcare must receive mandatory training to be able to see the warning signs and dare to ask the difficult questions. We want to see a national knowledge lift. We also want to see that a national absence statistics for schools is introduced – I actually do not think such is in place yet – so that the children who disappear can be detected more quickly. Every autumn, chairs stand empty in the classrooms, and those children may have been sent on a so-called upbringing trip or on a trip to be married off.

Secondly, Mr. Speaker, we must intervene much earlier. Honor-based oppression begins with control – control over clothes, friends, mobile phones, and life choices. This suffocating and systematic controlling behavior is in itself a form of psychological violence. Centerpartiet raised the issue of criminalizing controlling behavior early on, and we can hope that it will be implemented now that we have made a decision on psychological violence.

Thirdly, Mr. Speaker, it is about the support for the victims. Breaking free from a context of honor is, in fact, one of the most dangerous and difficult journeys a person can make. One does not just leave a person; one often leaves everything and everyone they know. In that case, society must be there with a new, safe network.

This could, among other things, occur through an adapted national referral program. Such a program has been proposed by the Center Party for many years regarding men's violence against women, which has not yet been addressed. The Center Party argues, however, that it is also about developing the regional resource centers that exist in some counties in Sweden but not in all. This is a deficiency. A regional resource center must be given the conditions and resources to primarily be an operational support for schools and preschools, with several in the municipalities. Likewise, it should function as a professional support for children who must move to be protected from oppression.

Including goals to combat honor-related violence and oppression in the preschool curriculum, that every school in Sweden must have an action plan against honor oppression, and that there should be better consular support for abducted children as well as better adapted support when abducted children return home are other things that Centerpartiet highlights in its policy to combat honor-related violence and oppression. We can hope that this – preferably all of it – is included in the upcoming action plan for honor-related violence and oppression that the government has announced.

Mr. Speaker! The Centre Party thinks, as said, that today's proposal on tightened legislation regarding the honor issue is good and necessary. But one thing must be addressed, and that is the government's double game – I actually want to call it that – which is currently being highlighted. One gives with one hand and takes with the other. I am, of course, speaking about the unreasonable deportations that are still ongoing despite the government's claims to the contrary.

Where is the logic in us being tougher against those who practice oppression against young people in Sweden while the government simultaneously deport young people to countries where they are thrown straight into a culture of honor-related violence and oppression? Take, for example, Vanas, who is to be deported to Iraq. She knows that she will be married off when she arrives in Iraq. Or take Mariam, who was previously deported to Iraq – or the two sisters who were deported to Iran in the autumn. These are just some of the over 90 deportations during one year.

Many are actually deported to precisely those countries where honor-related violence and oppression are still fundamental in the culture: Iran, Iraq and Syria – not to mention Afghanistan, this Taliban regime that the government is now suddenly coddling. Can you in the government parties really look these young people in the eye and at the same time be satisfied with today's bill? I cannot.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I move for approval of the committee's proposal.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Torsten Elofsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! In line with increasing immigration from the so-called MENA countries, that is Middle East and North Africa, we in Sweden have received the growing clan culture that is predominant in the aforementioned region.

Today we speak a lot about clan culture. What does that mean then? Yes, briefly, clan culture means a social system where the individual's identity, loyalty, and security are strongly tied to an extended family or clan group. Clan culture is characterized by collectivism and loyalty. The group's interests and honor take precedence over the individual's own will, and loyalty to the clan is absolute.

The culture is also characterized by informal justice and social control. Conflicts and disputes are handled internally within the clan rather than by the institutions of the legal system, and the family's reputation is guarded. The clan functions as a social and economic safety net where resources are shared and people help one another.

Child marriage within clan cultures is often closely linked with honor-related violence and oppression. The interests of the collective are placed before the rights of the individual. Within such structures, marriage functions as a tool to strengthen the clan's cohesion, build alliances, and control the family's reputation.

Mr. Speaker! In Sweden today, an estimated 250,000 children live in a social environment characterized by honor-related violence and oppression. Girls are particularly vulnerable because they are carriers of the family's honor. Within the clan, there is a collective control where the individual's freedom is limited by the family's norms. Child marriage is often used to prevent young people, and especially girls, from initiating relationships that are not approved by the family, which is considered to be able to damage the clan's honor.

We remember Pela and Fadime, who were both murdered in their pursuit of the freedom to choose their own partners. We also remember the brutal honor killing of 22-year-old Shahida in Lessebo in May 2024. Her father and older brother were sentenced to life imprisonment and 16 years of imprisonment, respectively. Her mother was also involved, but she was acquitted. The trial showed that the murder was a planned act of honor after Shahida secretly married a man in Germany and told the police about her father's violence. The brother strangled Shahida in her father's car. The body was then taken out into the forest and burned.

This is something that exists in these cultures, where honor is more important than a girl's life, where a father can manage to murder his own daughter and where an older brother murders his own sister and burns her body. Pela, Fadime, and Shahida paid the ultimate price because they wanted to be together with a partner they had chosen themselves and whom they loved.

Marriages can be arranged between families within the same clan or lineage to retain resources and power. One example is cousin marriage, which is often used to strengthen ties within the clan. Customs such as bride price, or mahr, are common. Transactions between families at marriage cement economic and social bonds.

Mr. Speaker! What I have now described is completely foreign to our Swedish society, which is characterized by the individual's freedom and free choice of relationships and partners. The notion that a family's honor is violated and needs to be restored when a family member wants to live a completely normal free life without demands and shackles has no place in Sweden.

For many years, our authorities were completely helpless and chose to turn a blind eye to child marriages discovered in connection with immigration. It was not until 2019 that a total ban on child marriages was introduced in Sweden. At that point, the previous possibility of granting dispensations for marriages to persons under 18 was removed, and it also became illegal for Swedish authorities to recognize child marriages entered into abroad.

Recently, a couple in Söderhamn were detained on suspicion of attempted child marriage, but this is still an unusual criminal suspicion in Sweden. Last year, there were only two suspicions of child marriage that led to prosecution, and that is how it has largely looked year after year.

Mr. Speaker! It is welcome that we are now tightening the legislation regarding both punishable acts and penalties for current and new legislation, but if we are to achieve real success, it is required that we break up the established clan structures. These structures are characterized not only by honor-related violence and oppression. In the environment, there are also signs of vigilantism and, not least, an emerging organized crime including infiltration and undue influence within the business sector and the public sector.

In the long run, the activities and influence of the clans constitute a threat to our open and democratic society. The will for integration and assimilation into our society and our values is, to say the least, limited in these circles. It is against that background, Mr. Speaker, that the Christian Democrats emphasize the importance of nurturing and safeguarding the fundamental values in our country.

I vote in favor of the proposal in the committee's report.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Honor-related violence and oppression is one of the most serious expressions of lack of freedom in our society. It is about young people whose life space is restricted. Their right to choose their lives is taken away from them, and in the worst cases, their lives are actually in danger. It is therefore both important and positive that the parties in the Riksdag stand united behind the committee's communication.

The legislative proposals being presented now are necessary. They close gaps in the legislation and strengthen the protection against forced marriage, against child marriage, and against young people being taken out of the country to be married off. They tighten the penalties and clarify that Sweden does not accept these abuses, regardless of where they take place. This is good and important. It is a step forward.

However, we must not let the legislation be the end point, Mr. Speaker, but it must be the starting point. The fight against honor-related violence and oppression is not won solely in the law book. It is also won in the classroom, in social services, in civil society, and in the encounter with the young person who does not dare to speak out. It is won in knowledge, in trust, and in the courage to act in time. Therefore, I want to highlight three decisive perspectives that must permeate the continued work.

Firstly, the dissemination of knowledge must continue and be deepened. In Sweden, we have for a long time built up knowledge about honor-related violence and oppression. A national competence center has played an important role. We must, however, be honest: knowledge must never become concentrated among a few actors or individuals. It needs to exist throughout the country – among teachers, counselors, social workers, police, and healthcare staff. It needs to be living, updated, and integrated into the daily work.

If knowledge becomes too centralized, we risk vulnerability. If it becomes person-bound, we risk losing it. If it is not spread, we risk that young people fall through the cracks. Therefore, we need to continue to strengthen the broad competence throughout the entire welfare system. It must be just as obvious to detect and act against honor-based oppression as against other forms of violence.

Secondly, Mr. Speaker, we must strengthen civil society – not erode it. Vulnerable young people often do not turn to an authority first, but rather to a non-profit organization, a support line, or an association – someone who speaks the same language, shares their experiences, or feels safe to trust.

Civil society organizations have a unique ability to reach the most vulnerable. They build trust where the rest of society sometimes does not reach. They work long-term and relationally. Often they have small resources, but their work still has a great effect. For that very reason, it is crucial that their resources are not eroded.

We see today that many organizations testify to short-term grants, uncertain funding, and difficulties in planning their activities. This risks weakening the entire work against honor-related violence. If we mean business with protecting vulnerable children and young people, we must also provide stable and long-term conditions for those who reach them best. Strengthening civil society is not a side issue, but it is a core issue.

Thirdly, Mr. Speaker, the work must always have a clear LGBTQI perspective. Honor-related violence and oppression do not affect everyone equally. For LGBTQI persons, the vulnerability can be particularly serious. It can involve being forced to hide one's identity or being subjected to threats, violence, or social isolation. It can also involve so-called conversion attempts, i.e., attempts to change or deny a person's sexual orientation or gender identity.

We know that this occurs in Sweden. We also know that it causes great psychological and social harm and that, in the worst cases, it has life-threatening consequences. Therefore, it is not enough to hope that existing legislation will catch all these situations. We need clear, accurate, and normative legislation that prohibits conversion attempts against hbtqi persons, regardless of whether they occur through repeated actions or on individual occasions.

Legislation is, however, only one part. We must also ensure that support measures, protection, and preventive work are based on an LGBTQI perspective, that those who meet young people have knowledge of these specific vulnerabilities, and that no one is left without help because of who they are. Work against honor that does not include the LGBTQI perspective risks missing some of the most vulnerable.

Mr. Speaker! Today we stand behind important legislative changes. They make a difference. They strengthen protection and send a clear signal, but our work must not stop here. We need to continue building knowledge throughout society. We need to strengthen civil society, not weaken it. We also need to ensure that the fight against honor-related violence and oppression always includes a clear LGBTQI perspective.

At its core, this is about something very simple and at the same time very great: the right to live the life one chooses, the right to be who one is, and the right to do this without fear. It is this right that we defend here today.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Martin Melin (L)

Mr. Speaker! Few things are as loathsome as forcing a girl to marry a man who is unknown to her, regardless of how old he is. But this happens today, and it happens in Sweden today. It can also be so heinous that the girl is forced or deceived into traveling to another country, a country that may be foreign to her, and there marry a man who is unknown to her.

I do not think that anyone in here or anyone following the debate can imagine what it is like to live with the fear and dread of having to marry someone one does not want to marry or being forced to live with someone one does not want to live with. There is no one who can empathize with that feeling except the girls who have experienced it themselves. I have met women who have been subjected to this. I have spoken with them and heard their stories, and this is loathsome and abominable; there are no milder words.

This does not belong in a civilization in the year 2026. All forms of honor-related violence and oppression shall be combated with full force. That we still here in the world have cultures that survive from the 1800s is nothing other than tragic.

I am therefore glad that we have a government that does not sit on its hands but wants to review and tighten the legislation for those who force girls to marry against their will and for those who send girls away on so-called marriage trips. In addition to this, none of the marriages that become prohibited through the new law shall be recognized in Sweden. This means that polygamy, child marriage, forced marriage, marriage between close relatives and so-called proxy marriages will therefore not be recognized.

I am also pleased that the opposition is on board with this and that the Swedish Parliament is in agreement that honor-related violence is abhorrent. If the Parliament votes yes to the government's proposal, the new law will begin to apply as early as July 2 of this year. And this, Mr. Speaker, is a partial victory for freedom.

The deliberation was hereby concluded.

(A decision was to be taken on 26 May.)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.