Special debate on the situation in the Middle East

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! There is war in the Middle East. It is a war that has killed more children than ever before, that has killed more aid workers than in any other conflict, where more journalists than ever before have been killed to stop independent reporting.

The famine and devastation are a fact both in Gaza and in Lebanon. We must put an end to the killing of all civilians. Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners must be freed. Right-wing extremist Netanyahu's genocide must be stopped.

It is war, but we are in a situation where peace can be achieved if the rest of the world acts. The leaders of Hamas and Hezbollah are dead. We cannot let either Israel or terrorist groups continue to wage war. The Swedish government's tired talking points do not work. Sweden and the rest of the world need a message of peace. Sweden needs to put heavy pressure on Israel's government.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! October 7 was the anniversary of the worst massacre committed against Jews since the Holocaust. 1,200 people were brutally murdered and over 200 were kidnapped. 101 people are still being held as hostages in Gaza, and it is uncertain how many of them are alive.

We would not be standing in the chamber and having this debate today if it were not for the terrorist organization Hamas's heinous attacks. They will never and must never be forgotten, and Sweden demands that the remaining hostages be released immediately and unconditionally.

At the same time, the consequences of the war for civilians in Gaza are unfathomable. The human suffering is immense, and the humanitarian needs are acute, not least for many women and children.

In order for aid to reach those in need, substantial and immediate improvements in humanitarian access are required. The Government has therefore actively pushed the issue of humanitarian access ever since the war began. We do so directly in our contacts with Israel, and we do so together with other EU countries and like-minded parties. Sometimes it happens publicly and sometimes in other ways. This week, for example, we have together with our Nordic neighboring countries published a joint statement in which we express great concern over the proposed legislation in the Israeli parliament, which in practice would make UNRWA's life-saving work impossible.

In addition to this, Sweden has since October 2023 increased its humanitarian support by over 540 million kronor to meet the growing needs in Gaza. Sweden is one of the absolute largest core donors to many of the humanitarian actors who are on the ground in Gaza, saving lives and alleviating distress.

Mr. Speaker! An immediate ceasefire in Gaza is needed in accordance with UN Security Council resolution 2735. The government gives its full support to the US roadmap, which requires a ceasefire, increased humanitarian access, and the immediate release of all those who have been taken hostage. This is what we advocate for within the EU, and it is something I have raised in a direct conversation with my Israeli colleague. But ultimately, a political solution to the conflict is needed. A negotiated two-state solution is the only sustainable solution that implies that both Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side in peace, freedom, and security.

Therefore, the government also views the increased settler violence on the West Bank and the expansion of the illegal settlements with great concern. Both a Hamas-run Gaza and the Israeli settlement policy undermine the possibility of a negotiated two-state solution. Therefore, the government participated in developing the proposals for EU sanctions against extremist settlers, and we will push for more. Obstacles to a future two-state solution must be dismantled.

We are now seeing a regional escalation that is deeply worrying. The government therefore calls for restraint. The escalation has resulted in a large number of civilians killed and injured. I repeated these messages in meetings at the opening of the UN General Assembly in September and in bilateral talks with my counterparts from among others Israel and Iran.

The Government also views the rapidly increasing humanitarian needs in Lebanon very seriously. The UN assesses that 1 million people need urgent humanitarian support and that an estimated equal number have been forced to flee. Therefore, Sweden has more than doubled its humanitarian support to Lebanon.

Mr. Speaker! I would like to conclude the opening speech by turning our gaze from the Middle East to Sweden. It is fully understandable that the conflict in the Middle East evokes strong emotions here as well. It should be high-ceilinged in this chamber too, but we can never tolerate intolerance, threats, and hate. We can never accept antisemitism and terror-romance. We can never put up with Jewish institutions becoming targets of attacks and Iran conducting terrorist activities in Sweden via proxies. That is where the line is drawn! I expect all parties in Sweden's Riksdag to also hold that line.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! First, I would like to extend a thanks to the Left Party for the initiative to this very important debate.

The war and violence in Gaza, on the West Bank, and in Lebanon is the worst humanitarian crisis of our time with over 40,000 dead in Gaza, the vast majority civilians - tens of thousands of women and children. How many we may never know because their bodies are torn apart and buried in the rubble. 80 percent of the houses in Gaza are in ruins, and millions of people will be traumatized for decades to come. An entire generation of children has lost the very desire to live.

The question is whether what is happening in Gaza right now should even be called a war; it is rather a bloodbath where only one party, the Palestinians, are dying.

The Hamas terrorist attack on October 7 last year was a horrific act, which is rightly condemned by all democratic forces and by the international community. It must be condemned unreservedly, and the hostages must be released. But that act of terror does not justify the extreme violence we have seen from the Israeli side during this year, and it certainly does not justify the settler violence in the West Bank, where militant settlers appear to have been given free rein to kill, harass, and displace ordinary Palestinians who have nothing to do with Hamas. You do not fight terrorism by killing civilian women and children. On the contrary! You only sow the seed for more violence.

Furthermore, this now risks escalating into a large-scale war between Israel and Iran. It must be prevented at all costs. Everyone knows that Iran plays an extremely destructive role in the conflict through its support for Hamas and Hezbollah. The international community must increase the pressure on both parties to force a de-escalation. Words are not enough; one must move from words to action.

Unfortunately, the Swedish government has been strikingly passive and silent. It is time to break that silence and act. We have, from a united opposition side, demanded that Sweden partly drives the issue of labeling Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard as terrorists to put pressure on Iran, and partly drives the issue of the EU freezing the trade agreement with Israel until Israel complies with international law.

Mr. Speaker! Is the Minister for Foreign Affairs ready to move from words to action? Is she ready to push for the two concrete measures to achieve increased pressure on both parties and to achieve a de-escalation and negotiations?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Aron Emilsson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! The Middle East is a region that, for centuries, almost since the beginning of time, has in many cases been characterized by conflict, instability, and humanitarian crises. The complex web of history, culture, and politics prevailing in the region and, not least, the antisemitism, means that the situation in the region will not stabilize in the short term.

The Abraham Accords were a success for the normalization of some relations between several Arab states and Israel. But it is simmering and boiling again beneath the surface, intensely, against the background of the ongoing war that is tearing the region apart.

Since the takeover in 1979, Iran has been a nest of evil in the Middle East. We see this time and again in how the country stands behind terror, atrocities, and wars of aggression not only in the Middle East but also on Swedish soil, where shootings, attempted attacks, and organized crime occur on the orders of Iran and its henchmen.

Iran also supports Russia in its war against Ukraine and has exported extensive amounts of drones. Iran is therefore not only a security problem in the Middle East but also for us in Europe, just as Russia conversely is for Israel in the Middle East.

Mr. Speaker! The now extensive war taking place in the region is driven by Iran. It is Iran that has supported Hamas and Hezbollah. It is Iran that supports the Houthi rebels in Yemen, and it is Iran that has attacked Israel with long-range weapons in a way that the world has not seen in the region in decades.

Israel, the Middle East's only fundamentally functioning democracy, is the country that has most clearly taken the fight against the Islamist theocracy in Iran and its proxy warriors. Israel has the moral and legal right, as the home for the Jewish people after the Holocaust and after centuries of persecution, to defend itself as a front state exposed to the world's worst terrorist organizations, which are also concentrated in its immediate vicinity.

Israel is for us Western countries a strategic ally as a bastion for democracy but also intelligence exchange, trade and technological development.

Mr. Speaker! The war ongoing in the Middle East after Hamas's attack against civilians on October 7 last year is brutal. Civilians are becoming victims in the fighting. The humanitarian suffering is enormous and the destruction extensive, especially in a war being waged in densely populated areas where Islamist terrorists use civilians as human shields and UN facilities in their warfare.

Even though Israel has taken measures to minimize the number of civilian casualties, the death tolls are high and the lack of disaster relief to those in distress is great, why an immediate release of the hostages, a temporary ceasefire, and humanitarian access are critical to alleviate distress and prevent further death. What we now see developing in the Middle East must not develop into a new global conflict where antisemitism is strengthened when it shows its ugly face.

(Applause)

In this speech, Eric Westroth (SD) agreed.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! A year ago, the Left Party called for a special debate in the Riksdag. We called out Foreign Minister Billström and all parties to try to persuade Sweden's government to act so that there would not be a complete catastrophe in the Middle East.

A year later, we can unfortunately state that it became a catastrophe. Israeli ministers' statements a year ago that they would stop all food, all water, and all medicines to Gaza have become reality. The small area of Gaza has been bombed more than some other places on earth, and the devastation is total. Israel's inhumane response to Hamas's horrific terror attack has triggered a spiral of violence throughout the Middle East that has also taken the war to Lebanon, Israel, Yemen, Syria, and Iran.

Israeli apartheid laws that discriminate between different ethnicities prevail in Israel and in the occupied West Bank. At the same time, the violence and killing in the occupied West Bank have reached new heights. It is the civilian population that has been affected when their lives have been shattered by bombs, firearms, and settler violence.

The UN has shouted itself hoarse to get Sweden, the USA, yes, the entire world to act. The response from Israel's government has been to brand and ban UN Secretary-General António Guterres from coming to the country, while UN employees and UN soldiers are being attacked and killed.

Now the Israeli parliament is preparing a law to prevent the UN from providing humanitarian aid to Palestinians. It is an unacceptable and cynical policy aimed at starving an occupied people.

The Swedish government, together with a long line of other Western governments, especially the American one, has committed a long series of errors over the past year. The Swedish government has still not demanded a permanent ceasefire. This shows the total lack of faith in a peaceful Middle East. With a fool's persistence, the phrase "Israel's right to defend itself" has been repeated over and over again while thousands of civilians have died and Israel's government is now under investigation in the courts of the ICJ and ICC.

You froze and cut the Swedish aid to the main aid organizations for Palestinians, on very loose grounds, while the UN agency UNRWA tried to continue helping when the need is greatest.

You have failed to conduct a solidary and just foreign policy. You have lowered Sweden's reputation in the world, especially in Muslim countries. You have broken with the Swedish tradition of standing up for international law and instead introduced double standards.

Mr. Speaker! We would not be standing in this debate today if Israel's occupation of Palestine had ended long ago. Sweden must now stand behind the only peaceful party in this situation, the State of Palestine. Sweden has recognized Palestine as a state. We should wholeheartedly support Palestine's state-building so that we achieve equal parties, a two-state solution, and in the long run an end to the occupation for a sustainable peace for both Palestine and Israel.

(Applause)

In this speech, Lorena Delgado Varas (V) concurred.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna Lasses (C)

Mr. Speaker! We must never forget the people – those who have been killed, regardless of side, the hostage who is being held captive by Hamas and the hostages' families, the 2 million who are trapped in Gaza under appalling conditions and the children who have not been able to attend school for over a year. It is them this is about, and it is on their side that we shall stand.

For the Center Party, it is crystal clear: International law and international law must be followed. This means that Israel has the right to defend itself within the boundaries of international law. It means that aid to those in distress must be allowed through, that hostages must be released, and that aid workers and UN peacekeeping forces must under no circumstances be fired upon.

Achieving a long-term peace requires a two-state solution where Israel and Palestine must learn to live with each other. The debate is often focused on whose fault it is, who is the worst villain. Look instead at each one's responsibility! Here is a snapshot.

It is Hamas's responsibility to immediately release the hostages, to stop using civilians as human shields and to be held accountable.

It is the responsibility of the Israeli government to allow aid into Gaza, to end the settlement policy in the West Bank and to absolutely not, under any circumstances, kill personnel in aid organizations or UN peacekeeping troops.

It is Israel's responsibility to accept that the organization UNRWA is required to build up Palestine into an independent state.

It is Palestine's responsibility to begin building a sustainable structure to be able to govern a country, of course with support from the rest of the world.

It is the joint responsibility of Israel and Palestine to accept each other as neighbors and, with this, respect each other's borders.

It is the world's responsibility not to choose between Israel and Palestine but to act jointly so that international law is followed, support the work for a two-state solution, and ensure that the support needed to build up Palestine into a democratic state is available.

And it is Sweden's responsibility to take on the leadership role, stand up for international law and act based on this.

For example, it is required that we take a stand when the UN votes. It is required that we do everything to unite the EU so that the EU can act and move from words to action. It is required that the government clearly dares to speak out, regardless of who it is that is doing wrong.

Hamas' actions on October 7 are so close to the pure and calculated evil humanity can produce. One knew what Israel's response would be. One knew that one was sacrificing the population of Gaza. Hamas' goal is not peace but only the annihilation of the state of Israel.

Sweden and the rest of the world must take a significantly greater responsibility and act significantly more strongly than has been done until now.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! At the end of October, almost exactly one year ago, I visited the kibbutz Kfar Aza near the border with Gaza. There, I saw the devastation after Hamas's terror attacks on October 7. Inside a shelter that had been breached by the terrorists, all family members had been murdered. Bullet holes and bloodstains remained. I will never forget the smell of rotting blood. I also never forget the young man who had been injured in the fight and whose wife and three children had been kidnapped. He said: I am not even angry. I might get angry again, but I just want to get them home.

This was the beginning of the war that is now ongoing in Gaza and which has also spread to Lebanon, while the threat of a regional major war remains. Israel finds itself in a difficult situation, under attack from three fronts: Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and Iran, which also finances the former and many other terrorist groups. The same Iranian drones that are used to kill Ukrainians in Ukraine are used to kill Israelis in Israel. The same Iranian Revolutionary Guard that last year attempted to murder Swedish Jews continues its pattern of spreading death and terror in order to export its revolution.

In response to Hezbollah's rocket attacks, Israel has launched a counter-offensive in Lebanon. Everyone who safeguards freedom and democracy should support Israel's right to self-defense, and it is high time to list both the Revolutionary Guard in Iran and the entire Hezbollah movement on the terror list.

At the same time, it must be emphasized that Israel's self-defense must always be in accordance with international law and international humanitarian law. The process for a negotiated two-state solution must be resumed as soon as possible. It is the only realistic path to a sustainable peace.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! It is unfortunately not the first time I stand in the speaker's chair and talk about the humanitarian situation in Gaza, which is a catastrophe. Famine is increasing. Israel allows almost no food to enter northern Gaza despite trucks standing ready just a few kilometers away.

This leaves 400,000 Palestinians with the impossible choice of staying where there is a food shortage or trying to flee south. But there are no safe places to flee to. Every day, ten children in Gaza lose one or two legs due to the bombs - every day. More than 17,000 children have lost one parent or both their parents. At least 13,000 children have been killed in Gaza by the Israeli military - the real number is probably significantly higher.

Mr. Speaker! In the shadow of the war in Gaza, the violence on the West Bank from both settlers and the military has increased significantly. Palestinian farmers' olive groves are set on fire, olive fields are destroyed by four-wheelers, residential houses are demolished, roads are torn up, and cars are burned. It is a violence that often results in deaths and injuries. The settlers' violence against Palestinians is not individual incidents of chaos or spontaneous aggression. It is a deliberate, organized strategy to create fear and displace Palestinians from their homes and land. The occupation makes a just two-state solution impossible and is illegal.

Mr. Speaker! Despite the fact that we receive daily reports of the catastrophe in Palestine and have repeatedly raised the issue in this rostrum, the government continues to stand passive in the face of the horrific reality in Gaza and the developments in the West Bank. When the EU wants to introduce sanctions, they hold back. When the UN votes to end the occupation, they abstain. When the UN votes on a ceasefire and on allowing humanitarian aid in Gaza, they also abstain.

During the last year, more women and children have been killed in Gaza than during a year of any other conflict in the last 20 years. It is not worthy of a Swedish government to stand so paralyzed in action in this situation. Where is Sweden's condemnation of Israel's disproportionate violence against the Palestinian population? How will the government work to ensure that Israel's illegal occupation, the humanitarian catastrophe, and the deadly attacks against the Palestinian people, both in Gaza and in the West Bank, cease? Ten children in Gaza lose one or two legs every day.

(Applause)

In this speech, Lorena Delgado Varas (V) concurred.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Fredrik Malm (L)

Mr. Speaker! We all remember, I hope, what happened on October 7. Armed Hamas fighters, stoning the dead, entered the Nova festival and mowed down 364 youths who had a techno festival. They took 251 people as hostages, took them to the Gaza Strip and pushed them down into the tunnels there. They killed a total of 1,200 people and wounded 5,000. It was this that started this war.

This shows what kind of organization Hamas is, what goals they have and their non-existent respect for civilian lives. The only thing Hamas offers is misery, blood and a perverted cult of death.

But since October 7, Hamas has also subjected the Palestinian population to enormous hardships, which we also see as a consequence of Israel's very powerful shelling. The civilian death tolls are rising, and large groups of Palestinians are now located in a very small area in the Gaza Strip. It is heartbreaking to see what consequences this war has had. Israel, of course, has the right to defend itself, but it must occur in accordance with international laws and rules and with humanitarian access and other measures.

In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, we must also see that all the groups that are now attacking Israel - Hamas, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad, the Houthi militia, Hashd al-Shaabi and so on - are controlled by Iran. Without democratization and change in Iran so that the Iranian population can live in freedom and democracy, it will never be possible to resolve the other conflicts and tragedies in the Middle East.

(Applause)

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! The Government has a very clear line when it comes to the conflict in the Middle East. It can be summarized in four points.

Firstly: Israel has the right to defend itself, but it must be done in accordance with international law and international humanitarian law. It is clear here that Israel must do more to protect the civilian population and to increase both the inflow of and access to humanitarian aid.

Secondly: We must alleviate the humanitarian suffering in Gaza.

For the third: The settler violence must come to an end and the path towards a two-state solution must begin.

For the fourth: The Middle East conflicts shall not become Sweden's conflicts. We must reduce the polarization that the opponents in the Middle East bring with them, not fuel and fan it.

In my opening remarks, I devoted a large part to speaking about Israel's responsibility to increase humanitarian access, to enable UNRWA's continued important work to bring an end to the settlement violence, and to take clear steps towards a two-state solution. On these points, the government is clear. We translate this into both words and actions, for example through sanctions against extremist settlers. Sweden also acts locally so that the Palestinians in the West Bank can carry out the economically important olive harvest.

Mr. Speaker! However, it is not enough to place demands on Israel. In order to de-escalate the conflict in the Middle East and, in the long run, achieve a two-state solution, more must take responsibility. Iran has a great responsibility for the negative developments in the region and thus also for preventing a further escalation.

The EU has acted to hold Iran accountable for the destabilizing actions, both in the Middle East and beyond the region. Last week, the EU once again tightened its sanctions, this time under the sanctions regime targeting Iran's drone and missile programs, including Iran's military support to Russia and to armed groups in the Middle East and the Red Sea region.

The government is also working towards EU unity for the terrorist listing of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard, something the Prime Minister did most recently at the European Council last week.

The terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah also bear a great responsibility for the October 7 attacks and the escalation that followed. Hamas should not have a place in a future government of Gaza. Continued Israeli occupation is also not an option. We want to see instead a united Gaza and West Bank under a legitimate democratic government of a reformed Palestinian Authority. Strengthening the Palestinian Authority is also the best way to politically weaken Hamas.

At the same time, the EU has adopted several decisions on sanctions against leading representatives of Hamas. Sweden supported the establishment of a special sanctions regime in order to be able to bypass Hamas's financing in a more effective way, also in order to weaken the organization.

Last week, the Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar was killed. As the Prime Minister said, it is not a person who will be missed. But above all, as the German ambassador in Tel Aviv noted, it may perhaps open the door to something hopeful: the return of the innocent hostages and an end to the war. Let us hope that he is right.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! Yes, let us hope that he is right. But we are in a situation where hopes and words are not enough; there must be action from the international community to put pressure on all parties to try to de-escalate the situation. Our main criticism of the government is that that action is lacking. The words are there, but the action is lacking.

I will take another example of something that the Foreign Minister could do. The Foreign Minister raised the issue of settler violence and sanctions against the settlers. That is good. It is right. We must do it.

The illegal settlements have been expanded significantly over the last 20-25 years. We are talking about 600,000-700,000 illegal settlers. The International Court ruled this summer that this is criminal: This is criminal. Yet, the EU continues to trade with the settlers' goods. They do have access to the EU market, and thus the settlers are supported.

When the Foreign Minister now speaks about sanctions against the settlers, my question is: Is she prepared to take the initiative in the EU to stop the settlers' goods from entering the EU's internal market? That would, in fact, be another example of how one can put pressure on just Israel in this situation.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! The government has several times moved from words to action against all destructive parties in this conflict – against extremist settlers on the West Bank, against the terrorist organization Hamas, and not least against the regime in Iran – with precisely sanctions. But the possibilities for dialogue still exist.

Does Morgan Johansson really want to put a stop to one of the most important forums, which he was part of in his previous post, regarding the dialogue between the EU and Israel, where we also have an opportunity to convey sharp messages, namely the association agreement that exists with Israel? We mean that more dialogue and more opportunities to exert pressure are needed, also when it comes to sharp messages against the settler violence.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! The problem is that no such dialogue is taking place. This discussion is taken up by the EU, but then Israel does not respond. In order to be able to address this, one must also be prepared to move from words to action.

It is not only I who am saying that we should pause the trade agreement, but a united opposition says so. The trade agreement was established once precisely to promote a peace process and stimulate the Oslo Process. That was the basis for Israel's trade privileges in relation to the EU. But now that basis no longer exists. Now, Israel has also stated that they are not interested in a Palestinian state. Thus, that entire process is gone.

Therefore, it is completely natural to raise the question of the trade agreement. Until Israel complies with international law, the trade agreement must be paused.

But my question was: Is the Foreign Minister prepared to also pursue the issue of preventing the settlers' goods from entering the EU's internal market? It is a consequence of the international court's decision not to facilitate the criminal activity that it actually is when one colonizes an occupied country in this way. Is she prepared to take that initiative?

(Applause)

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! The settler violence must be stopped. On that, we are in complete agreement. The government has therefore been a driving force for the introduction of sanctions against extremist settlers. As Morgan Johansson is well aware of, there are also pressures in the form of different labeling of goods. The government has also clearly conveyed its view to Israel. This is something that is done continuously and is absolutely necessary.

We mean that there are greater opportunities for the government to influence if we have a dialogue and a relationship with Israel, which trade also entails. In parallel with this, we introduce sanctions against extremist settlers.

The Government welcomes that the EU, just like the USA and the United Kingdom, has introduced sanctions against 14 individuals and entities. We work for continued discussions at the EU level regarding further restrictive measures against violent settlers.

(Applause)

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! This summer, the International Court of Justice issued its second ruling regarding South Africa's case against Israel concerning genocide. Israel's occupation must end, the court stated clearly and distinctly. The court's position led, among other things, to a resolution in the UN General Assembly which, among other things, demanded that the occupation be ended within one year. It was a vote where Sweden abstained from participating.

The court was clear in its position on international law and what it means for a third country such as Sweden. Sweden and all other countries must not in any way facilitate Israel's occupation of Palestine. A concrete Swedish example that likely violates the International Court of Justice's position is the government's plans to purchase Israeli military drones, which are currently being tested by the Swedish Defence.

I wonder if the Minister for Foreign Affairs has taken any measures in light of the international court's position on not contributing to Israel's continued occupation of Palestine.

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you, Håkan Svenneling, for the question! Just as I have accounted for previously, the government constantly acts, primarily through the EU, to exert pressure in various ways. As I mentioned earlier, it is about sanctions. It is also about different labeling of goods. There are also differences in customs benefits in these cases. We do this in all possible forums.

For us, the international law as interpreted by the international court is absolutely crucial. It must be followed, and we stand 100 percent behind the statements that the court has made. We also try in all possible contexts to exert pressure. There, the EU is, as said, the strongest voice that Sweden has to work through.

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! Unfortunately, I hear no concrete example of the Foreign Minister having done anything based on the international court's position.

The Norwegian government has been clear, first in recommendations and then in sharpened recommendations to Norwegian companies: One should avoid trade that contributes to maintaining Israel's occupation of Palestine based on the court's position. I do not think we will hear something similar from the Swedish government. Perhaps I can get an answer on that in the speech?

At the same time, an intense debate is ongoing in Europe and the EU about whether the very favorable association agreement, which gives Israel lower tariffs and benefits in relation to the EU, should be suspended. Israel has delayed the follow-up meetings, which the Foreign Minister considers to be sharp forums, where they want to discuss the chapters on human rights. We have seen some EU officials who have written submissions to the court which they have called legal opinions.

Now some EU countries are moving forward, but the Swedish government has so far stood helpless in terms of taking action and has done everything to avoid criticizing this behavior.

I wonder what the government will do to increase the pressure on Israel. Will you push to suspend the association agreement and give some advice to Swedish companies about not trading with an occupying power?

(Applause)

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! No, I can be quite clear in my answer there. The Government is convinced that trade and relations with Israel facilitate our opportunities to actually exert pressure on them. It is an opportunity that we also utilize.

I am aware that Håkan Svenneling and I have completely different views on the possibilities and conditions for trade. But we are of the firm opinion that it creates completely different opportunities for us to have spaces for discussion where we can also exercise all possibilities for pressure against Israel, and we will do that.

Just as I said in previous posts, it is actually more important than ever to stand up for international law. Therefore, we also stand up for the international court's rulings, including regarding the provisional measures that have been pointed out must be implemented.

I can assure Håkan Svenneling that the government is doing everything it can.

(Applause)

In this speech, Ann-Sofie Alm (M) agreed.

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Anna Lasses (C)

Mr. Speaker! I have two questions. I will start with the longest one. It concerns the conclusions of the council that the EU presented last week. There, the attacks against the UN interim force in Lebanon were condemned, but it is mentioned nowhere that it is Israel that is responsible for these attacks. I assume that is because it is still difficult enough to reach an agreement on these formulations.

I therefore wonder if the Minister here and now can clearly stand up and state that Sweden condemns Israel's actions in connection with the attacks that Israel carried out against the UN interim force in Lebanon.

My second question concerns the fact that we from the UN have received a request to receive Palestinians from Gaza who are in need of urgent care. For Sweden's part, it would involve approximately 200 people. Last time I asked, it was to be looked into. Now I wonder: How is it going?

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! I will begin by answering the shorter question. This is something that the government is constantly monitoring. The government has also contributed quite large resources to Egyptian healthcare in order to be able to help on the ground. We actually assess that this is how we can help the most and that it is how we best use our funds to be able to help to the greatest extent possible.

We are following this issue as mentioned. It is, however, not entirely legally simple. I will gladly return to that.

When it comes to the council's conclusion on Unifil, it states clearly and distinctly, at least in the HRVP statement, that it is Israel that is behind the attacks. Therefore, I do not quite share the questioner's perception. And we have, together with a united EU, which I think is a strength, been involved in condemning the attacks on Unifil.

(Applause)

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Anna Lasses (C)

Mr. Speaker! I thank you for the answer. I actually have time for a third question, and it is even shorter.

I have asked the Foreign Minister previously about this regarding the association council and wondered if there will be a date for it. Then I asked the question to the Prime Minister, and the Prime Minister answered: Yes, there is probably a date. Now I wonder: Is there a date for this association council, and if so, is it public when it is supposed to be?

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! No, I do not dare to say outright that there is a date. But we will, of course, continue to work to arrange such a meeting, and we have hopes that we will get it.

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Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! Regarding the Foreign Minister's answer to the Center Party's question, I note that there is also no date for any dialogue, which is apparently the strongest weapon the Swedish government has towards Israel, to adhere to.

But I want to dwell on another issue. On October 10, a UN commission released a report on what has happened in Gaza, especially during the past year. There, it is established that Israel has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity, particularly in its attacks against various healthcare facilities and in the handling of Palestinians whom it has extrajudicially arrested.

There is a principle of responsibility to protect, that is, the duty to protect. When a country itself fails to protect its civilian population in the event of war crimes, it is required that the rest of the world intervenes and protects the civilian population. I wonder: How does the Swedish government intend to act now that it has been established that Israel is committing war crimes - based on the principle of responsibility to protect?

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! The report from the UN commission of inquiry contains serious information. The Government will study that information very carefully. Let me, however, take this opportunity to emphasize the Government's principled position on the importance and necessity of international law, including humanitarian law, being respected and that any violations are investigated and that accountability is demanded.

More - the court has also stated - must be done to follow the rules of international humanitarian law regarding the protection of the civilian population. This is something we put forward in all contexts that we can. It is also clearly stated regarding the provisional measures that the court has pointed out that Israel must, among other things, allow humanitarian access. This is one of the reasons why we, together with the other Nordic countries in a statement this week, expressed very great concern over the bill in the Knesset that UNRWA should be banned.

(Applause)

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Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! The answer makes me a little worried. I am worried that we will end up in a new situation where, in hindsight, we see that we should have acted earlier, as in the case of, for example, Srebrenica and Rwanda, which did lead to the development of the principle of responsibility to protect. One must dare to step in and protect while the crimes are being committed.

But I want to move on to a completely different issue. The Foreign Minister himself was touching upon the problems with the settler violence and the sanctions that have been imposed against a number of settlers.

There is now a proposal from Josep Borrell that the EU should introduce sanctions against the ministers Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, both of whom come from the settlement movement. I hardly need to remind that Ben-Gvir is also a minister who has previously been convicted for support for terrorism.

I wonder: What is the position of the Foreign Minister and the Swedish government regarding that proposal? Will you yourself push to introduce these sanctions against Ben-Gvir and Smotrich? It is said that we must stop the settlements. They are an obstacle to a lasting peace.

(Applause)

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! As I said in a previous answer here, we appear to be moving towards continued discussions at the EU level regarding further restrictive measures against violent settlers. We note that individual listings are handled at the EU level at an expert level. We maintain the importance of dialogue with Israel, which I constantly return to. But we also see that some of the ministers' statements and actions exacerbate the tensions. We will follow this very closely.

(Applause)

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! I think this debate is developing roughly as I had expected, that is to say, we get a lot of words from the Minister for Foreign Affairs, but we get no proposals for concrete actions from the Swedish government.

We have proposed that pressure should be exerted on both parties. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard should be blacklisted. That is what the Swedish Riksdag has said for a year and a half. The other day we were informed that the government now intends to pursue it. That is good in itself, but the question remains: In what way will it be pursued, and how will a majority, a consensus, be created in the EU regarding it? We have not received any answer to that.

A united opposition has demanded a pause of the trade agreement until Israel complies with international law. Here, the Foreign Minister says that they do not want that, because it is better to have a dialogue with Israel. Now, however, we have just been informed that no such dialogue is taking place. They have not even managed to find any date when they can meet. In that case, this only appears as a delay of everything, which again reinforces our argument that one actually needs to be prepared to move from words to action here.

Today we have demanded that the settlers' goods be blocked from the EU market. We do this, among other things, against the background that the International Court of Justice says that the settlements are illegal and that one should not facilitate increased settlement. Nevertheless, the EU continues to trade with the settlements and thus finance their activities.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs has one chance left in his concluding speech, and I would like to get clarity on that question: Does the Swedish government intend to pursue the issue of stopping the goods from the settlers or not?

Finally, I just want to say that one will not get anywhere if, from the side of the government and the international community, one is not really prepared to put force behind the words. So far during the last year, it has only been about words, words, words and no action. It is beginning to be time to break that trend and move from words to action. Enough people have suffered and died in Gaza, in Lebanon and in the West Bank.

(Applause)

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Aron Emilsson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! In Swedish security policy, we speak more and more about how Russia, China, and Iran collectively constitute the greatest security threat, even to Swedish security. Morgan Johansson often returns in these debates about the Middle East to the point that a great difference is made between Hamas and Fatah in Palestine.

Since Fatah now more and more unreservedly expresses its proud relationship with Putin and Russia, and we know more and more about how Russia feeds Iran's war chest and thus also the war chest of proxy warriors in the war in the Middle East, the question remains: How do Morgan Johansson and the Social Democrats view their long-standing political and ideological affinity with Fatah when Fatah in this conflict fails to distance itself from the terror attack or break with other war criminals who also feed the conflict in the Middle East with terror?

I think it would be interesting to hear Morgan Johansson's response to this and how one reasons in light of their long-standing aid to just Fatah.

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! I believe it is completely obvious that it does not serve the Palestinians' cause to seek out Russia or Russian contacts at all. I can be clear on that.

At the same time, one must remember that there is actually only one actor here who still stands for a two-state solution. Israel no longer stands for a two-state solution. Hamas naturally does not stand for a two-state solution – on the contrary. Both of these actors want to wipe each other out. There is only one actor who stands for a two-state solution, and that is the Palestinian state in the West Bank.

My counter-question is therefore: If it is indeed the case that Aron Emilsson stands for a two-state solution, which he still sometimes says, in what way does Aron Emilsson intend to act to support the only party that stands for a two-state solution, that is, the Palestinian state? Has Aron Emilsson even been interested in listening to the arguments that exist for this from, for example, the Palestinian representation in Sweden?

If one wants to be constructive in this conflict, one must build on the good forces that exist in the region instead of just trying to blame each other. It is support for the Palestinian state that is needed.

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Aron Emilsson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! The fundamental problem that I think the opposition misses overall, regardless of which party it is that speaks about this conflict, is that if the terror orchestrated and spread through Iran succeeds in continuing to subdue Israel, there will no longer be a Jewish people. If Israel withdraws and the terror were to win, Israel would not win as a state.

When it comes to being constructive in the conflict, the Social Democrats have their contacts with Fatah, which they have had for more than 50 years. Does one think that this has contributed to democratic development? Has one noticed an improvement through their aid over many years? Today, we see rather more and more signs that there is no functioning Palestinian state, regardless of whether we are talking about the West Bank or Gaza, regardless of whether we are talking about PLO/Fatah or the technocratic government, which in itself is making a strained effort.

This is the fundamental problem. Who should we work with?

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! The problem is that the Palestinian state is not allowed to function as a state for several different reasons, partly because Israel withholds the tax revenues that they are actually obligated to pay out, so they receive no funding, and partly because the entire West Bank is being split up through the Israeli settlements which, again, are illegal. It is clear that it is difficult to have a Palestinian state when one is simultaneously subjected to such heavy colonization as this entails.

Aron Emilsson is completely wrong in his claims that the contacts and the discussions we have had with Palestinian representatives have not had an effect. It was indeed that which once led to the Oslo Accords and to the peace process and which was the most important breakthrough. After that, it has been sabotaged by extreme forces on both the Islamist and the Israeli side.

We must return to the center, that is, work with the forces that are prepared to make compromises so that a lasting peace can be created. For that, Mr. Speaker, one must build on the only party that actually still stands up for a two-state solution, and that is the Palestinian state.

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! I intended to use the somewhat unconventional method of responding to my colleague in the opposition, Morgan Johansson, but I believe there are important issues to discuss and reason about.

The Foreign Minister began by saying that she wants to see restraint in the Middle East, and in her second speech she landed on the fact that she still hoped for peace. I think it feels like relatively low ambitions considering where we find ourselves. We must dare to look forward and believe that we can have a long-lasting peace by demanding a permanent ceasefire.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs has also expressed many words in this debate, but as Morgan Johansson himself noted in his speech, it is quite little concrete action. If we therefore turn the entire scenario around and imagine that it was Morgan Johansson who was the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Sweden in this situation, what other decisions does Morgan Johansson, with his experience from previous governments and the cooperation with and recognition of the Palestinian state, see as having needed to be made? What does Sweden need to do to support a peace in the Middle East?

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! To begin with, the time of hope is over. Now it is, as said, about moving from words and hopes to action.

We have proposed several things. We must increase the pressure on the parties involved. We must increase the pressure on Iran, which plays an extremely destructive role in the region. Most agree on that. There, we have proposed that the issue of listing the Islamic Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization should be pursued very actively.

We must also increase the pressure on Israel, and that is done by demanding a pause, a freezing, of the trade agreement until Israel complies with international law.

We must put a stop to the settlement goods. The EU cannot continue to trade with the settlers, who are, after all, there illegally and continue to exploit land that they have no right to. That issue would also have been driven very actively.

Then I believe that, overall, Sweden must take a stand in the major international issues. We cannot time and again be passive, withdraw and lay down our vote. We should be heard instead.

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! Next month marks ten years since Sweden recognized Palestine as a state. We were the first EU country to recognize Palestine. Since then, over the last few years, we have seen a number of EU countries and countries globally recognize Palestine. It is evident that there is much greater support for a Palestinian statehood now than there has been historically.

I think it is very interesting that the Foreign Minister talks about meetings that do not exist and about letters sent to Israeli ministers who obviously do not listen. In a time when Morgan Johansson instead points to examples of concrete action, it becomes clear that there is a very clear dividing line in Swedish politics between the red-green parties and the right-wing parties that govern Sweden today.

There is a clear consensus that we want to move forward and that we should be a global voice for peace between Israel and Palestine. I think Aron Emilsson is entering into a strange reasoning regarding that we would not want to see Jewish life and a Jewish state in the Middle East. One simply must work to strengthen Palestinian state-building.

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! There is a long line of other countries that have shown a completely different level of activity than the Swedish government has. The last time the UN voted on a resolution in this matter, it was, as mentioned, about backing up the International Court of Justice's decision from this summer. At that time, Sweden abstained, but 124 countries voted in favor, including our neighboring country Finland.

The argument one had then was that Finland is a country that itself has been subjected to occupation and aggression and that it was therefore particularly important for them to signal support for international law in all situations. Such a thing Sweden could naturally also have done and thereby become part of that group of countries that are now becoming increasingly active, for example Spain, Ireland and Norway.

Instead of withdrawing and abstaining from voting, Sweden should be active and come forward with new proposals to at least try to play as constructive a role as possible in the conflict. We have done this before, and I believe we can do it again.

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Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! Last week, Member Johansson and I participated in an interpellation debate here in the chamber, where Ola Möller from the Socialdemokraterna equated the presence of the ambassadors of Israel and Russia here in the Riksdag. The Israeli ambassador had been on site to participate in a memorial service for the victims of the terror attack on October 7, and this was described by Möller as the ambassador strutting around in the Riksdag.

In my interpellation on the situation in Lebanon, Möller remarkably mentioned neither Hezbollah nor Iran, even though the warfare there is a consequence of Hezbollah's thousands of rockets, which are forcing tens of thousands of Israelis to flee.

Russia's invasion of Ukraine is, however, unprovoked and a response to Ukraine's Western orientation. To equate these two is, in my opinion, both incorrect and distasteful. My question to Morgan Johansson is therefore simple: Do the Social Democrats really think that Israel's defensive war is comparable to Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine?

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! The background is completely different, but both parties are bound in the same way by international law. Just as Russia must withdraw from Ukraine, Israel must therefore withdraw from the occupied territories. This has been stated, among other things, by the International Court of Justice. The background to the conflict is, however, different.

Then Magnus Berntsson also knows that Ola Möller took back the statement afterwards and said that he had gone too far. I thought it was good that he said that.

I can take the opportunity to ask a question to Magnus Berntsson since he is here anyway. I know that the Christian Democrats have long-standing contacts with the settler movement in Israel, and Magnus Berntsson himself has visited there. My question is: Have the Christian Democrats now broken these ties, or do the contacts continue? What is Magnus Berntsson's position on the demands for sanctions against the settlers and that we should not import settler goods to the EU? And what is the Christian Democrats' actual position on the settler movement as a movement? This is something I would very much like to know.

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Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! The settlers are an obstacle to peace.

I still want to return to the debate on Friday. Member Möller was given the opportunity to clarify himself during the debate, but he said that he saw no international law difference between Israel and Russia and that the sanctions against Israel should be at least as strict as the sanctions against Russia.

I know that Möller has since taken back parts of his statements and admitted that he went too far, but this was only done after quite strong reactions. There are therefore reasons to ask what the Social Democrats' actual view is in this case. My follow-up question is therefore: If the Social Democrats do not consider the comparison to be correct, why does the party's member express such views in the Swedish Riksdag?

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! I cannot answer in any other way than I just did, that is to say that Ola Möller has taken back his statement and said that he went too far. With this, I believe he has clarified the issue at hand.

Again: International law applies to both. It applies to both the Russian war against Ukraine and the war in Gaza and on the West Bank. This means that both Israel and Russia are bound by the same international rules and must therefore follow the same international rules. As I said earlier: Just as Russia must withdraw from Ukraine, Israel must withdraw from the West Bank and the occupied territories.

I note again that Magnus Berntsson did not comment on his relationship to the settlement movement, but he only said that the settlers are an obstacle to peace. He did not answer the question of what he actually thinks about the settlements and the sanctions and whether we should stop the settlers' goods from entering the European market. This, I think, is an interesting statement that we did not receive in the exchange of remarks.

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Fredrik Malm (L)

Mr. Speaker! Ten years ago, the Löfven government recognized Palestine as an independent state. The area did not then fulfill any of the basic criteria set out for one to be able to constitute a state, but the Social Democrats and the Green Party made this recognition in Sweden's name, also with completely open eyes regarding Hamas's rule on the Gaza Strip.

The tunnel system was known already then. The totalitarian rule was known. Terror as a method of work was very well known after the four years of intifada shortly before. The goal to eliminate Israel was widely known since decades back. The recognition meant that Sweden gave great legitimacy to Hamas' rule on the Gaza Strip.

Now that we have seen the past year after October 7 and how Hamas has acted, how do the Social Democrats view this recognition now?

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! To begin with, it did not mean that we gave legitimacy to Hamas' rule on the Gaza Strip, but we gave legitimacy to the Palestinian Authority, which rules the West Bank. The purpose was to make the parties somewhat more equal than they have been previously.

When Fredrik Malm describes this matter, it sounds as if there are no other countries that have recognized Palestine, but that is not the case. I believe that there are now over 100 countries that have recognized Palestine, and quite recently Palestine also took its place in the UN General Assembly as a full member. And we very recently got new states that recognize Palestine. Spain did it, Norway did it, and Ireland did it. It is thus more who have understood that additional things must be added that now strengthen the good forces in the region.

Again: There is only one major actor who holds fast to the idea of a two-state solution, and that is the Palestinian state. It would be good if Fredrik Malm and the Liberals could also from time to time express their support for the Palestinian state. Otherwise, one must conclude that the Liberals do not actually stand for a two-state solution.

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Fredrik Malm (L)

Mr. Speaker! The Palestinian state that Morgan Johansson is talking about is well the only two-state solution that exists in the area. It is in practice two states: one on the West Bank and one on the Gaza Strip.

I advocate the obviously old-fashioned and somewhat more peculiar position that states are constituted based on certain principles of international law and such, as that one has a government and institutions that have control over their territory. The Social Democrats seem to have a different doctrine in that part.

Mr. Speaker! Then the question arises as to whether the purpose was, as Morgan Johansson says, to give legitimacy to the Palestinian authority. When the recognition came, their president Mahmoud Abbas was in the 9th year of a four-year mandate period. Today, he is in the 19th year of a 4-year mandate period. The question then becomes: Today, or in ten years when he is in the 29th year of a four-year mandate period, does Morgan Johansson consider Abbas's rule to be good forces to which one should give increased legitimacy?

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Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! I do not think the debate benefits from someone trying to mock in the way that Fredrik Malm does. He knows very well what the background is—that there have been no elections in the Palestinian state for a very long time. It is because Israel does not allow elections.

It is naturally the case that if one is to have elections in this area, the Palestinians in East Jerusalem must also be allowed to vote. I would like to say that at any time I am prepared to advocate for elections in the Palestinian state, if all Palestinians in the occupied territories are given the opportunity to vote. Is Fredrik Malm prepared to do that? Is he prepared to advocate for Palestinians in East Jerusalem to also be allowed to vote? In that case, perhaps we can get a good announcement—but that will have to be in the next entry and not in this round of remarks. But my question to Fredrik Malm is whether he really means business with this. Is he prepared to advocate for the Palestinians in East Jerusalem to also be able to participate and vote?

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Aron Emilsson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! There is no doubt that in Sweden there is an extremely polarized corridor of opinion and debate surrounding the view on the conflict in the Middle East. I declared from the Sweden Democrats' side earlier a very clear support for Israel at its core. It is something we are very careful to do because we know what the conflict is about at its core and what could be at stake. I do not deny either that Israel has also committed serious transgressions and mistakes during the war, and from allies, one must also be able to tolerate honest criticism.

However, I am concerned about those who broadly claim that Israel is committing genocide, as well as that we have members of the Riksdag's largest party who compare Israel with Russia and relativize their diplomatic presence in the country. It is shameful.

Israel is fighting a defensive war for its existence. Iran and its henchmen are doing it to annihilate the Jewish people and life. They are the children of the same spirit who acted together with Nazism during the 30s and during World War II, in alliances and collaborations. Let us not forget this – they are the children of the same spirit.

I note that the Committee on Foreign Affairs has taken a positive stance toward strengthening long-term trade, exchange, research, and development cooperation with Israel. But we have done so while simultaneously showing clear and constructive criticism toward Israel. There is a consensus in the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the Riksdag behind strengthened humanitarian access to Gaza and suffering civilians, and there is a consensus behind an immediate ceasefire to improve living conditions for civilians. But it also requires – which is somewhere the most important condition – the release of the hostage who still sits in tunnels and cannot reach their family.

We need to see long-term improvements in the living conditions for civilians, but we do not do that without understanding the basis behind the conflict.

(Applause)

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! It is unfortunately very clear in this debate that the Swedish right lacks hope for peace. Instead, they are completely preoccupied with defending their beloved Israel over and over again.

We move between a historical description that either begins at the dawn of humanity or on October 7 last year. It is tragic to see that one fails in their understanding that the occupation is the basis for the situation we have today. It is an occupation of Palestine that has been ongoing for decades from Israel's side.

Mr. Speaker! Vänsterpartiet requested this debate because the government must change its policy. We already demanded a year ago that the government should be much clearer than they have been over the past year. But from this debate, I understand that I will need to continue to demand a different Swedish policy for peace in the Middle East.

For those of you listening to this debate in the gallery and at home in your TV sofas: It is very clear that there are differences in the debate about what needs to be done. It is clear that Sweden needs a red-green government that would vote for a ceasefire in the UN General Assembly, so that international law shall apply, so that the International Court of Justice's decisions shall be followed, and for the state of Palestine's right to make its voice heard.

A red-green government would increase and strengthen aid to Palestine and Lebanon and at the same time provide political support to the UN in general and to the UN agency UNRWA specifically. The right in Sweden, on the other hand, has otherwise devoted itself to mudslinging over and over again.

A red-green government would increase the pressure on the state of Israel and demand accountability by suspending the association agreement between Israel and the EU. It would be a government that, together with other countries, shapes a plan to achieve peace in the Middle East and an end to Israel's occupation of Palestine.

(Applause)

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Aron Emilsson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! There is no doubt today that there are enormous internal divisions within the Left Party across the country. The pro-Palestinian and left-wing extremist wing seems to be splitting the party in many respects. It is still difficult to get a complete picture. I understood from today's newspapers that Christmas meetings are being called for district tops etcetera.

In this context, it becomes interesting to hear Håkan Svenneling's view on the basis of the conflict and how it can be resolved. Håkan Svenneling mentioned in his first speech that Palestine is the only peaceful party in the conflict and that peace will be achieved if one leans towards Palestine.

The problem is exactly what I pointed out: that one party in Palestine has close ties to the war criminal Putin, who fuels Iran's war in the Middle East, and that the other party is a declared, recognized terrorist organization. Who does the Left Party think we should work with to secure the peace that one speaks so warmly about?

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! I mean with emphasis that the basis for the challenges we see is Israel's occupation of Palestine, which has been ongoing year after year and has exacerbated the humanitarian suffering and stopped people's freedom in occupied Palestine. This means that I argue we must cooperate with the Palestinian state.

What the Palestinian state is is quite clear. It is the government and political leadership that sits in Ramallah today but which should sit in Jerusalem. It was elected in 2006.

The occupation has stopped democratic attempts at development in Palestine in various ways. That is why the question of recognition is so important, i.e., that a relationship is established from Sweden's side with the Palestinian state. We now see other countries doing so, globally and in Europe. It brings us much closer to a situation where one can actually build a two-state solution and negotiate peace between Israel and Palestine. But first, the occupation must cease, otherwise we will never have a free Palestinian people and a free Israeli life.

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Aron Emilsson (SD)

Mr. Speaker! Håkan Svenneling also mentioned Norway earlier during the debate as an example and said that they act in a way that is preferable. The thing is only that the consequence of Norway's actions has been that the diplomatic relationship between Israel and Norway was completely broken and that Israel recalled its ambassador. Norway's opportunity to influence Israeli political development domestically and internationally was drastically minimized, which has also been mentioned in various contexts. It has therefore not facilitated the diplomatic relationship, and therefore I wonder how Håkan Svenneling views the fact that it actually complicates some opportunities to influence political power holders in Israel.

Is it the case that Håkan Svenneling can acknowledge what is completely obvious as the problem in the conflict - the war that is now raging - between terror and Israel, namely that the terror against civilian Israelis will continue if Israel withdraws but that peace will be won if terror loses? Does Håkan Svenneling agree with that description of reality?

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! I believe it is important to start with the last thing that Aron Emilsson said, because it is one of the absolute biggest blunders that the Swedish right makes over and over again. I am completely convinced that terror is best fought with welfare, schools, education, healthcare and human freedom - not by bombing people's houses and homes, schools and hospitals. That is what breeds terror.

Now the terror leaders are dead. Sinwar is dead, Haniyeh is dead and Nasrallah is dead. We stand in a new situation where we can force Israel to the negotiating table and to peace. But you are not prepared to do that, Aron Emilsson, because you are worried that Israel's ambassador will go home to Tel Aviv if you say anything. We cannot have that as a yardstick in Swedish politics.

We must instead increase the pressure on the ambassador and on the government he represents, which is a far-right government consisting of the leaders of the settler movement and which has been very clear that it wants to wipe out Palestinian life. That is why we must dare to speak about the fact that a genocide is taking place. That is why we must put it on the agenda and understand that the Swedish government must instead act more forcefully.

(Applause)

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! It was almost moving to see the so-called exchange of remarks between V and S, where the fine cohesion between these two parties was praised. They are apparently to form a red-green government together, but in that case, the Left Party's actions become even more problematic.

Those who want Israel as a state to be obliterated cannot be members of the Left Party. So said Nooshi Dadgostar in the Agenda party leadership debate. This week, Kristofer Lundberg, who had been chairman of the local branch in Angered, was also expelled. But there is still a great deal that is jarring, because the Left Party has obviously had anti-Semitic tendencies in its party for a long time. In the spring, the Left Party in Malmö and Järfälla submitted a motion to the party's congress with the heading "From the river to the sea - Palestine will be free". There, they propose exactly to open up for other solutions than the two-state solution that Nooshi Dadgostar says V stands for.

What will be the consequence in view of this? Will both Malmöföreningen and Järfällaföreningen be excluded?

(Applause)

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! In two weeks, it is time again for the day of remembrance for the November pogroms. Vänsterpartiet will, just as we have done since the 90s, highlight this day across the country. We began to highlight it in connection with the increased activity of neo-Nazis in Sweden, and at the same time, we want to remember the horrific genocide that the Nazis carried out against Jews and other minorities.

For me and all other Left Party members, it is in our DNA to work with anti-racism, against antisemitism, and to remember the November pogroms. Year after year, we observe November 9th across the entire country – often as the only party. That is why I do not recognize myself in the sweeping description of us that the media has given lately.

We have been clear towards all Jewish organizations that we gladly seek dialogue. We have been clear that we do not need to think the same about Israel's occupation of Palestine, but that in the work against antisemitism, one can rely on Vänsterpartiet, regardless of where antisemitism arises. We want to protect Jewish life in Sweden and have for several years put forward a number of proposals to increase resources for, and strengthen, the work for Jewish life in Sweden.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Mr. Speaker! That sounds very promising, but that DNA is not always so clearly visible.

Vänsterpartiet i Angered has had a representative from the terror-classified organization PFLP present at its annual meeting. The representative in question also delivered a greeting with a special thanks to Vänsterpartiet. It is difficult to take in that this has actually happened here. It is precisely that type of event that has caused the Jewish Central Council to decide that they will no longer invite Vänsterpartiet to memorial services, and it is precisely that type of event that makes the chairman of the Jewish Central Council, Aron Verständig, believe that the trust for Vänsterpartiet is very low in Jewish circles. I understand it.

The Left Party's tone in these issues is therefore remarkable. If one cannot clean up within its own ranks and maintain a consistent course against its own aberrations, the Left Party and the intended red-green government base that is being discussed have no credibility in these issues.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! We in the Left Party have been very clear, and I have been very clear in this debate: We envision a two-state solution where there is both a state called Palestine and a state called Israel and where people can live in peace and freedom. That is also why we demand this debate, that is to say because we do not think the Foreign Minister is doing enough to get there. At the same time, we are extremely clear that we do not tolerate antisemitism, and we have also excluded people as a consequence of their statements.

We will, however, never do what this government does, where the Prime Minister grades different expressions of racism. All racism must be combated, regardless of how the racism is expressed. The government has a Foreign Minister who expresses that some people are a little more like us here in Sweden and therefore have the right to come here. For me, that is racism. We would also never express ourselves like the leader of the Sweden Democrats, that is to say that some Swedes are not real Swedes and therefore should not be given consular support when they are in wars and conflicts.

For me, these are three examples of racist policy pursued by this right-wing government, and that is why I am fighting for the government to be replaced.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! A series of revelations has recently shown a flagrant antisemitism within the Left Party, often linked to the conflict in the Middle East.

A local official in my hometown of Gothenburg has questioned the terror classification of the PFLP, and a member of the same terrorist organization participated in a meeting with Vänsterpartiet Angered. At the same time, Vänsterpartiet Orust has spread a conspiracy theory on social media claiming that the Israeli state deliberately allowed the massacre on October 7 to occur in order to legitimize the war against Gaza.

These and other incidents have led to the Jewish Central Council now having expelled the Left Party, justifying this with the party's structural problems with antisemitism. My question to Member Svenneling is whether he shares the Jewish Central Council's assessment that there are structural problems with antisemitism within the Left Party.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! Now we and the Jewish Central Council have sought dialogue with each other. We will meet in the near future and then discuss what the antisemitism looks like here in Sweden.

It is not that antisemitism is part of our responsibility in the Committee on Foreign Affairs; instead, it lies in the Committee on the Constitution. I can state that Vänsterpartiet, in its budget, has a larger allocation for the work to strengthen the possibilities for Jewish life in Sweden than the government does. It is an example of how we work to strengthen the work against antisemitism and strengthen the possibilities of being Jewish in Sweden.

For me, there is a very clear difference in how one views the PFLP after October 7 compared to before October 7. We see a number of groups that, alongside Hamas, participated in the horrific attack on civilian Jews in Israel. It is an attack that outraged and that I have many times felt moved by, not least from what Magnus Berntsson has recounted from his travels there. However, that does not mean we cannot hope for a peaceful solution, and it is why I stand for the policy that I have advocated for in this chamber.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! It is actually not more than a year ago that it emerged that the Left Party's own aid organization has for several years financed a project with links to the DFLP, which has also been confirmed as being involved in Hamas's bloody attack in Israel.

The project aimed to strengthen young women and human rights, it was said, but participants in the project have since instead participated in terrorist attacks where gang rape, humiliation, kidnapping, and murder were committed - including against young women. As I said then: The fact is that I have never heard of a project with poorer goal fulfillment.

Given this, I would still like to ask the follow-up question: Can Member Håkan Svenneling not nevertheless agree that there is ground for the Jewish Central Council's assessment that there are structural problems?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! As we have previously established in this chamber regarding the discussion of how things look on the ground, we see that the West Bank has one governance and Gaza has had another. DFLP, which the Left Party had a project with when it was part of an organization with several organizations in each, were organized as DFLP in the West Bank and DFLP in Gaza. We cooperated with DFLP in the West Bank, and it was DFLP in Gaza that supported Hamas's attack on October 7. Today, we obviously would not have initiated this type of cooperation. It was, however, reviewed, and everything turned out to be in good order from the Left's International Forum.

I believe, just like the Jewish Central Council, in dialogue, and that is why I often seek out and engage in dialogue with Jewish associations. We are now seeing more Jewish organizations being established in Sweden, and over the past year, a Jewish left-wing movement has emerged that is clear in its support for the Palestinian people's right to peace and freedom. It is with this one that I will continue to engage in dialogue and cooperate moving forward.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Fredrik Malm (L)

Mr. Speaker! The Left Party has been relatively clear, at least in words, that it stands behind Israel's right to exist, that it wants to see a two-state solution and other things. At the same time, the Left Party has been very active on the streets and squares as a co-organizer of numerous demonstrations with flags and speakers. Perhaps the most common slogan being chanted is "From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free". In that case, one is not referring to the Klarälven and the Baltic Sea, but the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.

If on one hand you say that Israel should be allowed to exist, but on the other hand you chant "From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free", where does Israel lie then? Where is Israel in that equation?

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! I have not yet established any separatist plans for a Värmland free from Sweden with my colleagues on the Värmland bench, but perhaps it is something we have to go home and think about during the non-sitting week.

For me, it is clear that it is about what one's intention is with what one says. If one intends for there to be a right to a Jewish life and a right to the formation of a Jewish state, one is not antisemitic. If, on the other hand, one wants to wipe out the State of Israel and the Jewish people, one is clearly antisemitic. That is why Vänsterpartiet has been clear in both words and actions. We have excluded two members during the past year and acted forcefully against those who have not followed the party's policy.

Let me also remind both everyone listening to the debate and the members of the Left Party that the Left Party's foreign policy originates from the Swedish Riksdag. It is I who am the foreign policy spokesperson and Nooshi Dadgostar who is the party leader, and it is our statements that are the party's policy. One cannot conduct an independent foreign policy on Orust, in Vellinge or on Tjörn, but it is, as I said, I who represent the party's policy.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Fredrik Malm (L)

Mr. Speaker! I did not touch upon the expulsions in my first speech. But the first time I criticized Vänsterpartiet for dealings with the PFLP was in 2002 when I was in the Liberal Youth Association, that is, 22 years ago. At that time, Ung Vänster urged people to donate money to the PFLP. In 2006, among others your current party secretary, that is, the one who has now expelled members, signed Demokratiuppropet, which among other things urged people to support the PFLP and also the Farc guerrilla. The reaction capacity in Vänsterpartiet is therefore not lightning-fast because it has taken 20 years before anyone has reacted.

Back to my first question because it is essential. It becomes strange to on the one hand argue for a two-state solution and on the other hand organize numerous meetings where people scream things that imply exactly the opposite. How does Vänsterpartiet view this? It gets a bit confusing here, I think.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! We are fundamentally clear that we want to see a two-state solution by strengthening the Palestinian state so that the parties can come to the negotiating table and initiate real peace negotiations. I believe that is the best path to peace. At our congress, the motion that was previously mentioned was put forward. But it did not receive support from the congress delegates, and the line on a two-state solution remains firm.

It is serious that the extreme actors on both the Palestinian and Israeli sides are getting stronger tailwinds in these times. Netanyahu has, on two occasions, displayed a map where the West Bank was not included because he sees the entire occupied West Bank as part of Israel, and the settlement movement that his policy is based on is now talking about re-establishing settlements in Gaza. This policy is supported by neither I nor Fredrik Malm, and that is why we have this debate. We want the Swedish government to act even more forcefully against the Israeli government, which is now about to introduce a law against, for example, UNRWA.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Anna Lasses (C)

Mr. Speaker! The world's inability to act collectively has led to what many of us have feared. The conflict has spread from Gaza and Israel and now also includes the West Bank, Lebanon, Yemen, and Iran. Let us also not forget the waters surrounding them or Russia's actions in the background.

It is not possible to bomb away a thought, but it is possible to change it through prosperity and by building a society where people strive to live in safety instead of dying as terrorists. Therefore, it is crucial to get Israel and Palestine to sit down at the negotiating table again, because the two-state solution is one of the keys to de-escalation in the entire region.

Yesterday, UNDP, one of the UN organizations, was here and reported on the situation in the Palestinian territories. UNDP emphasized that despite the horrific situation in Gaza, it is crucial to do everything to keep the structures of society running. Therefore, long-term development aid to Gaza is required. At the current stage, the acute humanitarian aid is prioritized, and that is good and necessary. But both types are needed to support civil society and ensure that there are some who can work within healthcare, with waste collection, in schools, and within all other basic activities.

I therefore want to send a message to the government here and now that Sweden, as a major aid donor, should take the lead and be one of those who prioritize long-term aid to Gaza even in this chaotic situation.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! Several obstacles stand between a continued war in the Middle East and a region that can flourish in peace and stability. There is no doubt that the Iran-supported terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah, and thus Iran itself, play a decisive role. It is impossible to negotiate peace with an actor that does not recognize the other's right to exist. This fanaticism allows for no compromises and must be met with determined resistance on all levels.

In light of this, last week's news can be seen as steps in the right direction. Israel's elimination of the Hamas leader and the mastermind behind October 7, Yahya Sinwar, is a clear act of accountability and a form of justice for both Israeli and Palestinian victims of Hamas's terror. It offers hope for a soon end to the war in Gaza and reduced humanitarian suffering for the Palestinian civilian population. In the same way, an elimination of the Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah offers an opportunity to free Lebanon from Iran's grip and pave the way for democracy, stability, and prosperity in the country.

Since October 8 last year, that is the first day after Hamas's terror attack, Hezbollah has fired more than 12,000 rockets at Israel. Hezbollah's weakening now creates an opportunity to finally be able to implement UN resolution 1701. It would mean that Hezbollah is disarmed and forced out of the area south of the Litani River, and it would lead to an Israeli withdrawal and a restoration of Lebanon's full sovereignty. Hezbollah's decimation also gives over 60,000 internally displaced persons in northern Israel a chance to return to their homes.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! I have two questions for Magnus Berntsson.

One concerns the settler movement. I have not received any answer but would like to have it: Have the Christian Democrats now broken with the militant settler movement on the West Bank, the settler movement which has now additionally been armed with automatic weapons by Israel's government and almost been given free rein to displace, harass, and kill Palestinians? Have the Christian Democrats now broken with it? That is what I would like to know.

The second one concerns antisemitism. It was good that that question came up in a previous exchange of remarks. It is a poison in history and a poison that exists in different circles - in Islamist circles, in far-right circles, and in left-wing circles. If antisemitism comes up in social democratic circles, we will clear it out immediately, and that is what we will do.

I have been a proud member of the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism for over ten years. I can state that one of the parties in the government basis, the Sweden Democrats, is now demanding that the grants to the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism be withdrawn because SKMA has criticized the Sweden Democrats.

Then my question is: What does Magnus Berntsson think about that?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! The settler violence must stop, and steps must be taken towards a two-state solution. The Government views the increased settler violence on the West Bank and the expansion of the illegal settlements with great concern. There is nothing that justifies the Israeli settlement policy. On the contrary, it actively undermines the possibilities for a negotiated two-state solution.

We as a party stand behind the sanctions against extreme settlers and believe that one needs to proceed with them. We as a party have no connections whatsoever to the settler movement.

The support for SKMA, not least regarding the memorial trips, we Kristdemokrater think is very important. We will definitely ensure that it continues.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! I thank you for the good news in the first question. Berntsson said that there is nothing that justifies the settler movement, and I believe that is important. I hope that we will then also receive support for our proposal that settler goods should not enter the European market.

When the Sweden Democrats were criticized by the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism, they condemned the committee. We should not take them seriously, they said. They are a party that conducts opposition specifically against us. Then it was a couple of individual Sweden Democrats who demanded that the support for the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism be withdrawn.

Therefore, it would be good if Magnus Berntsson could perhaps be even clearer in his support for the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism so that this does not happen. Organizations have actually had their funding withdrawn if they have criticized the government. This is not something we are making up, but this is actually a real threat. If Magnus Berntsson can guarantee that it will not happen in this case, it would be very good.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I just saw an article before we entered the chamber where representatives for SKMA asked questions regarding this. I also saw that the Prime Minister has been very clear in his answers to these questions. Here, the government is definitely in agreement.

SKMA has done a very important work over the years. It is important that every form of antisemitism that enters our society is noticed and addressed.

Perhaps I can think it is a bit odd that the question is posed to the undersigned when Member Johansson had the opportunity to pose it directly to the representatives of the Sverigedemokraterna.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! This week, the Israeli settler movement declared that they intend to build new settlements in Gaza in defiance of international law - they have been there before before they withdrew. The settlers are the core of the Israeli settlement policy. The settler movement stands for a daily violence in many Palestinians' everyday lives, a violence that we clearly saw escalating already before October 7, 2023 - the year 2023 was the most violent in 20 years even before that. After that, we have also seen a clear increase.

As Morgan Johansson was in, the Christian Democrats have been the party that has stayed closest to associating with the settler movement, even though settler organization after settler organization is now being placed on the sanction lists of the EU, Great Britain, and the USA. Based on the statements we hear from Magnus Berntsson here, I wonder which settlers Magnus Berntsson now wants to put on the sanction lists.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! This is a process that is currently underway in both the EU and America. We see a development where more and more are being put on the list, something that we both appreciate and consider important. It is important from the side of the EU and the Western world to send the signal that the settlements are an obstacle to peace.

I will not stand here in the chamber and name any specific organizations or names. However, I think it is incredibly important that the issue is moved forward.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Mr. Speaker! Thank you very much for the answer, Magnus Berntsson!

A question that is now up for discussion, and which Josep Borrell, the EU's High Representative, has expressed a wish for, is that the leaders of the settlers, so to speak, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, who are ministers and the most absolutely far-right elements in Israel's government, should be sanctioned based on the statements they have made and the support they have given to the settler movement, including in the form of arming the settler movement to a greater extent.

What does Magnus Berntsson think about the proposal to sanction these ministers and in this way clearly exert pressure from the EU's side on the political representatives of the settler movement, and thereby clearly signal that it is not the type of forces that the EU and Sweden should associate with or cooperate with to achieve peace in the Middle East?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I assume that this is a discussion that will continue. Now, Josep Borrell will probably be replaced quite soon by a new commissioner and high representative, Kaja Kallas from Estonia. The discussion will likely continue, and it is important to carry it on. I cannot say today whether the EU will land in this or not. It is clear that it will have quite significant consequences for the relationship and the possibility of dialogue between the EU and the Israeli government.

Neither Member Svenneling nor the undersigned appoints governments in Israel. That is done by the Israeli people. We know for certain that there will also be more elections ahead. In Israel, there are many elections. There have been ten elections, I believe, since the Palestinian president was elected.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! There is a certain theme in the questions to Magnus Berntsson, and there may be a certain reason for that.

Now, during the olive harvest season in the occupied areas, the violence against Palestinians has increased. The International Court of Justice stated this summer that the occupation and the settlements are illegal and that all states are obligated not to recognize the occupation as legal, as well as not to provide support that could mean it continues. Minister Ben-Gvir, whom we have mentioned several times here, has even personally stood and distributed weapons to these settlers.

It is very gratifying to hear that the Christian Democrats say that the settlements are an obstacle to peace. I therefore wonder what Magnus Berntsson wants to do to stop the illegal settlements and the attacks against Palestinians.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I thank you for the question. We have already deliberated here in the chamber regarding a continuation with more sanctions against more persons and groups. I believe that would be a way forward. But the great way forward would, of course, be to get the peace process started and begin talking about a two-state solution.

I believe that the path to a two-state solution lies quite close to what was discussed during Clinton's time, when there was a proposal on the table that meant that 97 percent of the West Bank would be returned to the new Palestinian state. A peace solution lies very close to what Two State Coalition proposes.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! I did not quite understand this. It almost sounds as if the Christian Democrats do not want to see the settlements dismantled or disappear before a peace agreement is in place. That is very worrying in that case.

In February, we stood in the speaker's chair and debated during the foreign policy debate. We spoke, among other things, about a trip that the member had made to Israel together with KKL. The member seemed then mostly naively unaware of what kind of organization he traveled with. He received quite a lot of criticism for the whole thing.

In March, the member traveled on another trip to Israel and the occupied territories and visited, among other places, the Binyamin Regional Council, which organizes a number of the settlements in the central West Bank and north of Jerusalem. They have also donated a lot of money to Amana, which is one of the most controversial settlement movements and whose leader has also been convicted of terrorism.

When the member says that he has cut ties with the settler movements, I wonder if that is actually true.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Magnus Berntsson (KD)

Mr. Speaker! I have met members of the Knesset of almost all political colors, including the opposition on the left. I have met members of Israel's government, but I have also met people who are actively protesting in the streets against the Israeli government. I have met relatives of the hostages. I have met Arab Israelis, both Muslim and Christian. I have truly tried to understand Israeli domestic politics, which is not always the easiest.

During a trip to Israel, I was on a tour that took me back to Kfar Aza first. As I mentioned in my opening remarks, I was very interested to hear how things had gone for that family. After that, the trip continued to a settlement. I was asked there to sign a statement that was presented to us, but I was extremely clear then that I did not want to do so and spoke out, because this, in my opinion, was something that took a stand for settlements, which I do not do.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Jacob Risberg (MP)

Mr. Speaker! The war has now developed into a multi-front war. In Lebanon, 1,800 people have been killed in the last five weeks, and over 1 million people are fleeing within the country. The attacks extend far from the border area, and central Beirut and residential areas have been bombed. Six hospitals have been knocked out in Lebanon.

The pager attack shocked the world and constituted a clear violation of international law. The attack, which was directed at Hezbollah, hit civilians hard, including innocent children, and a number of healthcare workers who used pagers in their work. Thousands of people suffered injuries to their eyes and hands and received large wounds in their stomachs.

Using completely ordinary objects that can be carried by anyone as weapons is clearly indiscriminate. It is also forbidden to cause unnecessary or excessive damage. The attack has furthermore struck terror into the Lebanese population. No one knows anymore if their electronic equipment is safe or if it can explode at any moment.

Even though this is an obvious violation of international law, the government is silent. If the Swedish government is serious about what was said in the foreign policy declaration regarding the fact that it is crucial that the rules-based world order, international law, and respect for the UN Charter are upheld, the government must also act strongly against and condemn violations of these regardless of where in the world they occur or which state commits them. Then the Foreign Minister must also take a stand against Israel's war crimes in Gaza and Lebanon with the same strength as other violations of humanitarian law are condemned.

Mr. Speaker! What the world and the Middle East need is an upholding of humanitarian law and human rights and a clear stance for the international order we have built.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Fredrik Malm (L)

Mr. Speaker! 80 years ago, the Magen David, the Star of David, was on the shtetl houses in the ghetto in Warsaw. Today, the Star of David is on Israel's flag. Israel became and is a refuge for the world's Jews. But what we now see all around the world, even in our country, shows how incredibly important this is. Historically, large groups of Jews who lived under persecution and oppression, just as all other inhabitants did in the Soviet Union, left their country to build a new life in Israel. Likewise, approximately 700,000 people in the Middle East region emigrated to Israel to build a new life there.

The wave of antisemitism we are now seeing creates very great fear for the long-term safety of Jews. There are Iranian murder plans against Swedish Jews. Iran clearly has control over leaders in Swedish criminal gangs who can send out young guys to attack, for example, Israel's embassy in Sweden or something else. Threats occur against Jews generally and against Jewish interests. We see a strongly increased threat profile against Sweden generally and Jewish interests specifically, so that one must have heavily armed police and soon perhaps even the military protecting these institutions. We see antisemitism in schools, at universities, and in a complete tidal wave on the internet.

Mr. Speaker! It is important that we also see in this debate that we cannot solve all the world's problems, but we – this assembly – have a responsibility to maintain security and safety in our country. We must do everything to do so, and regardless of whether it concerns hatred against Jews, Muslims, or any other targeted group, it can never be accepted in Sweden.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Mr. Speaker! I have the same question for Fredrik Malm as I had for Magnus Berntsson, and it concerns precisely the antisemitism. As I said earlier, it is good that this is being raised in the debate.

Antisemitism is a poison that runs through all of history and that exists in different circles. It exists in Islamist circles, far-right circles, left-wing circles and so on. That it exists in all circles is perhaps just what makes this so loathsome on a completely special level. And, as I said, if it appears in social democratic circles, we clear it out immediately.

My question arises because the largest party in the government base, Sverigedemokraterna, is attacking the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism. They are raising the issue of withdrawing support for, among other things, memorial trips regarding the Holocaust. I am posing the question to Fredrik Malm and Magnus Berntsson because they represent two parties that are in the government and have power over the money. My question is quite simply: Do Fredrik Malm and Liberalerna intend to stand guard over the support for the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism and put a stop to the attack that Sverigedemokraterna is directing at the committee?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Fredrik Malm (L)

Mr. Speaker! It is quite obvious. The Swedish Committee against Antisemitism does very important work. I myself was a member of the committee for seven years. I did, however, go out and criticize them for one thing; criticism was directed at me, but it was not from the committee but from an individual left-wing activist who wrote an article. It was something completely different, but I thought it was unfortunate that it was published there.

Their memory trips are central, but it is for that that all the teacher training carried out should be directed. It is to the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism that teachers can come and raise specific situations in teaching, for example: How do we solve this classroom situation where we are going to talk about the Holocaust and different voices emerge?

I also saw that someone was out there rambling about that. It is nonsense. Of course Sweden shall continue to support the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism, and this government will do so.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Morgan Johansson (S)

Madam Speaker! I thank you for the clarity in Fredrik Malm's answer. The reason I bring this up is not only because I think it is extremely attention-grabbing that a party attacks an organization in this way. It is not the first time, for that matter. Other organizations that they do not like have been attacked, for example Civil Rights Defenders. But this government has unfortunately also withdrawn money from organizations that they do not sympathize with. The peace millions that went to the peace movement from the Folke Bernadotte Academy were scrapped immediately as soon as this government took office, just to give an example.

It is therefore no empty threat when the Sweden Democrats attack the Swedish Committee against Antisemitism and the Sweden Democrats raise the question of whether one should continue to support it. It is then a matter of the Liberals, the Christian Democrats and naturally the Moderates being very clear that they put a stop to this and do not allow themselves to be bullied by the Sweden Democrats in this issue, which unfortunately is the case in many other issues. But I thank Fredrik Malm and the Liberals for the clarity in this issue.

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Fredrik Malm (L)

Madam Speaker! I can assure Morgan Johansson that no support going there will be reduced.

Madam Speaker! However, that reducing a budget item is not quite the same as being specifically opposed to any particular organization that has received a share of the funds within this budget item, I still think should be noted. This is not quite honestly argued.

But since we are on this track regarding parties: If one goes to the committee's blog or reads its newsletter, one can see that at least ten times during the last half-year it has criticized a party that Morgan Johansson wants to include in a future Social Democratic government base, namely Vänsterpartiet. We have, on Morgan Johansson's side, a party that he is to put together a budget with and which now, on a rolling basis, must exclude people because they support terrorism. Then the other half of the party becomes very angry because the leadership excludes these persons. I would like to have an answer from the Socialdemokraterna on how they view this, but unfortunately, I do not believe that Morgan Johansson will get any more of a reply.

(Applause)

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! In the latest speech Fredrik Malm gave from the rostrum, he said much that I can agree with. In the exchange of remarks with Morgan Johansson, he said quite a lot that I cannot agree with.

I wanted to bring up something that Member Malm said about an hour and a half ago. He reasoned regarding Israel's right to defend itself. He said that Israel has the right to defend itself but that it should, of course, take place within the framework of international law. My simple question is: Does Fredrik Malm think that Israel is defending itself within the framework of international law?

What do we see when we look around now in the Middle East? Gaza is in complete devastation and total famine. In Lebanon, we are approaching 1 million displaced people. In the West Bank, the violence is increasing more than ever. Is it the case that Israel's right to defend itself is exercised within the framework of international law, or has Israel, according to Fredrik Malm, violated that international law?

The speech at riksdagen.se, in Swedish (opens in a new tab)

Fredrik Malm (L)

Madam Speaker! Generally, the answer is yes, but of course, Israel has also committed violations in the war. It has occurred from all sides. I am the first to sign off on that. It is of course completely unacceptable every time something such occurs.

Then, in such situations, there are always assessments in individual cases regarding proportionality; civilian risks are weighed against military objectives and considerations. War involves brutalization. This is a war in a small area with a large population. Furthermore, there is a deeply destructive, totalitarian, and terrorist enemy that shows no respect whatsoever for civilian lives. Warfare in such an area leads to massive suffering for the civilian population, and it is deeply tragic. It is therefore why we must achieve peace, so that people can return and build up a future again.

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Håkan Svenneling (V)

Madam Speaker! It is welcome that the Liberals have now reached a point where they express some criticism towards Israel's warfare. A year ago, Fredrik Malm's colleague Joar Forssell stood in the rostrum and spoke about how Israel should defend itself more, i.e., in practice, bomb more. At that time, many of us were shocked by that statement.

Legal proceedings are currently underway against Israel and its government, partly in the International Criminal Court, where individuals are being prosecuted and an investigation is ongoing against, among others, Netanyahu, and partly in the ICJ, the International Court of Justice, where it is being investigated whether states have committed crimes against humanity and genocide. I wonder how Fredrik Malm views these legal proceedings, where it is being investigated whether Israel has violated international law. Have we supported these legal proceedings sufficiently? Can Sweden do more to scrutinize Israel, so that international law is followed in a better way than it is today?

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Fredrik Malm (L)

Madam Speaker! Håkan Svenneling quotes what a colleague of mine said a year ago. I do not remember what he said or even if I was present. But I think, for example, that Ukraine should defend itself more. It does not have to mean that one should commit abuses. It could, for example, mean that one builds up a strong missile defense so that one can protect its civilian population. But I have not seen the statement in its context and cannot comment further on it than that.

There are a number of international institutions, and some are more proactive than others. There are also a number of processes being driven. Some are driven more on objective grounds, others more for political reasons and other reasons. These processes are hardly any stranger than that at every war and conflict investigations should be conducted regarding whether abuses occur, regardless of which side commits the abuses. I have no views on the fact that we have international legal processes regarding Israel or for that matter any other country.

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Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! It was pleasing to hear earlier in the debate the member Malm say that Israel has made mistakes in the warfare, and likewise in the most recent exchange of remarks to hear him say that Israel has also committed "violations" - that was the word the member used.

On October 10, a report was released from a UN committee that examined, above all, the attacks against healthcare facilities and the killing of various types of civilians in custody. The report states that Israel has committed both crimes against humanity and war crimes. My simple question to Member Malm is: Does the Member agree with what is stated in the committee's report that Israel, in its warfare, has committed crimes against humanity and war crimes?

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Fredrik Malm (L)

Madam Speaker! I must first say that I have listened to the entire debate. There is one thing that distinguishes Jacob Risberg from all other speakers.

All other speakers here have in different ways expressed criticism of both sides. Not with a single syllable have I heard Jacob Risberg express any criticism at all against, for example, Hamas or Hezbollah. I am simply noting it. It is an interesting observation regarding the Green Party's stance in this.

Moving on to the issue at hand. I have not read the report and cannot comment specifically on it. But generally, it is the way in which Hamas chooses to wage its war, and the way in which the Gaza Strip has been built up into a war economy with the help of Qatar, Iran, and aid funds over decades with the entire tunnel system and everything, something that leads to enormous hardships for the civilian population when the war becomes large-scale in the Gaza Strip. That is why we need a peace.

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Jacob Risberg (MP)

Madam Speaker! I have several times from the rostrum condemned Hamas's attacks and said that they should immediately release the hostages. We have also been critical of and also condemned Hezbollah's rocket attacks. But now the question concerns a position on how Israel handles its warfare.

I will switch to another track. Even the Liberals say they stand behind a two-state solution. The International Court of Justice said this summer that the occupation is illegal and that one should do everything possible to in no way support the settlements.

It has emerged earlier here in the debate that we have labeling regarding certain settlement products. It does not apply to all settlement products. There are certain parties, including our party, who want to stop all trade for the time being with Israel given the crimes committed, above all in occupied territory.

What I wonder is: Will the Liberals stand behind a ban on trade with goods from settlements?

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Fredrik Malm (L)

Madam Speaker! To begin with, I have no idea how many such goods would potentially exist in, for example, Swedish retail trade, for example, fruit that is produced.

I saw figures about a decade ago. At that time, it was 1-2 percent or so of what was produced by, for example, citrus, which is a common product from there, that comes from settlements in occupied territory. Most is consumed domestically. I have no idea how widespread it is.

Generally, my view is that there are such processes at the EU level. Generally, I am not unfamiliar with raising such a discussion. But then it should not just be about singling out specifically this occupation.

We have a number of other problematic conflicts. Then we get a discussion concerning Morocco, China and also a number of other countries. It must be placed in that context.

(Applause)

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Utrikesministern Maria Malmer Stenergard (M)

Madam Speaker! The Government does not at all see it as some would like to pretend. Sweden is one of the largest donors of humanitarian aid to Gaza. We have taken the initiative for sanctions against extremist settlers. I speak regularly with representatives in the region from Israel, Iran, Jordan, and Egypt.

Morgan Johansson and Håkan Svenneling give the impression that the opposition is united on these issues. Given that the Center Party is closing the door on cooperation with the Left Party due to the antisemitic views expressed by several representatives of the Left Party, this rings false.

Let me be very clear. The Government gives its full support to the initiatives for a ceasefire that have been put forward. Israel must do more to ensure humanitarian access. We are doing everything we can to also ensure that and to alleviate the acute distress.

Regardless of whether we stand on different sides, I hope that we can agree on three things. For the first, the goal must be a two-state solution. For the second, we shall not make the Middle East's conflicts our own conflicts.

Last but not least, we must clearly and distinctly distance ourselves from all forms of antisemitism. On that point, the government accepts no excuses and no exceptions.

With that, I would like to thank you for a decent debate and wish you a pleasant weekend soon.

(Applause)

The special debate was hereby concluded.

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