Sweden's accession to the convention on the establishment of an international reparations commission for Ukraine
Translated from Swedish by AI; the translation may contain errors. The Swedish text is the original.
Summary AI, written in advance
S welcomes the convention as it stipulates that those who cause destruction through an illegal war of aggression shall be held accountable 1. The commission is an important step to document damages and lay the foundation for future compensation so that Russian assets can be used for Ukraine's reconstruction 1. M considers that accountability is an important part of a sustainable and just peace 2. V emphasizes that Russia must pay damages to settle Ukraine's debts 3. C emphasizes that the collection work is important so that impunity does not prevail 4. KD joins the convention to ensure accountability 5. MP argues that it is crucial for international law that aggression must not pay off 6. L stands behind the bill because it is important that Russia is held accountable 7.
Written by AI in advance and may contain errors. The numbers lead to the speech a statement builds on; check against the text below.
Azra Muranovic (S)
Mr. Speaker! Today we are addressing Sweden's accession to the convention on the establishment of an international reparations commission for Ukraine. It is a proposal that the Social Democrats stand behind.
This may at first glance appear to be a technical issue. But in reality, it is about something much larger. It is about responsibility, about justice, and about establishing a fundamental principle: that those who cause destruction through an illegal war of aggression must also be held responsible for the consequences.
When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, the country did not only violate Ukraine's sovereignty. It also violated the UN Charter, international law, and the fundamental rules that are intended to protect people from war and aggression.
Since then, we have seen hospitals, schools and residential areas being destroyed. We have seen communities being torn apart by the war. Millions of people have been driven into flight. Thousands of children have lost their homes, their safety, their relatives and even their country when they have been kidnapped. For many Ukrainians, the consequences of this war will remain long after the weapons have fallen silent.
Mr. Speaker! International law must be more than beautiful words in international documents. Therefore, there must also be consequences when international law is broken. If a state can start a war of aggression without being held accountable, the entire international legal order risks being weakened.
That is why the international reparations commission is an important step. The commission shall be able to examine claims from private individuals, companies, municipalities, and the state of Ukraine for the damages that Russia's aggression has caused. It shall document, assess, establish liability, and lay the foundation for future compensation and reparations.
Mr. Speaker! For the Social Democrats, the support for Ukraine is long-term. We stand behind Ukraine's right to defend its freedom, its democracy, and its territorial integrity.
But the support is not just about military deliveries. It is also about reconstruction, about human dignity, and about people whose lives have been shattered being able to get justice. It is about the pensioner whose apartment has been bombed to pieces, about the family that has lost their home, about the child whose school has been bombed, and about the societies that will one day be rebuilt.
Mr. Speaker! We have for a long time been clear that Russia must be held accountable for its actions. War crimes must be documented, perpetrators must be held to account, and those who cause damage must also contribute to repairing it. Therefore, it is welcome that the international community is now moving from words to action.
But we must also be honest: This commission is not the end goal. It is a beginning, and the next step shall be to ensure that there are actually resources to pay out the compensation that is determined. In the convention, the possibility for future mechanisms and compensation funds is opened. Therefore, the international community needs to continue the work of finding legally sustainable ways to use Russian assets for Ukraine's reconstruction. It is not, in fact, Ukraine's teachers, nurses, retirees, or families with children who should bear the cost of Putin's illegal war against the country.
Mr. Speaker! We live in a time when authoritarian forces challenge democracy, human rights, and international law in many parts of the world. Therefore, it is crucial that democracies stand united, that we defend international law and the principle of accountability, and that we show that those who violate international law cannot count on impunity.
Ultimately, this is about what kind of world we want to leave behind – a world where the right of the strongest prevails or a world where the strength of right prevails.
The Social Democrats choose the latter. Therefore, we welcome the convention and the compensation commission.
Ann-Sofie Alm (M)
Mr. Speaker! This matter concerns Sweden's accession to an international mechanism to handle the damages following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, through the international reparations commission for Ukraine.
It is a task that, at its core, concerns the rule of law's long-term function in a time of war and destruction. When international law is violated to this extent, the response must not only be political but also institutionally and legally sustainable over time.
Mr. Speaker! What we are dealing with today is a step in a larger structure where damages are first documented, claims are examined, and the foundation is laid for future compensations to the victims involved here. It is an order that aims to ensure that legal principles are not only formulated but can also be enforced, because what is greater: Accountability is an important part of a sustainable and just peace.
Sweden has consistently stood behind the work to strengthen Ukraine's right to compensation and reconstruction. It is a line that rests on the fundamental principles of international law: that the one who causes damage also bears responsibility for it. Since the Russian assets were frozen, the Government has worked hard to ensure that these Russian assets are used to rebuild Ukraine.
Mr. Speaker! It is extremely important that this process is characterized by legal certainty, clear mandates, and international legitimacy. Only then can it contribute to a stable and credible order for the future. Sweden shall continue to be a constructive party in this work, together with our European and international partners.
I therefore move for approval of the committee's proposal.
Mr. Speaker! How do you replace a life? How do you replace a child whose laughter you will never hear again? How do you replace a father? These lives are priceless. How do you replace lost years of childhood? How do you replace the suffering of every Ukrainian family whose children have been illegally deported and abducted by Russia?
I cannot answer that, Mr. Speaker, but this damages commission is probably the closest we can come to some kind of justice under civilized forms.
Mr. Speaker! When it comes to this situation, the principle is at least simple. The one who causes destruction shall also bear responsibility for it. The one who tears down shall build up. And the one who initiates a war of aggression shall not be able to leave the cost to someone else. The one who indiscriminately rapes, murders and bombs civilians and innocent people shall be brought to justice and pay for their crimes.
Mr. Speaker! That is why this international reparations commission is a very important tool. It makes it possible to collect the claims and lay the foundation for the future compensation. Above all, it establishes the important principle that aggression has a price.
Mr. Speaker! I want to express my respect for the Ukrainian people, for the perseverance that I and we have encountered at every visit, for the strength carried by people who have lost so much but still refuse to give up, and for the dignity that permeates their struggle for freedom. It is a resilience that obliges the rest of the world not to turn away.
Mr. Speaker! Sweden has, since day one, stood clearly on Ukraine's side, because it has been right and necessary. Under the leadership of Foreign Minister Maria Malmer Stenergård, Sweden has consistently worked to strengthen Ukraine's cause and to ensure that Russia cannot withdraw from its responsibility.
It is important. It is not just about Ukraine, but about the security of all of Europe. When a country tries to change borders with violence, the entire order that has kept our continent peaceful is threatened. We have a duty and an obligation to support Ukraine in the war and increase the pressure on Russia. But we must also be involved in ensuring that the one who causes the destruction shall contribute to repairing it.
Therefore, the message is short and concise, Mr. Speaker. Russia must out of Ukraine, and Russia must pay for the crimes they have committed.
Håkan Svenneling (V)
Mr. Speaker! It is difficult not to be moved by my colleagues' speeches here today. It is an important decision for Ukraine that we are to make regarding whether we shall accede to the convention on the establishment of an international reparations commission. The convention is about Ukraine receiving economic reparations for the damages that Russia has inflicted on the country through its violation of international law, which we in this chamber have condemned time and again. We will also continue to do so.
Why is it important to participate in this convention? It is about the moral: that Russia's attack is wrong. By establishing such a commission, we also demand that Russia take responsibility for the crimes they have de facto committed. It is also about economic compensation, a reparation, for the damage they have caused.
Ukraine has in recent years been forced to take out large loans to maintain its economy, its welfare, and its ability to defend itself – solely because of this violation of international law. These loans, regardless of in what forms and under what favorable conditions they are taken, can become a very heavy backpack for Ukraine's future generations to carry. In order for the backpack not to become too heavy, it is important to resolve these debts. Russia must therefore pay reparations for what it has caused.
Ukraine also needs support and help with the debt issues it has in general. It is far from alone in this now. Just before Russia's violation of international law in the invasion of Ukraine, we had the covid pandemic, and before that, we had other types of crises that affected countries all around the world. Now we have an Ebola crisis. Many countries in the world are therefore in a serious situation. They have borrowed to cope with a situation, but the backpack has now become far too heavy to carry.
We need to talk about this. And we need to continue talking about the frozen Russian assets. Russia has banking assets abroad that we have frozen but have not yet accessed. I am proud of the work that the Swedish Riksdag has done together with the Swedish government, in agreement between all parties. We have pushed forward and been so close to succeeding in releasing the frozen Russian assets. But we are not there yet. I am completely convinced that we will continue that fight together moving forward.
Mr. Speaker! In this situation, it is also important to point out that on the day reconstruction begins in earnest and peace prevails, it is important that it occurs in a fair manner. Many Ukrainian savings accounts have been emptied as a result of the attack contrary to international law. They can absolutely claim damages, but it is important that the reconstruction occurs in such a way that all internal refugees have somewhere to live, at reasonable rents and costs.
Today is very tough for many Ukrainians. Many children are living in child poverty. These are issues we need to address now. But if we do not have such a compensation commission, we will also not be able to manage them in the long term. Therefore, this decision is incredibly important.
There is agreement on much of this. There is agreement on today's report. Therefore, I wish to vote in favor of the proposal in the report.
Kerstin Lundgren (C)
Mr. Speaker! Unity is what the House has shown when it comes to the support for Ukraine. It is extremely important. We often speak of how we together stand up for the blue and yellow colors. And we stand unanimously behind Ukraine's brave fight for its freedom, for its rights and for its security, but also for our security.
We have, as has been evident, long sought ways forward. Today is the 1,569th day of the war of aggression that Russia has started. It has hit the Ukrainian population hard. Many of us have in different ways heard their stories and met and seen their reality. We then have completely different circumstances, because we can return to Sweden – completely separate from the reality that one is struck by in Ukraine. The entire society has been affected. So much has been bombed and destroyed.
International law is, as said, fundamental to Swedish foreign policy. International law is also closely linked to the UN and the founding of the UN. I had hoped that we could reach another solution via the UN. But it is regrettable that the Security Council is incapable here. Due to Russia's and China's veto power, it is not possible to make progress.
Then I am glad that we on the European continent, on the other hand, with the UN and not least the MR Convention as a basis, have created our own so-called UN in the form of the Council of Europe. I think there are reasons to note that. The Council of Europe has indeed had a central role in handling the crime of aggression against Ukraine.
It concerns, among other things, the establishment of the victims' register, which constitutes part of the foundation. People in Ukrainian society have the opportunity to report the crimes that have been committed and to collect evidence. In that way, a foundation can be laid to be able to demand justice.
The collection work is extremely important. I know many organizations, companies, and other things that have been created to try to move the evidence forward. This is extremely important, because impunity must not prevail. This is central.
The victims must have the opportunity to receive compensation, to heal, and to get justice regarding the injustices that Russia has committed. Being able to heal is also an important basis for being able to create a sustainable peace and a sustainable future.
It is therefore very valuable that we have been able to gather around this. I am also pleased that the Council of Europe has the opportunity to provide a framework for this convention. I am pleased that not only the EU but also Canada, Australia and Mexico participated as parties in the negotiations and that a number of non-European states such as the USA, Japan and Colombia participated as observers. The negotiations led to the convention that we will have to take a position on later.
This is an international mechanism for reparations for the acts in Ukraine that violate international law. What is also important, and which has been part of the Council of Europe's legal basis, is that everyone should be able to lodge a complaint and have their case examined. That is the basis for the European Court of Human Rights.
In this case, the reparations commission shall decide on claims for damages or losses caused by Russia's actions contrary to international law in or against Ukraine since 24 February 2022. This includes damages on Ukraine's territory, within its internationally recognized borders, namely Donetsk, Luhansk and Crimea, and its exclusive economic zone and continental shelf in accordance with international law, as well as on aircraft and ships covered by Ukraine's jurisdiction. Both physical and legal persons, as well as the state of Ukraine, its regional and local authorities and state-owned or state-controlled entities, may submit claims.
This is extremely important, because in this way all those affected can turn to this compensation commission and demand redress. It is important that we are involved. It will be an incredibly tough and heavy journey for this commission and for those who are to examine all the immense crimes that have been committed during these 1,569 days, and unfortunately, more are waiting before one can begin the process of healing and justice so that impunity does not prevail.
Magnus Berntsson (KD)
Mr. Speaker! Today we are considering the government's bill on Sweden's accession to the convention on the establishment of an international reparations commission for Ukraine. The Christian Democrats naturally stand behind the committee's proposal and welcome that Sweden joins this important convention.
Since February 24, 2022, Ukraine has been subjected to a full-scale, brutal, and unprovoked war of aggression. Russia's full-scale invasion has caused an enormous human tragedy. People have been killed, families have been torn apart, homes have been destroyed, and entire communities have been laid into ruins.
In addition to the human suffering, Ukraine has suffered very extensive material and economic damage. However, it is not just about Ukraine but also about the international legal order. If a state can initiate a war of aggression against a neighboring country without being held accountable, it risks undermining the principles that have contributed to peace and stability in Europe after the Second World War.
International law is not a collection of recommendations. It is a framework of rules, and violations of this must have consequences. The one who causes harm shall also be held responsible for the harm. It is a fundamental legal principle both between individuals and between states.
Mr. Speaker! The international reparations commission is an important part of the mechanism that is now being built up to ensure that Ukraine receives reparations. Previously, an international damage register was established within the Council of Europe to document the damages and losses caused by the Russian aggression. Sweden was one of the founding members in this work.
The next step is to create an institution that can actually examine these claims. That is exactly what the compensation commission is going to do. Independent experts will assess claims from individuals, companies, local authorities, and the Ukrainian state. In this way, a legal structure is created to establish liability and compensation.
It is important to emphasize that this is not merely a symbolic measure but a concrete step to ensure accountability. The convention clearly states that Russia bears the responsibility for the acts contrary to international law and is expected to finance the compensation that the commission decides upon.
Mr. Speaker! For the Christian Democrats, the support for Ukraine is both a security policy and a moral issue. From day one, we have stood behind strong Swedish support for Ukraine's struggle for freedom. We have provided military, humanitarian, and economic support, but we must also contribute to ensuring that justice is served. Peace without justice risks becoming a fragile peace. Therefore, the international community needs to create mechanisms that ensure that war crimes, abuses, and violations of international law are not only documented but also have consequences.
The convention that we are dealing with today is an important step in that direction. It is also positive that the work is taking place within the framework of the Council of Europe and has broad international support. Already, a large number of states and the European Union have joined the process.
Sweden has long been a strong voice for international law, for human rights, and for international accountability. By joining this convention, we show that these principles are not just words but also something that we are prepared to put into action.
We stand up for Ukraine's right to freedom and self-determination, and we stand up for international law. We also stand up for the principle that those who cause harm shall also be held accountable. With this, I move for approval of the committee's proposal.
Jacob Risberg (MP)
Mr. Speaker! We are now debating the Committee on Foreign Affairs' report on Sweden's accession to the convention on an international reparations commission for Ukraine. "Debating" is perhaps an overstatement when we are all so in agreement. Even the Green Party, of course, stands behind the committee's proposal.
This is not just a legal question. It is fundamentally a question of the position of international law, justice, and responsibility in a time when these principles are being tested most severely.
Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine constitutes a flagrant violation of the UN Charter and the fundamental principle of the territorial integrity of states. International law is clear: those who violate international law shall also bear responsibility for the damages caused. This has also been established by the UN General Assembly, which has clearly stated that Russia must bear the legal consequences of its violations of international law, including through reparations to Ukraine.
It is in this context that the international reparations commission becomes decisive. It is not merely an administrative mechanism. It is an expression of a principle: that aggression must not pay off. By joining, Sweden sends a clear message: International law applies – even when it is challenged by great powers.
Mr. Speaker! If we lift our eyes from the principles and look at the reality in Ukraine, we encounter a different kind of argument, one that is just as relentless, namely the scale of the costs. According to a joint assessment over a year old from the Ukrainian government, the World Bank, the EU, and the UN, the costs for reconstruction amount to approximately 524 billion dollars over the next ten years. Newer estimates from this year even point to nearly 588 billion dollars, which is almost three times Ukraine's annual GDP. We are therefore talking about one of the largest reconstruction efforts in modern history.
Behind the figures are hundreds of thousands of destroyed homes, millions of affected people, an energy model in ruins after targeted attacks on power plants and the electricity grid, and major damage to infrastructure such as schools, hospitals, and transport. This is not just material destruction; it is an attack on a society's future.
Mr. Speaker! There is a dimension of the war that is all too often underestimated and which is not always as clearly visible, namely the environmental and climate impact. The war in Ukraine is also a war against nature. Research shows that the war has already caused over 156 billion dollars in environment-related costs – and this is only part of the true cost because many effects only appear over time.
poisoned soils and waters due to heavy metals, chemicals and ammunition
destroyed ecosystems and forests, where fires and military activities have damaged over 100,000 hectares of nature
massive emissions of greenhouse gases, estimated at 311 million tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalents over three years, i.e., on par with the annual emissions of several European countries
the dam collapse in Nova Kachovka, with extensive flooding, spread of pollutants, and long-term damage to the Black Sea.
Perhaps most importantly, 30 percent of Ukraine's protected natural areas have been negatively affected by the war. This is not just a local tragedy; it is a blow to Europe's biodiversity and to our common climate goals.
Against this background, the compensation commission does not become merely a technical solution. It becomes a tool to document damages, establish liability, and ensure compensation. It is about creating a structure where Ukraine's state, companies, and individuals can actually obtain redress. And it is about creating a precedent: that environmental destruction in war shall also be met with accountability.
Mr. Speaker! A question that is often raised in this context is the frozen Russian assets. Globally, it concerns around 300 billion euros in state assets that are frozen in the Western world. Within the EU, it amounts to approximately 210 billion euros. It is a lot of money, but it is not enough. If the reconstruction costs up to 588 billion dollars and the costs continue to increase, it is obvious that even a full utilization of these assets does not cover the needs. Furthermore, there are significant legal and political hurdles, such as state immunity, the rule of law, and international financial risks.
Therefore, it is crucial that we have a functioning compensation commission. It can link claims and potential future payments, provide structure to the use of frozen assets, and contribute to legitimacy in the process.
But we must be honest. It will require more than that. International support, private investments and long-term cooperation will be necessary.
For the Green Party, it is also important to emphasize that the reconstruction is not just about rebuilding what has been destroyed. The reconstruction must be sustainable. It is about investing in renewable energy instead of in fossil-dependent systems, restoring destroyed ecosystems, ensuring clean water, clean air and clean soil, and integrating climate goals into every step of the reconstruction.
The destruction of the war is enormous, but the reconstruction can become an opportunity to build something better – a modern, resilient and green economy in Ukraine.
Mr. Speaker! The report is fundamentally about something larger than Sweden. It is about the international system we want to live in – a system where borders are respected, aggression has consequences, damages are compensated, and nature is not regarded as free loot in war. By supporting this convention, Sweden takes responsibility for upholding exactly this system. We stand up for international law, we stand up for Ukraine, and we stand up for the idea that justice actually must have a cost – otherwise, the injustice costs even more.
Fredrik Malm (L)
Mr. Speaker! In this matter, all parties are in agreement, and I agree one hundred percent with what has been said by previous speakers. The Liberals naturally stand wholeheartedly behind the bill, because it is extremely important that a reparations commission for Ukraine is established.
After this debate, we will also debate the report with the dry title Sweden's accession to the extended partial agreement for the special tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. One can dress things in bureaucratic and technocratic attire, but both matters are about Russia having to be held accountable for what it has done and paying for what it has done.
A major caveat in this context is the Russian Federation itself. It is completely uninterested in following international legal order and norms. It is clear that it will not voluntarily pay to Ukraine, whose inhabitants it has tormented, tortured, and murdered while it has bombed their houses and kidnapped their children.
This leads back to what must be the starting point in everything we do: that Ukraine must win the war. The only possibility of giving those who have fallen victim to the Russian terror and the Russian aggression against Ukraine justice is that the war ends.
Sweden has since 24 February 2022 contributed approximately 130 billion SEK in support to Ukraine, of which 100 billion is in military support and 30 billion in civil and humanitarian support. It is positive that there is no conflict in the Swedish parliament or between the parties regarding the support for Ukraine, without there being in the Riksdag a very broad, almost one hundred percent, support to continue providing this support, which is completely indispensable for Ukraine. That the EU, after the election in Hungary, pushed through the 90 billion euros that Hungary had previously blocked is also very positive for Ukraine.
Mr. Speaker! An important perspective, which I have raised here in the speaker's chair earlier, is that our relationship with Ukraine is much more equal than many think. Many believe that a lot of countries are giving Ukraine alms and donations to help Ukraine stand on its own feet, roughly as was done for countries in the global south in the 70s. But that is not the case, rather the relationship with Ukraine is, as said, much more equal.
Ukraine has, through the experiences the war has brought, created Europe's strongest army. Through innovation and development and through the horrors of war, Ukraine has, in various ways, through this innovation, created knowledge that will also be indispensable for all of us others in the future. This means that all investments and all aid to Ukraine give something back to us.
If the war becomes regionalized and reaches our latitudes, Ukraine's technology in, for example, the drone area will be absolutely crucial for countries in the Baltics and also for us here in Sweden. The relationship with Ukraine is therefore much more equal than one might think, and we must see Ukraine as an equal partner.
From that perspective, it is important to point out that the sacrifices that Ukraine makes for all of us others involve a suffering that the Ukrainians endure but that we do not endure. They endure this suffering for our entire continent and for our entire legal order.
Something that is very important and that a previous speaker mentioned is that this is about morality and ethics but also about international law and our international regulatory frameworks. It is about us standing behind Ukraine and that the Ukrainians – people of flesh and blood, the subjects themselves in this, 40 million Ukrainian citizens – shall receive redress and compensation for what they have suffered.
With this, I vote in favor of the proposal in the report.
The deliberation was hereby concluded.
Source: The Swedish Parliament. The speeches come from the open data of the Riksdag, translated into English by AI, which may contain errors.